THE  LIFE  AND  DEATH 


OP 


JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD 


ADVOCATE  OF  HOLLAND 


WITH 

A  VIEW  OF  THE  PRIMARY  CAUSES  AND  MOVEMENTS 
OF  THE  THIRTY  YEARS'  WAR 


BY 

JOHN   LOTHROP  MOTLEY,  D.C.L.,  LL.D. 

CORRESPONDING  MEMBER  OF  THE  INSTITUTE  OF  FRANCE,  ETC. 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES— VOL.  I 


WITH     ILLUSTRATIONS 


NEW    YORK 
HARPER  &  BROTHERS,   PUBLISHERS 

FRANKLIN    SQUARE 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  tlie  year  1874,  by 

JOHN  LOTHROP  MOTLEY, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


College 
Library 

TH 
133 
C4M8> 

v.  i 

PKEFACE, 


THESE  volumes  make  a  separate  work  in  themselves.  They 
form,  also  the  natural  sequel  to  the  other  histories  already 
published  by  the  Author,  as  well  as  the  necessary  intro- 
duction to  that  concluding  portion  of  his  labours  which  he 
has  always  desired  to  lay  before  the  public ;  a  History  of 
the  Thirty  Years'  War. 

For  the  two  great  wars  which  successively  established  the 
independence  of  Holland  and  the  disintegration  of  Germany 
are  in  reality  but  one  ;  a  prolonged  Tragedy  of  Eighty 
Years.  The  brief  pause,  which  in  the  Netherlands  was 
known  as  the  Twelve  Years'  Truce  with  Spain,  was  precisely 
the  epoch  in  which  the  elements  were  slowly  and  certainly 
gathering  for  the  renewal  over  nearly  the  whole  surface  of 
civilized  Europe  of  that  immense  conflict  which  for  more 
than  forty  years  had  been  raging  within  the  narrow  precincts 
of  the  Netherlands. 

The  causes  and  character  of  the  two  wars  were  essentially 
the  same.  There  were  many  changes  of  persons  and  of 
scenery  during  a  struggle  which  lasted  for  nearly  three 
generations  of  mankind  ;  yet  a  natural  succession  both  of 
actors,  motives,  and  events  will  be  observed  from  the  be- 
ginning to  the  close. 

The  designs  of  Charles  V.  to  establish  universal  monarchy, 
which  he  had  passionately  followed  for  a  lifetime  through 
a  series  of  colossal  crimes  against  humanity  and  of  private 
misdeeds  against  individuals,  such  as  it  has  rarely  been 


I.^ 
0 


If  ^^ 


vi  PREFACE. 

permitted  to  a  single  despot  to  perpetrate,  had  been  baffled 
at  last.  Disappointed,  broken,  but  even  to  our  own  gene- 
ration never  completely  unveiled,  the  tyrant  had  withdrawn 
from  the  stage  of  human  affairs,  leaving  his  son  to  carry  on 
the  great  conspiracy  against  Human  Eight,  independence 
of  nations,  liberty  of  thought,  and  equality  of  religions, 
with  the  additional  vigour  which  sprang  from  intensity  of 
conviction. 

For  Philip  possessed  at  least  that  superiority  over  his 
father  that  he  was  a  sincere  bigot.  In  the  narrow  and 
gloomy  depths  of  his  soul  he  had  doubtless  persuaded 
himself  that  it  was  necessary  for  the  redemption  of  the 
human  species  that  the  empire  of  the  world  should  be 
vested  in  his  hands,  that  Protestantism  in  all  its  forms 
should  be  extirpated  as  a  malignant  disease,  and  that  to 
behead,  torture,  burn  alive,  and  bury  alive  all  heretics  who 
opposed  the  decree  of  himself  and  the  Holy  ChuKch  was  the 
highest  virtue  by  which  he  could  merit  Heaven. 

The  father  would  have  permitted  Protestantism  if  Pro- 
testantism would  have  submitted  to  universal  monarchy. 
There  would  have  been  small  difficulty  in  the  early  part 
of  his  reign  in  effecting  a  compromise  between  Home  and 
Augsburg,  had  the  gigantic  secular  ambition  of  Charles  not 
preferred  to  weaken  the  Church  and  to  convert  conscientious 
religious  reform  into  political  mutiny  ;  a  crime  against  him 
who  claimed  the  sovereignty  of  Christendom. 

The  materials  for  the  true  history  of  that  reign  lie  in  the 
Archives  of  Spain,  Austria,  Home,  Venice,  and  the  Nether- 
lands, and  in  many  other  places.  When  out  of  them  one 
day  a  complete  and  authentic  narrative  shall  have  been 
constructed,  it  will  be  seen  how  completely  the  policy  of 
Charles  foreshadowed  and  necessitated  that  of  Philip,  how 
logically,  under  the  successors  of  Philip,  the  Austrian  dream 
of  universal  empire  ended  in  the  shattering,  in  the  minute 


PREFACE. 


Vll 


subdivision,  and  the  reduction  to  a  long  impotence  of  that 
Germanic  Empire  which  had  really  belonged  to  Charles. 

Unfortunately  the  great  Republic  which,  notwithstanding 
the  aid  of  England  on  the  one  side  and  of  France  on  the 
other,  had  withstood  almost  single-handed  the  onslaughts  of 
Spain,  now  allowed  the  demon  of  religious  hatred  to  enter 
into  its  body  at  the  first  epoch  of  peace,  although  it  had 
successfully  exorcised  the  evil  spirit  during  the  long  and 
terrible  war. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  whatever  that  the  discords  within 
the  interior  of  the  Dutch  Republic  during  the  period  of 
the  Truce,  and  their  tragic  catastrophe,  had  weakened  her 
purpose  and  partially  paralysed  her  arm.  When  the  noble 
Commonwealth  went  forward  to  the  renewed  and  general 
conflict  which  succeeded  the  concentrated  one  in  which  it 
had  been  the  chief  actor,  the  effect  of  those  misspent  twelve 
years  became  apparent. 

Indeed  the  real  continuity  of  the  war  was  scarcely  broken 
by  the  fitful  armistice.  The  death  of  John  of  Cleve,  an 
event  almost  simultaneous  with  the  conclusion  of  the  Truce, 
seemed  to  those  gifted  with  political  vision  the  necessary 
precursor  of  a  new  and  more  general  war. 

The  secret  correspondence  of  Barneveld  shows  the  almost 
prophetic  accuracy  with  which  he  indicated  the  course  of 
events  and  the  approach  of  an  almost  universal  conflict, 
while  that  tragedy  was  still  in  the  future,  and  was  to  be 
enacted  after  he  had  been  laid  in  his  bloody  grave.  No  man 
then  living  was  so  accustomed  as  he  was  to  sweep  the  political 
horizon,  and  to  estimate  the  signs  and  portents  of  the  times. 
No  statesman  was  left  in  Europe  during  the  epoch  of  the 
Twelve  Years'  Truce  to  compare  with  him  in  experience, 
breadth  of  vision,  political  tact,  or  administrative  sagacity. 

Imbued  with  the  grand  traditions  and  familiar  with  the 
great  personages  of  a  most  heroic  epoch  ;  the  trusted  friend 


PREFACE. 

or  respected  counsellor  of  William  the  Silent,  Henry  IV., 
Elizabeth,  and  the  sages  and  soldiers  on  whom  they  leaned  ; 
having  been  employed  during  an  already  long  lifetime  in 
the  administration  of  greatest  affairs,  he  stood  alone  after 
the  deaths  of  Henry  of  France  and  the  second  Cecil,  and 
the  retirement  of  Sully,  among  the  natural  leaders  of  man- 
kind. 

To  the  England  of  Elizabeth,  of  Walsingham,  Raleigh, 
and  the  Cecils,  had  succeeded  the  Great  Britain  of  James, 
with  his  Carrs  and  Carletons,  Nauntons,  Lakes,  and  Win- 
woods.  France,  widowed  of  Henry  and  waiting  for  Richelieu, 
lay  in  the  clutches  of  Concini's,  Epernons,  and  Bouillons, 
bound  hand  and  foot  to  Spain.  Germany,  falling  from 
Rudolph  to  Matthias,  saw  Styrian  Ferdinand  in  the  back- 
ground ready  to  shatter  the  fabric  of  a  hundred  years  of 
attempted  Reformation.  In  the  Republic  of  the  Nether- 
lands were  the  great  soldier  and  the  only  remaining  states- 
man of  the  age.  At  a  moment  when  the  breathing  space 
had  been  agreed  upon  before  the  conflict  should  be  renewed, 
on  a  wider  field  than  ever,  between  Spanish-Austrian  world- 
empire  and  independence  of  the  nations ;  between  the 
ancient  and  only  Church  and  the  spirit  of  religious  Equality  ; 
between  popular  Right  and  royal  and  sacerdotal  Despotism  ; 
it  would  have  been  desirable  that  the  soldier  and  the  states- 
man should  stand  side  by  side,  and  that  the  fortunate 
Confederacy,  gifted  with  two  such  champions  and  placed  by 
its  own  achievements  at  the  very  head  of  the  great  party  of 
resistance,  should  be  true  to  herself. 

These  volumes  contain  a  slight  and  rapid  sketch  of  Bar- 
neveld's  career  up  to  the  point  at  which  the  Twelve  Years' 
Truce  with  Spain  was  signed  in  the  year  1609.  In  previous 
works  the  Author  has  attempted  to  assign  the  great  Ad- 
vocate's place  as  part  and  parcel  of  history  during  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  War  for  Independence.  During  the  period 


PREFACE.  ix 

of  the  Truce  lie  will  be  found  the  central  figure.  The 
history  of  Europe,  especially  of  the  Netherlands,  Britain, 
France,  and  Germany,  cannot  be  thoroughly  appreciated 
without  a  knowledge  of  the  designs,  the  labours,  and  the 
fate  of  Barneveld. 

The  materials  for  estimating  his  character  and  judging 
his  judges  lie  in  the  national  archives  of  the  land  of 
which  he  was  so  long  the  foremost  citizen.  But  they  have 
not  long  been  accessible.  The  letters,  state  papers,  and 
other  documents  remain  imprinted,  and  have  rarely  been 
read.  M.  van  Deventer  has  published  three  most  in- 
teresting volumes  of  the  Advocate's  correspondence,  but 
they  reach  only  to  the  beginning  of  1609.  He  has  sus- 
pended his  labours  exactly  at  the  moment  when  these 
volumes  begin.  I  have  carefully  studied  however  nearly 
the  whole  of  that  correspondence,  besides  a  mass  of  other 
papers.  The  labour  is  not  light,  for  the  handwriting  of  the 
great  Advocate  is  perhaps  the  worst  that  ever  existed,  and 
the  papers,  although  kept  in  the  admirable  order  which 
distinguishes  the  Archives  of  the  Hague,  have  passed 
through  many  hands  at  former  epochs  before  reaching  their 
natural  destination  in  the  treasure-house  of  the  nation. 
Especially  the  documents  connected  with  the  famous  trial 
were  for  a  long  time  hidden  from  mortal  view,  for  Bar- 
neveld's  judges  had  bound  themselves  by  oath  to  bury  the 
proceedings  out  of  sight.  And  the  concealment  lasted  for 
centuries.  Very  recently  a  small  portion  of  those  papers 
has  been  published  by  the  Historical  Society  of  Utrecht. 
The  "  Verhooren,"  or  Interrogatories  of  the  Judges,  and  the 
replies  of  Barneveld,  have  thus  been  laid  before  the  reading 
public  of  Holland,  while  within  the  last  two  years  the  dis- 
tinguished and  learned  historian,  Professor  Fruin,  has  edited 
the  "  Verhooren  "  of  Hugo  Grotius. 

But  papers  like  these,  important  as  they  are,  make  but 


x  PREFACE. 

a  slender  portion  of  the  material  out  of  which  a  judgment 
concerning  these  grave  events  can  be  constructed.  I  do 
not  therefore  offer  an  apology  for  the  somewhat  copious 
extracts  which  I  have  translated  and  given  in  these  volumes 
from  the  correspondence  of  Barneveld  and  from  other  manu- 
scripts of  great  value — most  of  them  hi  the  Koyal  Archives 
of  Holland  and  Belgium  —  which  are  unknown  to  the 
public. 

I  have  avoided  as  much  as  possible  any  dealings  with 
the  theological  controversies  so  closely  connected  with  the 
events  which  I  have  attempted  to  describe.  This  work 
aims  at  being  a  political  study.  The  subject  is  full  of 
lessons,  examples,  and  warnings  for  the  inhabitants  of  all 
free  states.  Especially  now  that  the  republican  system 
of  government  is  undergoing  a  series  of  experiments  with 
more  or  less  success  in  one  hemisphere — while  in  our  own 
land  it  is  consolidated,  powerful,  and  unchallenged — will 
the  conflicts  between  the  spirits  of  national  centralization 
and  of  provincial  sovereignty,  and  the  struggle  between  the 
church,  the  sword,  and  the  magistracy  for  supremacy  in  a 
free  commonwealth,  as  revealed  in  the  first  considerable 
republic  of  modern  history,  be  found  suggestive  of  deep 
reflection. 

Those  who  look  in  this  work  for  a  history  of  the  Synod  of 
Dordtrecht  will  look  in  vain.  The  Author  has  neither  wish 
nor  power  to  grapple  with  the  mysteries  and  passions  which 
at  that  epoch  possessed  so  many  souls.  The  Assembly  marks 
a  political  period.  Its  political  aspects  have  been  anxiously 
examined,  but  beyond  the  ecclesiastical  threshold  there  has 
been  no  attempt  to  penetrate. 

It  was  necessary  for  my  purpose  to  describe  in  some  detail 
the  relations  of  Henry  IV.  with  the  Dutch  Eepublic  during 
the  last  and  most  pregnant  year  of  his  life,  which  makes  the 
first  of  the  present  history.  These  relations  are  of  European 


PREFACE.  xi 

importance,  and  the  materials  for  appreciating  them  are  of 
unexpected  richness,  in  the  Dutch  and  Belgian  Archives. 

Especially  the  secret  correspondence,  now  at  the  Hague, 
of  that  very  able  diplomatist  Francis  Aerssens  with  Barne- 
veld  during  the  years  1609,  1610,  and  1611,  together  with 
many  papers  at  Brussels,  are  full  of  vital  importance. 

They  throw  much  light  both  on  the  vast  designs  which 
filled  the  brain  of  Henry  at  this  fatal  epoch  and  on  his 
extraordinary  infatuation  for  the  young  Princess  of  Conde 
by  which  they  were  traversed,  and  which  was  productive  of 
such  widespread  political  and  tragical  results.  This  episode 
forms  a  necessary  portion  of  my  theme,  and  has  therefore 
been  set  forth  from  original  sources. 

I  am  under  renewed  obligations  to  my  friend  M.  Gachard, 
the  eminent  publicist  and  archivist  of  Belgium,  for  his 
constant  and  friendly  offices  to  me  (which  I  have  so  often 
experienced  before),  while  studying  the  documents  under 
his  charge  relating  to  this  epoch ;  especially  the  secret 
correspondence  of  Archduke  Albert  with  Philip  III.  and 
his  ministers,  and  with  Pecquius,  the  Archduke's  agent  at 
Paris. 

It  is  also  a  great  pleasure  to  acknowledge  the  unceasing 
courtesy  and  zealous  aid  rendered  me  during  my  renewed 
studies  in  the  Archives  at  the  Hague — lasting  through 
nearly  two  years — by  the  Chief  Archivist,  M.  van  den  Berg, 
and  the  gentlemen  connected  with  that  institution,  espe- 
cially M.  de  Jonghe  and  M.  Hingman,  without  whose  aid 
it  would  have  been  difficult  for  me  to  decipher  and  to 
procure  copies  of  the  almost  illegible  holographs  of 
Barneveld. 

I  must  also  thank  M.  van  Devcnter  for  communicating 
copies  of  some  curious  manuscripts  relating  to  my  subject, 
some  from  private  archives  in  Holland,  and  others  from 
those  of  Simancas. 


Xll 


PREFACE. 


A  single  word  only  remains  to  be  said  in  regard  to  the 
name  of  the  statesman  whose  career  I  have  undertaken  to 
describe. 

His  proper  appellation  and  that  by  which  he  has  always 
been  known  in  his  own  country  is  Oldenbarneveld,  but  in 
his  lifetime  and  always  in  history  from  that  time  to  this  ha 
has  been  called  Barneveld  in  English  as  well  as  French, 
and  this  transformation,  as  it  were,  of  the  name  has  become 
so  settled  a  matter  that  after  some  hesitation  it  has  been 
adopted  in  the  present  work. 

The  Author  would  take  this  opportunity  of  expressing  his 
gratitude  for  the  indulgence  with  which  his  former  attempts 
to  illustrate  an  important  period  of  European  history  have 
been  received  by  the  public,  and  his  anxious  hope  that  the 
present  volumes  may  be  thought  worthy  of  attention.  They 
are  the  result  at  least  of  severe  and  conscientious  labour 
at  the  original  sources  of  history,  but  the  subject  is  so 
complicated  and  difficult  that  it  may  well  be  feared  that 
the  ability  to  depict  and  unravel  is  unequal  to  the  earnest- 
ness with  which  the  attempt  has  been  made. 

LONDON,  1873. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  I. 


CHAPTER    I. 

John  of  Barneveld  the  Founder  of  the  Commonwealth  of  the  United 
Provinces  —  Maurice  of  Orange  Stadholder,  but  Servant  to  the 
States-General  —  The  Union  of  Utrecht  maintained  —  Barneveld 
makes  a  Compromise  between  Civil  Functionaries  and  Church 
Officials — Embassies  to  France,  England,  and  to  Venice — The 
Appointment  of  Arminius  to  be  Professor  of  Theology  at  Leyden 
creates  Dissension  —  The  Catholic  League  opposed  by  the  Great 
Protestant  Union — Death  of  the  Duke  of  Cleve  and  Struggle  for 
his  Succession — The  Elector  of  Brandenburg  and  Palatine  of 
Neuburg  hold  the  Duchies  by  Barneveld's  Advice  against  the 
Emperor,  although  having  Rival  Claims  themselves  —  Negotiations 
with  the  King  of  France  —  He  becomes  the  Ally  of  the  Stales- 
General  to  protect  the  Possessory  Princes,  and  prepares  for  war  .  1 


CHAPTER    II. 

Passion  of  Henry  IV.  for  Margaret  do  Montmorency  —  Her  Marriage 
with  the  Prince  of  Conde  —  Their  Departure  for  the  Country  — 
Their  Flight  to  the  Netherlands  —  Rage  of  the  King — Intrigues 
of  Spain  —  Reception  of  the  Prince  and  Princess  of  Conde  by  the 
Archdukes  at  Brussels  —  Splendid  Entertainments  by  Spinola  — 
Attempts  of  the  King  to  bring  the  Fugitives  back  —  Mission  of  de 
Coeuvres  to  Brussels — Difficult  Position  of  the  Republic  —  Vast 
but  secret  Preparations  for  War 110 


CHAPTER    III. 

Strange  Scene  at  the  Archduke's  Palace  —  Henry's  Plot  frustrated  — 
His  Triumph  changed  to  Despair  —  Conversation  of  the  Dutch 
Ambassador  with  the  King  —  The  War  determined  upon  .  .143 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  I. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

PAGI 

Difficult  Position  of  Barneveld  —  Insurrection  at  Utrecht  subdued  by 
the  States'  Army  —  Special  Embassies  to  England  and  France  — 
Anger  of  the  King  with  Spain  and  the  Archdukes  —  Arrangements 
of  Henry  for  the  coming  War — Position  of  Spain  —  Anxiety  of 
the  King  for  the  Presence  of  Barneveld  in  Paris  —  Arrival  of  the 
Dutch  Commissioners  in  France  and  their  brilliant  Reception  — 
Their  Interview  with  the  King  and  his  Ministers  —  Negotiations 

—  Delicate  Position   of  the  Dutch  Government  —  India  Trade  — 
Simon  Danzer,   the  Corsair  —  Conversations  of  Henry  with  the 
Dutch  Commissioners  —  Letter  of  the  King  to  Archduke  Albert  — 
Preparations  for  the  Queen's  Coronation  and  of  Henry  to  open  the 
Campaign  in  person  —  Perplexities  of  Henry  —  Forebodings  and 
Warnings — The  Murder  accomplished  —  Terrible  Change  in  France 

—  Triumph  of  Concini  and  of  Spain  —  Downfall  of  Sully  —  Dis- 
putes of   the  Grandees  among  themselves  —  Special  Mission  of 
Condolence  from  the  Republic  —  Conference  on  the  great  Enter- 
prise—  Departure  of  van  der  Myle  from  Paris 156 


CHAPTER    V. 

Interviews  between  the  Dutch  Commissioners  and  King  James  — 
Prince  Maurice  takes  command  of  the  Troops — Surrender  of 
Jiilich  —  Matthias  crowned  King  of  Bohemia  —  Death  of  Rudolph 
—  James's  Dream  of  a  Spanish  Marriage —  Appointment  of  Vorstius 
in  place  of  Arminius  at  Leyden — Interview  between  Maurice  and 
Winwood — Increased  Bitterness  between  Barneveld  and  Maurice  — 
Projects  of  Spanish  Marriages  in  France 247 


CHAPTER    VI. 

Establishment  of  the  Condominium  in  the  Duchies — Dissensions 
between  the  Neuburgers  and  Brandenburgers  —  Occupation  of 
Julich  by  the  Brandenburgers  assisted  by  the  States-General  — 
Indignation  in  Spain  and  at  the  Court  of  the  Archdukes  —  Subsidy 
despatched  to  Brussels  —  Spinola  descends  upon  Aix-la-Chapelle 
and  takes  possession  of  Orsoy  and  other  Places  —  Surrender  of 
Wesel  —  Conference  at  Xanten  —  Treaty  permanently  dividing  the 
Territory  between  Brandenburg  and  Neuburg  —  Prohibition  from 
Spain  —  Delays  and  Disagreements 298 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  L  XV 

CHAPTER   VII. 

FACM 

Proud  Position  of  the  Republic  —  France  obeys  her  —  Animosity  of 
Carleton  —  Position  and  Character  of  Aerssens  —  Claim  for  the 
"Third"  —  Recall  of  Aerssens — Rivalry  between  Maurice  and 
Barneveld,  who  always  sustains  the  separate  Sovereignties  of  the 
Provinces — Conflict  between  Church  and  State  added  to  other 
Elements  of  Discord  in  the  Commonwealth  —  Religion  a  necessary 
Element  in  the  Life  of  all  Classes 310 

CHAPTER    VIII. 

Schism  in  the  Church  a  Public  Fact  —  Struggle  for  Power  between 
the  Sacerdotal  and  Political  Orders  —  Dispute  between  Arminius 
and  Qomarus — Rage  of  James  I.  at  the  Appointment  of  Vorstius  — 
Arminians  called  Remonstrants  —  Hague  Conference  —  Contra-Re- 
monstrance  by  the  Qomarites  of  Seven  Points  to  the  Remonstrants' 
Five — Fierce  Theological  Disputes  throughout  the  Country  — 
Ryswyk  Secession  —  Maurice  wishes  to  remain  neutral,  but  finds 
himself  the  Chieftain  of  the  Contra-Remonstrant  Party  —  The 
States  of  Holland  Remonstrant  by  a  large  Majority  —  The  States- 
General  Contra-Remonstrant  —  Sir  Ralph  \Vinwood  leaves  the 
Hague  —  Three  Armies  to  take  the  Field  against  Protestantism  .  333 

CHAPTER    IX. 

Aerssens  remains  Two  Years  longer  in  France  —  Derives  many 
Personal  Advantages  from  his  Post  —  He  visits  the  States-General 
—  Aubery  du  Manner  appointed  French  Ambassador — He  de- 
mands the  Recall  of  Aerssens  —  Peace  of  Sainte-Mt-nehould  — 
Asperen  de  Langerac  appointed  in  Aerssens'  Place  ....  356 

CHAPTER    X. 

Weakness  of  the  Rulers  of  France  and  England  —  The  Wisdom  of 
Barneveld  inspires  Jealousy  —  Sir  Dudley  Carleton  succeeds  Win- 
wood —  Young  Neuburg  under  the  Guidance  of  Maximilian  — 
Barneveld  strives  to  have  the  Treaty  of  Xanten  enforced  —  Spain 
and  the  Emperor  wish  to  make  the  States  abandon  their  Position 
with  regard  to  the  Duchies  —  The  French  Government  refuses  to 
aid  the  States  —  Spain  and  the  Emperor  resolve  to  hold  Wesel — 
The  great  Religious  War  begun — The  Protestant  Union  and 
Catholic  League  both  wish  to  secure  the  Border  Provinces — 
Troubles  in  Turkey  —  Spanish  Fleet  seizes  La  Roche  —  Spain 
places  large  Armies  on  a  War  Footing 373 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


VOL.   I. 

PAGE 

VIEW  OP  THE  VYVERBERG  AT  THE  HAGUE       .       .   Frontispiece. 
PORTRAIT  o*1  HUGO  GROTIUS  .    343 


VOL.    II. 

PACB 

THE  "NEUDE"  SQUARE,  UTRECHT 233 

THE  BIHNENHOF  AT  THE  HAGUE,  ON  MAY  13,  1619 ;  from  an  Old 

Print  .  ...    885 


THE  LIFE  AND  DEATH 


OF 


JOHN    OF    BARNEVELD. 


CHAPTER    I. 

John  of  Barneveld  the  Founder  of  the  Commonwealth  of  the  United 
Provinces — Maurice  of  Orange  Stadholder,  but  Servant  to  the  States- 
General — The  Union  of  Utrecht  maintained — Barneveld  makes  a  Com- 
promise between  Civil  Functionaries  and  Church  Officials — Embassies 
to  France,  England,  and  to  Venice — the  Appointment  of  Arminius  to  be 
Professor  of  Theology  at  Leyden  creates  Dissension— The  Catholic  League 
opposed  by  the  Great  Protestant  Union — Death  of  the  Duke  of  Cleve 
and  Struggle  for  his  Succession — The  Elector  of  Brandenburg  and 
Palatine  of  Neuburg  hold  the  Duchies  at  Barneveld's  Advice  against  the 
Emperor,  though  having  Rival  Claims  themselves — Negotiations  with 
tha  King  of  France — He  becomes  the  Ally  of  the  States-General  to 
Protect  the  Possessory  Princes,  and  prepares  for  war. 

I  PROPOSE  to  retrace  the  history  of  a  great  statesman's 
career.  That  statesman's  name,  but  for  the  dark  and  tragic 
scenes  with  which  it  was  ultimately  associated,  might  after 
the  lapse  of  two  centuries  and  a  half  have  faded  into  com- 
parative oblivion,  so  impersonal  and  shadowy  his  presence 
would  have  seemed  upon  the  great  European  theatre  where 
he  was  so  long  a  chief  actor,  and  where  his  efforts  and  his 
achievements  were  foremost  among  those  productive  of  long 
enduring  and  widespread  results. 

There  is  no  doubt  whatever  that  John  of  Barneveld, 
Advocate  and  Seal  Keeper  of  the  little  province  of  Holland 
during  forty  years  of  as  troubled  and  fertile  an  epoch  as  any 
in  human  history,  was  second  to  none  of  his  contemporary 
statesmen.  Yet  the  singular  constitution  and  historical 

VOL.  i.  B 


2  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  I. 

position  of  the  republic  whose  destinies  he  guided  and  the 
peculiar  and  abnormal  office  which  he  held  combined  to 
cast  a  veil  over  his  individuality.  The  ever  teeming  brain, 
the  restless  almost  omnipresent  hand,  the  fertile  pen,  the 
eloquent  and  ready  tongue,  were  seen,  heard,  and  obeyed  by 
the  great  European  public,  by  the  monarchs,  statesmen,  and 
warriors  of  the  time,  at  many  critical  moments  of  history,  but 
it  was  not  John  of  Barneveld  that  spoke  to  the  world.  Those 
"  high  and  puissant  Lords  my  masters  the  States-General " 
personified  the  young  but  already  majestic  republic.  Digni- 
fied, draped,  and  concealed  by  that  overshadowing  title  the 
informing  and  master  spirit  performed  its  never  ending  task. 

Those  who  study  the  enormous  masses  of  original  papers 
in  the  archives  of  the  country  will  be  amazed  to  find  how 
the  penmanship,  most  difficult  to  decipher,  of  the  Advocate 
meets  them  at  every  turn.  Letters  to  monarchs,  generals, 
ambassadors,  resolutions  of  councils,  of  sovereign  assemblies, 
of  trading  corporations,  of  great  Indian  companies,  legal 
and  historical  disquisitions  of  great  depth  and  length  on 
questions  agitating  Europe,  constitutional  arguments,  drafts 
of  treaties  among  the  leading  powers  of  the  world,  instruc- 
tions to  great  commissions,  plans  for  European  campaigns, 
vast  combinations  covering  the  world,  alliances  of  empire, 
scientific  expeditions  and  discoveries — papers  such  as  these, 
covered  now  with  the  satirical  dust  of  centuries,  written  in 
the  small,  crabbed,  exasperating  characters  which  make 
Barneveld's  handwriting  almost  cryptographic,  were  once, 
when  fairly  engrossed  and  sealed  with  the  great  seal  of  the 
haughty  burgher-aristocracy,  the  documents  which  occupied 
the  olose  attention  of  the  cabinets  of  Christendom. 

It  is  not  unfrequent  to  find  four  or  five  important  des- 
patches compressed  almost  in  miniature  upon  one  sheet  of 
gigantic  foolscap.  It  is  also  curious  to  find  each  one  of 
these  rough  drafts  conscientiously  beginning  in  the  states- 


BAENEVELD  THE  FOUNDER  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.    3 

man's  own  hand  with  the  elaborate  phrases  of  compliment 
belonging  to  the  epoch  such  as  "  Noble,  strenuous,  severe, 
highly  honourable,  very  learned,  very  discreet,  and  very  wise 
masters,"  and  ending  with  "  May  the  Lord  God  Almighty 
eternally  preserve  you  and  hold  you  in  His  holy  keeping  in 
this  world  and  for  ever  " — decorations  which  one  might  have 
thought  it  safe  to  leave  to  be  filled  in  by  the  secretary  or 
copying  clerk. 

Thus  there  have  been  few  men  at  any  period  whose  lives 
have  been  more  closely  identical  than  his  with  a  national 
history.  There  have  been  few  great  men  in  any  history 
whose  names  have  become  less  familiar  to  the  world,  and 
lived  less  in  the  mouths  of  posterity.  Yet  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  if  William  the  Silent  was  the  founder  of  the 
independence  of  the  United  Provinces  Barneveld  was 
the  founder  of  the  Commonwealth  itself.  He  had  never 
the  opportunity,  perhaps  he  might  have  never  had  the 
capacity,  to  make  such  prodigious  sacrifices  in  the  cause  of 
country  as  the  great  prince  had  done.  But  he  had  served 
his  country  strenuously  from  youth  to  old  age  with  an 
abiding  sense  of  duty,  a  steadiness  of  purpose,  a  broad 
vision,  a  firm  grasp,  and  an  opulence  of  resource  such  as 
not  one  of  his  compatriots  could  even  pretend  to  rival. 

Had  that  country  of  which  he  was  so  long  the  first  citizen 
maintained  until  our  own  day  the  same  proportionate  posi- 
tion among  the  empires  of  Christendom  as  it  held  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  the  name  of  John  of  Barneveld  would 
have  perhaps  been  as  familiar  to  all  men  as  it  is  at  this 
moment  to  nearly  every  inhabitant  of  the  Netherlands. 
Even  now  political  passion  is  almost  as  ready  to  flame  forth 
either  in  ardent  affection  or  enthusiastic  hatred  as  if  two 
centuries  and  a  half  had  not  elapsed  since  his  death.  His 
name  is  so  typical  of  a  party,  a  polity,  and  a  faith,  so  in- 
delibly associated  with  a  great  historical  cataclysm,  as  to 


4  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

render  it  difficult  even  for  the  grave,  the  conscientious,  the 
learned,  the  patriotic  of  his  own  compatriots  to  speak  of  him 
with  absolute  impartiality. 

A  foreigner  who  loves  and  admires  all  that  is  great  and 
noble  in  the  history  of  that  famous  republic  and  can  have 
no  hereditary  bias  as  to  its  ecclesiastical  or  political  theories 
may  at  least  attempt  the  task  with  comparative  coldness, 
although  conscious  of  inability  to  do  thorough  justice  to  a 
most  complex  subject. 

In  former  publications  devoted  to  Netherland  history  I 
have  endeavoured  to  trace  the  course  of  events  of  which  the 
life  and  works  of  the  Advocate  were  a  vital  ingredient  down 
to  the  period  when  Spain  after  more  than  forty  years  of  hard 
fighting  virtually  acknowledged  the  independence  of  the 
Republic  and  concluded  with  her  a  truce  of  twelve  years. 

That  convention  was  signed  in  the  spring  of  1609.     The  ten 

ensuing  years  in  Europe  were  comparatively  tranquil,  but 

A  rii  9    they  were  scarcely  to  be  numbered  among  the  full 

1609.  anc[  fruitful  sheaves  of  a  pacific  epoch.  It  was  a 
pause,  a  breathing  spell  during  which  the  sulphurous  clouds 
which  had  made  the  atmosphere  of  Christendom  poisonous  for 
nearly  half  a  century  had  sullenly  rolled  away,  while  at  every 
point  of  the  horizon  they  were  seen  massing  themselves  anew  in 
portentous  and  ever  accumulating  strength.  At  any  moment 
the  faint  and  sickly  sunshine  in  which  poor  exhausted 
Humanity  was  essaying  a  feeble  twitter  of  hope  as  it  plumed 
•  itself  for  a  peaceful  flight  might  be  again  obscured.  To  us 
of  a  remote  posterity  the  momentary  division  of  epochs 
seems  hardly  discernible.  So  rapidly  did  that  fight  of 
Demons  which  we  call  the  Thirty  Years'  War  tread  on  the 
heels  of  the  forty  years'  struggle  for  Dutch  Independence 
which  had  just  been  suspended  that  we  are  accustomed  to 
think  and  speak  of  the  Eighty  Years'  War  as  one  pure,  per-* 
feet,  sanguinary  whole. 


BAENEVELD  THE  FOUNDER  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.     5 

And  indeed  the  Tragedy  which  was  soon  to  sweep  solemnly 
across  Europe  was  foreshadowed  in  the  first  fitful  years  of 
peace.  The  throb  of  the  elementary  forces  already  shook 
the  soil  of  Christendom.  The  fantastic  but  most  significant 
conflict  in  the  territories  of  the  dead  Duke  of  Cleve  reflected 
the  distant  and  gigantic  war  as  in  a  mirage.  It  will  be 
necessary  to  direct  the  reader's  attention  at  the  proper  mo- 
ment to  that  episode,  for  it  was  one  in  which  the  beneficent 
sagacity  of  Barneveld  was  conspicuously  exerted  in  the  cause 
of  peace  and  conservation.  Meantime  it  is  not  agreeable  to 
reflect  that  this  brief  period  of  nominal  and  armed  peace 
which  the  Republic  had  conquered  after  nearly  two  genera- 
tions of  warfare  was  employed  by  her  in  tearing  her  own 
flesh.  The  heroic  sword  which  had  achieved  such  triumphs 
in  the  cause  of  freedom  could  have  been  better  employed 
than  in  an  attempt  at  political  suicide. 

In  a  picture  of  the  last  decade  of  Barneveld's  eventful  life 
his  personality  may  come  more  distinctly  forward  perhaps 
than  in  previous  epochs.  It  will  however  be  difficult  to 
disentangle  a  single  thread  from  the  great  historical  tapestry 
of  the  Republic  and  of  Europe  in  which  his  life  and  achieve- 
ments are  interwoven.  He  was  a  public  man  in  the  fullest 
sense  of  the  word,  and  without  his  presence  and  influence 
the  record  of  Holland,  France,  Spain,  Britain,  and  Germany 
might  have  been  essentially  modified. 

The  Republic  was  so  integral  a  part  of  that  system  which 
divided  Europe  into  two  great  hostile  camps  according  to 
creeds  rather  than  frontiers  that  the  history  of  its  fore- 
most citizen  touches  at  every  point  the  general  history  of 
Christendom. 

The  great  peculiarity  of  the  Dutch  constitution  at  this 
epoch  was  that  no  principle  was  absolutely  settled.  In 
throwing  off  a  foreign  tyranny  and  successfully  vindicating 
national  independence  the  burghers  and  nobles  had  not  hud 


6  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAKNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

leisure  to  lay  down  any  organic  law.  Nor  had  the  day  for 
profound  investigation  of  the  political  or  social  contract 
arrived.  Men  dealt  almost  exclusively  with  facts,  and  when 
the  facts  arranged  themselves  illogically  and  incoherently 
the  mischief  was  grave  and  difficult  to  remedy.  It  is  not  a 
trifling  inconvenience  for  an  organized  commonwealth  to  be  in 
doubt  as  to  where,  in  whom,  and  of  what  nature  is  its  sove- 
reignty. Yet  this  was  precisely  the  condition  of  the  United 
Netherlands.  To  the  external  world  so  dazzling  were  the 
reputation  and  the  achievements  of  their  great  captain  that 
he  was  looked  upon  by  many  as  the  legitimate  chief  of  the 
state  and  doubtless  friendly  monarchs  would  have  cordially 
welcomed  him  into  their  brotherhood. 

During  the  war  he  had  been  surrounded  by  almost  royal 
state.  Two  hundred  officers  lived  daily  at  his  table.  Great 
nobles  and  scions  of  sovereign  houses  were  his  pupils  or 
satellites.  The  splendour  of  military  despotism  and  the  awe 
inspired  by  his  unquestioned  supremacy  in  what  was  deemed 
the  greatest  of  all  sciences  invested  the  person  of  Maurice  of 
Nassau  with  a  grandeur  which  many  a  crowned  potentate 
might  envy.  His  ample  appointments  united  with  the  spoils 
of  war  provided  him  with  almost  royal  revenues,  even  before 
the  death  of  his  elder  brother  Philip  William  had  placed  in 
his  hands  the  principality  and  wealthy  possessions  of  Orange. 
Hating  contradiction,  arbitrary  by  instinct  and  by  military 
habit,  impatient  of  criticism,  and  having  long  acknowledged 
no  master  in  the  chief  business  of  state,  he  found  himself 
at  the  conclusion  of  the  truce  with  his  great  occupation 
gone,  and,  although  generously  provided  for  by  the  trea- 
sury of  the  Republic,  yet  with  an  income  proportionately 
limited. 

Politics  and  theology  were  fields  in  which  he  had  hardly 
served  an  apprenticeship,  and  it  was  possible  that  when  he 
should  step  forward  as  a  master  in  those  complicated  and 


BARNEVELD  THE  FOUNDER  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.    7 

difficult  pursuits,  soon  to  absorb  the  attention  of  the  Com- 
monwealth and  the  world,  it  might  appear  that  war  was  not 
the  only  science  that  required  serious  preliminary  studies. 

Meantime  he  found  himself  not  a  king,  not  the  master  of 
a  nominal  republic,  but  the  servant  of  the  States-General, 
and  the  limited  stadholder  of  five  out  of  seven  separate 
provinces. 

And  the  States-General  were  virtually  John  of  Barneveld. 
Could  antagonism  be  more  sharply  defined  ?  Jealousy,  that 
potent  principle  which  controls  the  regular  movements  and 
accounts  for  the  aberrations  of  humanity  in  widest  spheres  as 
well  as  narrowest  circles  far  more  generally  and  conclusively 
ihan  philosophers  or  historians  have  been  willing  to  admit, 
began  forthwith  to  manifest  its  subtle  and  irresistible  in- 
fluence. 

And  there  were  not  to  be  wanting  acute  and  dangerous 
schemers  who  saw  their  profit  in  augmenting  its  intensity. 

The  Seven  Provinces,  when  the  truce  of  twelve  years  had 
been  signed,  were  neither  exhausted  nor  impoverished.  Yet 
they  had  just  emerged  from  a  forty  years'  conflict  such  as 
no  people  in  human  history  had  ever  waged  against  a  foreign 
tyranny.  They  had  need  to  repose  and  recruit,  but  they 
stood  among  the  foremost  great  powers  of  the  day.  It  is 
not  easy  in  imagination  to  thrust  back  the  present  leading 
empires  of  the  earth  into  the  contracted  spheres  of  their  not 
remote  past.  But  to  feel  how  a  little  confederacy  of  seven 
provinces  loosely  tied  together  by  an  ill-defined  treaty  could 
hold  so  prominent  and  often  so  controlling  a  place  in  the 
European  system  of  the  seventeenth  century,  we  must  re- 
member that  there  was  then  no  Germany,  no  Kussia,  no 
Italy,  no  United  States  of  America,  scarcely  even  a  Great 
Britain  in  the  sense  which  belongs  to  that  mighty  empire 
now. 

France,  Spain,  England,  the  Pope,  and  the  Emperor  were 


8 


THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD. 


CHAP.  I. 


the  leading  powers  with  which  the  Netherlands  were  daily 
called  on  to  solve  great  problems  and  try  conclusions  ;  the 
study  of  political  international  equilibrium,  now  rapidly 
and  perhaps  fortunately  becoming  one  of  the  lost  arts, 
being  then  the  most  indispensable  duty  of  kings  and 
statesmen. 

Spain  and  France,  which  had  long  since  achieved  for 
themselves  the  political  union  of  many  independent  king- 
doms and  states  into  which  they  had  been  divided  were  the 
most  considerable  powers  and  of  necessity  rivals.  Spain, 
or  rather  the  House  of  Austria  divided  into  its  two  great 
branches,  still  pursued  its  persistent  and  by  no  means  fan- 
tastic dream  of  universal  monarchy.  Both  Spain  and  France 
could  dispose  of  somewhat  larger  resources  absolutely, 
although  not  relatively,  than  the  Seven  Provinces,  while  at 
least  trebling  them  in  population.  The  yearly  revenue 
of  Spain  after  deduction  of  its  pledged  resources  was  perhaps 
equal  to  a  million  sterling,  and  that  of  France  with  the 
same  reservation  was  about  as  much.  England  had  hardly 
been  able  to  levy  and  make  up  a  yearly  income  of  more 
than  £600,000  or  £700,000  at  the  end  of  Elizabeth's  reign 
or  in  the  first  years  of  James,  while  the  Netherlands  had 
often  proved  themselves  capable  of  furnishing  annually  ten 
or  twelve  millions  of  florins,  which  would  be  the  equivalent 
of  nearly  a  million  sterling.1 

The  yearly  revenues  of  the  whole  monarchy  of  the  Im- 
perial house  of  Habsburg  can  scarcely  be  stated  at  a  higher 
figure  than  £350,000.2 

Thus  the  political  game — for  it  was  a  game — was  by  no 
means  a  desperate  one  for  the  Netherlands,  nor  the  resources 


1  The  best  sources  for  these  statis- 
tics, imperfect  as  they  are,  will  be 
found  in  the  '  Relazioni '  of  the  Vene- 
tian envoys,  Molin,  Foscarini,  Con- 


tarini,  Correr,  and  others.     See  the 
published  collections  of  Barozzi  and 
Berchat,  Venice,  1863. 
2  Gindely,  158. 


BARNEVELD  THE  FOUNDER  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.     9 

of  the  various  players  so  unequally  distributed  as  at  first 
sight  it  might  appear. 

The  emancipation  of  the  Provinces  from  the  grasp  of 
Spain  and  the  establishment  by  them  of  a  commonwealth, 
for  that  epoch  a  very  free  one,  and  which  contained  within 
itself  the  germs  of  a  larger  liberty,  religious,  political,  and 
commercial,  than  had  yet  been  known,  was  already  one  of 
the  most  considerable  results  of  the  Reformation.  The  proba- 
bility of  its  continued  and  independent  existence  was  hardly 
believed  in  by  potentate  or  statesman  outside  its  own  borders, 
and  had  not  been  very  long  a  decided  article  of  faith  even 
within  them.-  The  knotty  problem  of  an  acknowledgment 
of  that  existence,  the  admission  of  the  new-born  state  into 
the  family  of  nations,  and  a  temporary  peace  guaranteed 
by  two  great  powers,  had  at  last  been  solved  mainly  by  the 
genius  of  Barneveld  working  amid  many  disadvantages  and 
against  great  obstructions.  The  truce  had  been  made,  and  it 
now  needed  all  the  skill,  coolness,  and  courage  of  a  practical 
and  original  statesman  to  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  Con- 
federacy. The  troubled  epoch  of  peace  was  even  now 
heaving  with  warlike  emotions,  and  was  hardly  less  stormy 
than  the  war  which  had  just  been  suspended. 

The  Republic  was  like  a  raft  loosely  strung  together,  float- 
ing almost  on  a  level  of  the  ocean,  and  often  half  submerged, 
but  freighted  with  inestimable  treasures  for  itself  and  the 
world.  It  needed  an  unsleeping  eye  and  a  powerful  brain 
to  conduct  her  over  the  quicksands  and  through  the  whirl- 
pools of  an  unmapped  and  intricate  course. 

The  sovereignty  of  the  country  so  far  as  its  nature  could 
be  satisfactorily  analysed  seemed  to  be  scattered  through, 
and  inherent  in  each  one  of,  the  multitudinous  boards  of 
magistracy — close  corporations,  self-elected — by  which  every 
city  was  governed.  Nothing  could  be  more  preposterous. 
Practically,  however,  those  boards  were  represented  by 


10 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  L 


deputies  in  each  of  the  seven  provincial  assemblies,  and 
these  again  sent  councillors  from  among  their  number  to  the 
general  assembly  which  was  that  of  their  High  Mightinesses 
the  Lords  States-General.1 

The  Province  of  Holland,  being  richer  and  more 
powerful  than  all  its  six  sisters  combined,  was  not  unwilling 
to  impose  a  supremacy  which  on  the  whole  was  practically 
conceded  by  the  rest.  Thus  the  Union  of  Utrecht  esta- 
blished in  1579  was  maintained  for  want  of  anything  better 
as  the  foundation  of  the  Commonwealth. 

The  Advocate  and  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal  of  that  province 
was  therefore  virtually  prime  minister,  president,  attorney- 
general,  finance  minister,  and  minister  of  foreign  aifairs  of 
the  whole  republic.  This  was  Barneveld's  position.  He 
took  the  lead  in  the  deliberations  both  of  the  States  of 
Holland  and  the  States-General,  moved  resolutions,  advocated 
great  measures  of  state,  gave  heed  to  their  execution, 
collected  the  votes,  summed  up  the  proceedings,  corre- 
sponded with  and  instructed  ambassadors,  received  and 
negotiated  with  foreign  ministers,  besides  directing  and 
holding  in  his  hands  the  various  threads  of  the  home  policy 
and  the  rapidly  growing  colonial  system  of  the  Republic. 

All  this  work  Barneveld  had  been  doing  for  thirty 
years. 

The  Reformation  was  by  no  means  assured  even  in  the 


1  Such  a  constitution,  rudimentary 
and  almost  chaotic,  would  have  been 
impossible  on  a  large  territorial  scale. 
Nothing  but  the  exiguity  of  the  do- 
main prevented  its  polity  from  falling 
into  imbecility  instead  of  manifesting 
that  extraordinary  vigour  which  asto- 
nished the  world.  The  secret  of  its 
force  lay  in  the  democratic  principle, 
the  sentiment  of  national  independ- 
enceandpopularfreedom  of  movement 
which  underlay  these  petty  municipal 
sovereignties.  They  were  indeed  so 
numerous  that,  while  claiming  to  be 


oligarchies,  they  made  up  a  kind  of 
irregular  democracy.  Had  such  a 
constitution  been  copied  instead  of 
avoided  by  the  fathers  of  our  own 
republicthe  consequenceswould  have 
probably  been  disastrous.  Disintegra- 
tion of  the  commonwealth  at  an  early 
day,  and  possibly  the  birth  of  a  hun- 
dred rival  states,  with  different  reli- 
gions, laws,  and  even  languages — 
such  might  have  been  the  phenomena 
exhibited  on  what  is  now  the  soil  of 
the  United  States. 


BAENEVELD  THE  FOUNDER  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.    11 

lands  where  it  had  at  first  made  the  most  essential  progress. 
But  the  existence  of  the  new  commonwealth  depended  on 
the  success  of  that  great  movement  which  had  called  it  into 
being.  Losing  ground  in  France,  fluctuating  in  England, 
Protestantism  was  apparently  more  triumphant  in  vast 
territories  where  the  ancient  Church  was  one  day  to  recover 
its  mastery.  Of  the  population  of  Bohemia,  there  were 
perhaps  ten  Protestants  to  one  Papist,1  while  in  the  United 
Netherlands  at  least  one- third  of  the  people  were  still 
attached  to  the  Catholic  faith. 

The  great  religious  struggle  in  Bohemia  and  other  domi- 
nions of  the  Habsburg  family  was  fast  leading  to  a  war  of 
which  no  man  could  even  imagine  the  horrors  or  foresee  the 
vast  extent.  The  Catholic  League  and  the  Protestant  Union 
were  slowly  arranging  Europe  into  two  mighty  confederacies. 
They  were  to  give  employment  year  after  year  to  millions  of 
mercenary  freebooters  who  were  to  practise  murder,-  pillage, 
and  every  imaginable  and  unimaginable  outrage  as  the  most 
legitimate  industry  that  could  occupy  mankind.  The  Holy 
Empire  which  so  ingeniously  combined  the  worst  charac- 
teristics of  despotism  and  republicanism  kept  all  Germany 
and  half  Europe  in  the  turmoil  of  a  perpetual  presidential 
election.  A  theatre  where  trivial  personages  and  graceless 
actors  performed  a  tragi-comedy  of  mingled  folly,  intrigue, 
and  crime,  and  where  earnestness  and  vigour  were  destined 
to  be  constantly  baffled,  now  offered  the  principal  stage  for 
the  entertainment  and  excitement  of  Christendom. 

There  was  but  one  king  in  Europe,  Henry  the  Bearnese. 
The  men  who  sat  on  the  thrones  in  Madrid,  Vienna,  London, 
would  have  lived  and  died  unknown  but  for  the  crowns  they 
wore,  and  while  there  were  plenty  of  bustling  politicians 
here  and  there  in  Christendom,  there  were  not  many  states- 
men. 

1  Gindely. 


12  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

Among  them  there  was  no  stronger  man  than  John  of 
Barneveld,  and  no  man  had  harder  or  more  complicated 
work  to  do. 

Born  in  Amersfoort  in  1547,  of  the  ancient  and  knightly 
house  of  Oldenbarne veldt,  of  patrician  blood  through  all 
his  ancestors  both  male  and  female,  he  was  not  the  heir 
to  large  possessions,  and  was  a  diligent  student  and  hard- 
working man  from  youth  upward.  He  was  not  wont  to 
boast  of  his  pedigree  until  in  later  life,  being  assailed  by 
vilest  slander,  all  his  kindred  nearest  or  most  remote  being 
charged  with  every  possible  and  unmentionable  crime,  and 
himself  stigmatized  as  sprung  from  the  lowest  kennels  of 
humanity — as  if  thereby  his  private  character  and  public 
services  could  be  more  legitimately  blackened — he  was 
stung  into  exhibiting  to  the  world  the  purity  and  antiquity 
of  his  escutcheon,  and  a  roll  of  respectably  placed,  well 
estated,  and  authentically  noble,  if  not  at  all  illustrious, 
forefathers  in  his  country's  records  of  the  previous  centuries. 

Without  an  ancestor  at  his  back  he  might  have  valued 
himself  still  more  highly  on  the  commanding  place  he  held 
in  the  world  by  right  divine  of  intellect,  but  as  the  father 
of  lies  seemed  to  have  kept  his  creatures  so  busy  with  the 
Barneveld  genealogy,  it  was  not  amiss  for  the  statesman 
once  for  all  to  make  the  truth  known. 

His  studies  in  the  universities  of  Holland,  France,  Italy, 
and  Germany  had  been  profound.  At  an  early  age  he  was 
one  of  the  first  civilians  of  the  time.  His  manhood  being 
almost  contemporary  with  the  great  war  of  freedom,  he  had 
served  as  a  volunteer  and  at  his  own  expense  through 
several  campaigns,  having  nearly  lost  his  life  in  the  disas- 
trous attempt  to  relieve  the  siege  of  Haarlem,  and  having 
been  so  disabled  by  sickness  and  exposure  at  the  heroic 
leaguer  of  Leyden  as  to  have  been  deprived  of  the  joy  of 
witnessing  its  triumphant  conclusion. 


BARXEVELD  THE  FOUNDER  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.    13 

Successfully  practising  his  profession  afterwards  before 
the  tribunals  of  Holland,  he  had  been  called  at  the  com- 
paratively early  age  of  twenty-nine  to  the  important 
post  of  Chief  Pensionary  of  Kotterdam.     So  long  as 
William  the  Silent  lived,  that  great  prince  was  all  in  all  to 
his  country,  and  Barneveld   was  proud  and  happy  to  be 
among  the  most  trusted  and  assiduous  of  his  counsellors. 

When  the  assassination  of  William  seemed  for  an  instant 
to  strike  the  Republic  with  paralysis,  Barneveld  was  fore- 
most among  the  statesmen  of  Holland  to  spring  forward  and 
help  to  inspire  it  with  renewed  energy. 

The  almost  completed  negotiations  for  conferring  the 
sovereignty,  not  of  the  Confederacy,  but  of  the  Province  of 
Holland,  upon  the  Prince  had  been  abruptly  brought  to  an 
end  by  his  death.  To  confer  that  sovereign  countship  on 
his  son  Maurice,  then  a  lad  of  eighteen  and  a  student  at 
Leyden,  would  have  seemed  to  many  at  so  terrible  a  crisis 
an  act  of  madness,  although  Barneveld  had  been  willing  to 
suggest  and  promote  the  scheme.  The  confederates  under 
his  guidance  soon  hastened  however  to  lay  the  sovereignty, 
and  if  not  the  sovereignty,  the  protectorship,  of  all  the  pro- 
vinces at  the  feet  first  of  England  and  then  of  France. 

Barneveld  was  at  the  head  of  the  embassy,  and  indeed 
was  the  indispensable  head  of  all  important  embassies  to 
each  of  those  two  countries  throughout  all  this  portion  of 
his  career.  Both  monarchs  refused,  almost  spurned,  the 
offered  crown  in  which  was  involved  a  war  with  the  greatest 
power  in  the  world,  with  no  compensating  dignity  or  benefit, 
as  it  was  thought,  beside. 

Then  Elizabeth,  although  declining  the  sovereignty,  pro- 
mised assistance  and  sent  the  Earl  of  Leicester  as  governor- 
general  at  the  head  of  a  contingent  of  English  troops.  Pre- 
cisely to  prevent  the  consolidation  thus  threatened  of 
the  Provinces  into  one  union,  a  measure  which  had  been 


14  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  L 

attempted  more  than  once  in  the  Burgundian  epoch,  and 
always  successfully  resisted  by  the  spirit  of  provincial  sepa- 
ratism, Barneveld  now  proposed  and  carried  the  appointment 
of  Maurice  of  Nassau  to  the  stadholdership  of  Holland.  This 
was  done  against  great  opposition  and  amid  fierce  debate. 
Soon  afterwards  Barneveld  was  vehemently  urged  by  the 
nobles  and  regents  of  the  cities  of  Holland  to  accept  the 
post  of  Advocate  of  that  province.  After  repeatedly  declin- 
ing the  arduous  and  most  responsible  office,  he  was  at  last 

induced  to  accept  it.     He  did  it  under  the  remark- 
1s)  SB 

able  condition  that  in  case  any  negotiation  should 

be  undertaken  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  back  the  Province 
of  Holland  under  the  dominion  of  the  King  of  Spain,  he 
should  be  considered  as  from  that  moment  relieved  from  the 
service.1 

His  brother  Elias  Barneveld  succeeded  him  as  Pensionary 
of  Kotterdam,  and  thenceforth  the  career  of  the  Advocate  is 
identical  with  the  history  of  the  Netherlands.  Although  a 
native  of  Utrecht,  he  was  competent  to  exercise  such  functions 
in  Holland,  a  special  and  ancient  convention  between  those 
two  provinces  allowing  the  citizens  of  either  to  enjoy  legal 
and  civic  rights  in  both.  Gradually,  without  intrigue  or 
inordinate  ambition,  but  from  force  of  circumstances  and  the 
commanding  power  of  the  man,  the  native  authority  stamped 
upon  his  forehead,  he  became  the  political  head  of  the  Con- 
federacy. He  created  and  maintained  a  .system  of  public 
credit  absolutely  marvellous  in  the  circumstances,  by  means 
of  which  an  otherwise  impossible  struggle  was  carried  to  a 
victorious  end. 

When  the  stadholderate  of  the  provinces  of  Gelderland, 
Utrecht,  and  Overyssel  became  vacant,  it  was  again  Barne- 
veld's  potent  influence  and  sincere  attachment  to  the  House 
of  Nassau  that  procured  the  election  of  Maurice  to  those 

1 '  Waaragtige  Historic,'  ed.  1670,  p.  23. 


BARXEVELD  THE  FOUNDER  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.    15 

posts.  Thus  within  six  years  after  his  father's  death  the 
youthful  soldier  who  had  already  given  proof  of  his  surpass- 
ing military  genius  had  become  governor,  commander-in- 
chief,  and  high  admiral,  of  five  of  the  seven  provinces  con- 
stituting the  Confederacy. 

At  about  the  same  period  the  great  question  of  Church 
and  State,  which  Barneveld  had  always  felt  to  be  among  the 
vital  problems  of  the  age,  and  on  which  his  opinions  were 
most  decided,  came  up  for  partial  solution.  It  would  have 
been  too  much  to  expect  the  opinion  of  any  statesman  to 
be  so  much  in  advance  of  his  time  as  to  favor  religious 
equality.  Toleration  of  various  creeds,  including  the  Roman 
Catholic,  so  far  as  abstinence  from  inquisition  into  consciences 
and  private  parlours  could  be  called  toleration,  was  secured, 
and  that  was  a  considerable  step  in  advance  of  the  practice 
of  the  sixteenth  century.  Burning,  hanging,  and  burying 
alive  of  culprits  guilty  of  another  creed  than  the  dominant 
one  had  become  obsolete.  But  there  was  an  established 
creed — the  Reformed  religion,  founded  on  the  Netherland 
Confession  and  the  Heidelberg  Catechism.  And  there  was 
one  established  principle  then  considered  throughout  Europe 
the  grand  result  of  the  Reformation  ;  "  Cujus  regio  ejus 
religio;"  which  was  in  reality  as  impudent  an  invasion  of 
human  right  as  any  heaven-born  dogma  of  Infallibility.  The 
sovereign  of  a  country,  having  appropriated  the  revenues 
of  the  ancient  church,  prescribed  his  own  creed  to  his  sub- 
jects. In  the  royal  conscience  were  included  the  million 
consciences  of  his  subjects.  The  inevitable  result  in  a 
country  like  the  Netherlands,  without  a  personal  sovereign, 
was  a  struggle  between  the  new  church  and  the  civil 
government  for  mastery.  And  at  this  period,  and  always  in 
Barneveld's  opinion,  the  question  of  dogma  was  subordinate 
to  that  of  church  government.  That  there  should  be 
no  authority  over  the  King  had  been  settled  in  England. 


16  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  L 

Henry  VIII.,  Elizabeth,  and  afterwards  James,  having  become 
popes  in  their  own  realm,  had  no  great  hostility  to,  but 
rather  an  affection  for,  ancient  dogma  and  splendid  cere- 
monial. But  in  the  Seven  Provinces,  even  as  in  France, 
Germany,  and  Switzerland,  the  reform  where  it  had  been 
effected  at  all  had  been  more  thorough,  and  there  was  little 
left  of  Popish  pomp  or  aristocratic  hierarchy.  Nothing 
could  be  severer  than  the  simplicity  of  the  Reformed  Church, 
nothing  more  imperious  than  its  dogma,  nothing  more  infal- 
lible than  its  creed.  It  was  the  true  religion,  and  there  was 
none  other.  But  to  whom  belonged  the  ecclesiastical  edifices, 
the  splendid  old  minsters  in  the  cities — raised  by  the  people's 
confiding  piety  and  the  purchased  remission  of  their  sins  in  a 
bygone  age — and  the  humbler  but  beautiful  parish  churches 
in  every  town  and  village  ?  To  the  State,  said  Barneveld, 
speaking  for  government ;  to  the  community  represented  by 
the  states  of  the  provinces,  the  magistracies  of  the  cities  and 
municipalities.  To  the  Church  itself,  the  one  true  church 
represented  by  its  elders,  and  deacons,  and  preachers,  was 
the  reply. 

And  to  whom  belonged  the  right  of  prescribing  laws 
and  ordinances  of  public  worship,  of  appointing  preachers, 
church  servants,  schoolmasters,  sextons  ?  To  the  Holy 
Ghost  inspiring  the  Class  and  the  Synod,  said  the  Church. 

To  the  civil  authority,  said  the  magistrates,  by  which 
the  churches  are  maintained,  and  the  salaries  of  the 
ecclesiastics  paid.  The  states  of  Holland  are  as  sove- 
reign as  the  kings  of  England  or  Denmark,  the  electors 
of  Saxony  or  Brandenburg,  the  magistrates  of  Zurich 
or  Basel  or  other  Swiss  cantons.  "  Cujus  regio  ejus 
religio" 

In  1590  there  was  a  compromise  under  the  guidance  of 
Barneveld.  It  was  agreed  that  an  appointing  board  should 
be  established  composed  of  civil  functionaries  and  church 


COMPROMISE  BETWEEN  CHURCH  AND  STATE.  17 

officials  in  equal  numbers.  Thus  should  the  interests  of 
religion  and  of  education  be  maintained. 

The  compromise  was  successful  enough  during  the  war. 
External  pressure  kept  down  theological  passion,  and  there 
were  as  yet  few  symptoms  of  schism  in  the  dominant  church. 
But  there  was  to  come  a  time  when  the  struggle  between 
church  and  government  was  to  break  forth  with  an  intensity 
and  to  rage  to  an  extent  which  no  man  at  that  moment 
could  imagine. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  century  Henry  IV.  made  peace 
with  Spain.  It  was  a  trying  moment  for  the  Provinces. 
Barneveld  was  again  sent  forth  on  an  embassy  to  the  King. 
The  cardinal  point  in  his  policy,  as  it  had  ever  been  in  that 
of  William  the  Silent,  was  to  maintain  close  friendship  with 
France,  whoever  might  be  its  ruler.  An  alliance  between 
that  kingdom  and  Spain  would  be  instantaneous  ruin  to  the 
Republic.  With  the  French  and  English  sovereigns  united 
with  the  Provinces,  the  cause  of  the  Reformation  might 
triumph,  the  Spanish  world-empire  be  annihilated,  national 
independence  secured. 

Henry  assured  the  Ambassador  that  the  treaty  of  Vervins 
was  indispensable,  but  that  he  would  never  desert  his  old 
allies.  In  proof  of  this,  although  he  had  just  bound  himself 
to  Spain  to  give  no  assistance  to  the  Provinces,  open  or 
secret,  he  would  furnish  them  with  thirteen  hundred  thou- 
sand crowns,  payable  at  intervals  during  four  years.  He 
was  under  great  obligations  to  his  good  friends  the  States, 
he  said,  and  nothing  in  the  treaty  forbade  him  to  pay  his 
tdebts. 

It  was  at  this  period  too  that  Barneveld  was  employed 
by  the  King  to  attend  to  certain  legal  and  other  private 
business  for  which  he  professed  himself  too  poor  at  the 
moment  to  compensate  him.  There  seems  to  have  been 
nothing  in  the  usages  of  the  time  or  country  to  make  tho 

VOL.  i.  c 


18  THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

transaction,  innocent  in  itself,  in  any  degree  disreputable. 
The  King  promised  at  some  future  day,  when  he  should  be 
more  in  funds,  to  pay  him  a  liberal  fee.  Barneveld,  who  a 
dozen  years  afterwards  received  20,000  florins  for  his  labour, 
professed  that  he  would  much  rather  have  had  one  thousand 
at  the  time. 

Thence  the  Advocate,  accompanied  by  his  colleague, 
Justinus  de  Nassau,  proceeded  to  England,  where  they  had 
many  stormy  interviews  with  Elizabeth.  The  Queen  swore 
with  many  an  oath  that  she  too  would  make  peace  with 
Philip,  recommended  the  Provinces  to  do  the  same  thing 
with  submission  to  their  ancient  tyrant,  and  claimed  from  the 
States  immediate  payment  of  one  million  sterling  in  satis- 
faction of  their  old  debts  to  her.  It  would  have  been  as 
easy  for  them  at  that  moment  to  pay  a  thousand  million.  It 
was  at  last  agreed  that  the  sum  of  the  debt  should  be  fixed 
at  £800,000,  and  that  the  cautionary  towns  should  be 
held  in  Elizabeth's  hands  by  English  troops  until  all  the 
debt  should  be  discharged.  Thus  England  for  a  long  time 
afterwards  continued  to  regard  itself  as  in  a  measure  the 
sovereign  and  proprietor  of  the  Confederacy,  and  Barneveld 
then  and  there  formed  the  resolve  to  relieve  the  country 
of  the  incubus,  and  to  recover  those  cautionary  towns  and 
fortresses  at  the  earliest  possible  moment.  So  long  as  foreign 
soldiers  commanded  by  military  governors  existed  on  the 
soil  of  the  Netherlands,  they  could  hardly  account  them- 
selves independent.  Besides,  there  was  the  perpetual  and 
horrid  nightmare,  that  by  a  sudden  pacification  between  Spain 
and  England  those  important  cities,  keys  to  the  country's 
defence,  might  be  handed  over  to  their  ancient  tyrant. 

Elizabeth  had  been  pacified  at  last,  however,  by  the 
eloquence  of  the  Ambassador.  "  I  will  assist  you  even  if  you 
were  up  to  the  neck  in  water,"  she  said.  "  Jusque  la/'  she 
added,  pointing  to  her  chin. 


BARNEVELD  THE  FOUNDER  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.    19 

Five  years  later  Barneveld,  for  the  fifth  time  at  the  head 
of  a  great  embassy,  was  sent  to  England  to  congratulate 
James  on  his  accession.  It  was  then  and  there  that  he  took 
measure  of  the  monarch  with  whom  he  was  destined  to  have 
many  dealings,  and  who  was  to  exert  so  baleful  an  influence 
on  his  career.  At  last  came  the  time  when  it  was  felt  that 
peace  between  Spain  and  her  revolted  provinces  might  be 
made.  The  conservation  of  their  ancient  laws,  privileges, 
and  charters,  the  independence  of  the  States,  and  included 
therein  the  freedom  to  establish  the  Reformed  religion,  had 
been  secured  by  forty  years  of  fighting. 

The  honour  of  Spain  was  saved  by  a  conjunction.  She 
agreed  to  treat  with  her  old  dependencies  "  as  "  with  states 
over  which  she  had  no  pretensions.  Through  virtue  of  an 
" as"  a  truce  after  two  years'  negotiation,  perpetually  tra- 
versed and  secretly  countermined  by  the  military  party  under 
the  influence  of  Maurice,  was  carried  by  the  determination 
of  Barneveld.  The  great  objects  of  the  war  had  been  secured. 
The  country  was  weary  of  nearly  half  a  century  of  blood- 
shed. It  was  time  to  remember  that  there  could  be  such  a 
condition  as  Peace. 

The  treaty  was  signed,  ratifications  exchanged,  and  the 
usual  presents  of  considerable  sums  of  money  to  the  nego- 
tiators made.  Barneveld  earnestly  protested  against  carry- 
ing out  the  custom  on  this  occasion,  and  urged  that 
those  presents  should  be  given  for  the  public  use.  He 
was  overruled  by  those  who  were  more  desirous  of 
receiving  their  reward  than  he  was,  and  he  accordingly, 
in  common  with  the  other  diplomatists,  accepted  the 
gifts.1 

The  various  details  of  these  negotiations  have  been  related 
by  the  author  in  other  volumes,  to  which  the  present  one  is 
intended  as  a  sequel.     It  has  been  thought  necessary  merely 
1 '  Waaragt.  Hist.'  105. 


20  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

to  recall  very  briefly  a  few  salient  passages  in  the  career  of 
the  Advocate  up  to  the  period  when  the  present  history 
really  opens. 

Their  bearing  upon  subsequent  events  will  easily  be 
observed.  The  truce  was  the  work  of  Barneveld.  It  was 
detested  by  Maurice  and  by  Maurice's  partisans. 

"  I  fear  that  our  enemies  and  evil  reports  are  the  cause  of 
many  of  our  difficulties,"  said  the  Advocate  to  the  States1 
envoy  in  Paris,  in  1606.1  "You  are  to  pay  no  heed  tc 
private  advices.  Believe  and  make  others  believe  that 
more  than  one  half  the  inhabitants  of  the  cities  and  in  the 
open  country  are  inclined  to  peace.  And  I  believe,  in  case 
of  continuing  adversities,  that  the  other  half  will  not  remain 
constant,  principally  because  the  Provinces  are  robbed  of 
all  traffic,  prosperity,  and  navigation,  through  the  actions 
of  France  and  England.  I  have  always  thought  it  for  the 
advantage  of  his  Majesty  to  sustain  us  in  such  wise  as  would 
make  us  useful  in  his  service.  As  to  his  remaining  per- 
manently at  peace  with  Spain,  that  would  seem  quite  out  of 
the  question/' 

The  King  had  long  kept,  according  to  treaty,  a  couple  of 
French  regiments  in  the  States'  service,  and  furnished,  or 
was  bound  to  furnish,  a  certain  yearly  sum  for  their  support. 
But  the  expenses  of  the  campaigning  had  been  rapidly 
increasing  and  the  results  as  swiftly  dwindling.  The  Ad- 
vocate now  explained  that,  "  without  loss  both  of  important 
places  and  of  reputation,"  the  States  could  not  help  spend- 
ing every  month  that  they  took  the  field  200,000  florins 
over  and  above  the  regular  contributions,  and  some  months 
a  great  deal  more.2  This  sum,  he  said,  in  nine  months, 
would  more  than  eat  up  the  whole  subsidy  of  the  King. 
If  they  were  to  be  in  the  field  by  March  or  beginning 
of  April,  they  would  require  from  him  an  extraordinary 

1  Barneveld  to  F.  Aerssens,  18  Jan.  1606.  (Hague  Arch.  MS.)        2  Ibid. 


BARNEVELD  THE  FOUNDER  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.    21 

sum  of  200,000  crowns,  and  as  much  more  in  June  or 
July. 

Eighteen  months  /ater,  when  the  magnificent  naval  victory 
of  Heemskerk  in  the  Bay  of  Gibraltar1  had  just  made  a 
startling  interlude  to  the  languishing  negotiations  for  peace, 
the  Advocate  again  warned  the  French  King  of  the  difficulty 
in  which  the  Eepublic  still  laboured  of  carrying  on  the 
mighty  struggle  alone.  Spain  was  the  common  enemy  of 
all.  No  peace  or  hope  was  possible  for  the  leading  powers  as 
long  as  Spain  was  perpetually  encamped  in  the  very  heart 
of  Western  Europe.  The  Netherlands  were  not  fighting 
their  own  battle  merely,  but  that  of  freedom  and  independ- 
ence against  the  all-encroaching  world-power.  And  their 
means  to  carry  on  the  conflict  were  dwindling,  while  at  the 
same  time  there  was  a  favourable  opportunity  for  cropping 
some  fruit  from  their  previous  labours  and  sacrifices. 

"  We  are  led  to  doubt,"  he  wrote  once  more  to  the  envoy 
in  France,2  "  whether  the  King's  full  powers  will  come  from 
Spain.  This  defeat  is  hard  for  the  Spaniards  to  digest. 
Meantime  our  burdens  are  quite  above  our  capacity,  as  you 
will  understand  by  the  enclosed  statement,  which  is  made 
out  with  much  exactness  to  show  what  is  absolutely  neces- 
sary for  a  vigorous  defence  on  land  and  a  respectable  position 
at  sea  to  keep  things  from  entire  confusion.  The  Provinces 
could  raise  means  for  the  half  of  this  estimate.  But  it  is  a 
great  difference  when  the  means  differ  one  half  from  the 
expenses.  The  sovereignst  and  most  assured  remedy  would 
be  the  one  so  often  demanded,  often  projected,  and  some- 
times almost  prepared  for  execution,  namely  that  our  neigh- 
bour kings,  princes,  and  republics  should  earnestly  take  the 
matter  in  hand  and  drive  the  Spaniards  and  their  adherents 
out  of  the  Netherlands  and  over  the  mountains.  Their  own 

1  See  '  History  of  the  United  Netherlands,'  iv.  ch.  xlvii. 

*  Barneveld  to  F.  Aerssens,  2  June  1607.    (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


22  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  I. 

dignity  and  security  ought  not  to  permit  such  great  bodies 
of  troops  of  both  belligerents  permanently  massed  in  the 
Netherlands.  Still  less  ought  they  to  allow  these  Provinces 
to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards,  whence  they  could 
with  so  much  more  power  and  convenience  make  war  upon  all 
kings,  princes,  and  republics.  This  must  be  prevented  by 
one  means  or  another.  It  ought  to  be  enough  for  every  one 
that  we  have  been  between  thirty  and  forty  years  a  firm 
bulwark  against  Spanish  ambition.  Our  constancy  and 
patience  ought  to  be  strengthened  by  counsel  and  by  deed 
in  order  that  we  may  exist ;  a  Christian  sympathy  and  a 
small  assistance  not  being  sufficient.  Believe  and  cause  to 
be  believed  that  the  present  condition  of  our  affairs  requires 
more  aid  in  counsel  and  money  than  ever  before,  and  that 
nothing  could  be  better  bestowed  than  to  further  this  end. 

"  Messieurs  Jeannin,  Buzenval,  and  de  Russy  have  been 
all  here  these  twelve  days.  We  have  firm  hopes  that  other 
kings,  princes,  and  republics  will  not  stay  upon  formalities, 
but  will  also  visit  the  patients  here  in  order  to  administer 
sovereign  remedies. 

"  Lend  no  ear  to  any  flying  reports.  We  say  with  the 
wise  men  over  there,  ( Metuo  Danaos  et  donaferentes.'  We 
know  our  antagonists  well,  and  trust  their  hearts  no  more 
than  before,  '  sed  ultra  posse  non  est  esse.'  To  accept  more 
burthens  than  we  can  pay  for  will  breed  military  mutiny  ;  to 
tax  the  community  above  its  strength  will  cause  popular 
^tumults,  especially  in  rebus  adversis,  of  which  the  beginnings 
were  seen  last  year,  and  without  a  powerful  army  the  enemy 
is  not  to  be  withstood.  I  have  received  your  letters  to  the 
17th  May.  My  advice  is  to  trust  to  his 1  upright  proceed- 
ings and  with  patience  to  overcome  all  things.  Thus  shall 
the  detractors  and  calumniators  best  be  confounded.  Assure 

1  The  King's  probably. 


MAURICE  OF  ORANGE  STADHOLDER.  23 

his  Majesty  and  his  ministers  that  I  will  do  my  utmost  to 
avert  our  ruin  and  his  Majesty's  disservice." 

The  treaty  was  made,  and  from  that  time  forth  the 
antagonism  between  the  eminent  statesman  and  the  great 
military  chieftain  became  inevitable.  The  importance  of  the 
one  seemed  likely  to  increase  day  by  day.  The  occupation 
of  the  other  for  a  time  was  over. 

During  the  war  Maurice  had  been,  with  exception  of 
Henry  IV.,  the  most  considerable  personage  in  Europe.  He 
was  surrounded  with  that  visible  atmosphere  of  power  the 
poison  of  which  it  is  so  difficult  to  resist,  and  through  the 
golden  haze  of  which  a  mortal  seems  to  dilate  for  the  vulgar 
eye  into  the  supernatural.  The  attention  of  Christendom 
was  perpetually  fixed  upon  him.  Nothing  like  his  sieges, 
his  encampments,  his  military  discipline,  his  scientific  cam- 
paigning had  been  seen  before  in  modern  Europe.  The 
youthful  aristocracy  from  all  countries  thronged  to  his  camp 
to  learn  the  game  of  war,  for  he  had  restored  by  diligent 
Btudy  of  the  ancients  much  that  was  noble  in  that  pursuit, 
and  had  elevated  into  an  art  that  which  had  long  since 
degenerated  into  a  system  of  butchery,  marauding,  and 
rapine.  And  he  had  fought  with  signal  success  and  unques- 
tionable heroism  the  most  important  and  most  brilliant 
pitched  battle  of  the  age.  He  was  a  central  figure  of  the 
current  history  of  Europe.  Pagan  nations  looked  up  to 
him  as  one  of  the  leading  sovereigns  of  Christendom.  The 
Emperor  of  Japan  addressed  him  as  his  brother  monarch, 
assured  him  that  his  subjects  trading  to  that  distant  empire 
should  be  welcomed  and  protected,  and  expressed  himself 
ashamed  that  so  great  a  prince,  whose  name  and  fame  had 
spread  through  the  world,  should  send  his  subjects  to  visit 
a  country  so  distant  and  unknown,  and  offer  its  emperor  a 
friendship  which  he  was  unconscious  of  deserving.1 

1  Van  Meteren,  061 ;  de  la  Pise,  753. 


24  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  I. 

He  had  been  a  commander  of  armies  and  a  chief  among 
men  since  he  came  to  man's  estate,  and  he  was  now  in  the 
very  vigour  of  life,  in  his  forty-second  year.  Of  Imperial 
descent  and  closely  connected  by  blood  or  alliance  with 
many  of  the  most  illustrious  of  reigning  houses,  the  acknow- 
ledged master  of  the  most  royal  and  noble  of  all  sciences,  he 
was  of  the  stuff  of  which  kings  were  made,  and  belonged 
by  what  was  then  accounted  right  divine  to  the  family  of 
kings.  His  father's  death  had  alone  prevented  his  elevation 
to  the  throne  of  Holland,  and  such  possession  of  half  the 
sovereignty  of  the  United  Netherlands  would  probably  have 
expanded  into  dominion  over  all  the  seven  with  a  not  fan- 
tastic possibility  of  uniting  the  ten  still  obedient  provinces 
into  a  single  realm.  Such  a  kingdom  would  have  been  more 
populous  and  far  wealthier  than  contemporary  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland.  Maurice,  then  a  student  at  Lcyden,  was  too 
young  at  that  crisis,  and  his  powers  too  undeveloped  to 
justify  any  serious  attempt  to  place  him  in  his  father's  place. 

The  Netherlands  drifted  into  a  confederacy  of  aristocratic 
republics,  not  because  they  had  planned  a  republic,  but 
because  they  could  not  get  a  king,  foreign  or  native.  The 
documents  regarding  the  offer  of  the  sovereign  countship  to 
William  remained  in  the  possession  of  Maurice,  and  a  few 
years  before  the  peace  there  had  been  a  private  meeting  of 
leading  personages,  of  which  Barneveld  was  the  promoter 
and  chief  spokesman,  to  take  into  consideration  the  propriety 
and  possibility  of  conferring  that  sovereignty  upon  the  son 
which  had  virtually  belonged  to  the  father.  The  obstacles 
were  deemed  so  numerous,  and  especially  the  scheme  seemed 
so  fraught  with  danger  to  Maurice,  that  it  was  reluctantly 
abandoned  by  his  best  friends,  among  whom  unquestionably 
was  the  Advocate. 

There  was  no  reason  whatever  why  the  now  successful  and 
mature  soldier,  to  whom  the  country  was  under  such  vast 


MAURICE  OF  ORANGE  STADHOLDER.  25 

obligations,  should  not  aspire  to  the  sovereignty.  The  Pro- 
vinces had  not  pledged  themselves  to  republicanism,  but 
rather  to  monarchy,  and  the  crown,  although  secretly 
coveted  by  Henry  IV.,  could  by  no  possibility  now  be  con- 
ferred on  any  other  man  than  Maurice.  It  was  no  impeach- 
ment on  his  character  that  he  should  nourish  thoughts  in 
which  there  was  nothing  criminal. 

But  the  peace  negotiations  had  opened  a  chasm.  It  was 
obvious  enough  that  Barneveld  having  now  so  long  exercised 
great  powers,  and  become  as  it  were  the  chief  magistrate  of 
an  important  commonwealth,  would  not  be  so  friendly  as 
formerly  to  its  conversion  into  a  monarchy  and  to  the  eleva- 
tion of  the  great  soldier  to  its  throne.  The  Advocate  had 
even  been  sounded,  cautiously  and  secretly,  so  men  believed, 
by  the  Princess-Dowager,  Louise  de  Coligny,  widow  of 
William  the  Silent,  as  to  the  feasibility  of  procuring  the 
sovereignty  for  Maurice.  She  had  done  this  at  the  in- 
stigation of  Maurice,  who  had  expressed  his  belief  that  the 
favourable  influence  of  the  Advocate  would  make  success 
certain  and  who  had  represented  to  her  that,  as  he  was  him- 
self resolved  never  to  marry,  the  inheritance  after  his  death 
would  fall  to  her  son  Frederick  Henry.  The  Princess,  who 
was  of  a  most  amiable  disposition,  adored  her  son.  Devoted 
to  the  House  of  Nassau  and  a  great  admirer  of  its  chief, 
she  had  a  long  interview  with  Barneveld,  in  which  she 
urged  the  scheme  upon  his  attention  without  in  all  pro- 
bability revealing  that  she  had  come  to  him  at  the  solicita- 
tion of  Maurice. 

The  Advocate  spoke  to  her  with  frankness  and  out  of  the 
depths  of  his  heart.  He  professed  an  ardent  attachment 
to  her  family,  a  profound  reverence  for  the  virtues,  sacrifices, 
and  achievements  of  her  lamented  husband,  and  a  warm 
desire  to  do  everything  to  further  the  interests  of  the  son 
who  had  proved  himself  so  worthy  of  his  parentage. 


26  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I 

But  he  proved  to  her  that  Maurice,  in  seeking  the  sove- 
reignty, was  seeking  his  ruin.  The  Hollanders,  he  said, 
liked  to  be  persuaded  and  not  forced.  Having  triumphantly 
shaken  off  the  yoke  of  a  powerful  king,  they  would  scarcely 
consent  now  to  accept  the  rule  of  any  personal  sovereign. 
The  desire  to  save  themselves  from  the  claws  of  Spain  had 
led  them  formerly  to  offer  the  dominion  over  them  to  various 
potentates.  Now  that  they  had  achieved  peace  and  inde- 
pendence and  were  delivered  from  the  fears  of  Spanish 
ferocity  and  French  intrigue,  they  shuddered  at  the  dangers 
from  royal  hands  out  of  which  they  had  at  last  escaped.  He 
believed  that  they  would  be  capable  of  tearing  in  pieces  any 
one  who  might  make  the  desired  proposition.  After  all,  he 
urged,  Maurice  was  a  hundred  times  more  fortunate  as  he 
was  than  if  he  should  succeed  in  desires  so  opposed  to  his  own 
good.  This  splendour  of  sovereignty  was  a  false  glare  which 
would  lead  him  to  a  precipice.  He  had  now  the  power  of  a 
sovereign  without  the  envy  which  ever  followed  it.  Having 
essentially  such  power,  he  ought,  like  his  father,  to  despise 
an  empty  name,  which  would  only  make  him  hated.  For  it 
was  well  known  that  William  the  Silent  had  only  yielded  to 
much  solicitation,  agreeing  to  accept  that  which  then  seemed 
desirable  for  the  country's  good  but  to  him  was  more  than 
indifferent. 

Maurice  was  captain-general  and  admiral -general  of  five 
provinces.  He  appointed  to  governments  and  to  all  military 
office.  He  had  a  share  of  appointment  to  the  magistracies. 
He  had  the  same  advantages  and  the  same  authority  as  had 
been  enjoyed  in  the  Netherlands  by  the  ancient  sovereign 
counts,  by  the  dukes  of  Burgundy,  by  Emperor  Charles  V. 
himself. 

Every  one  now  was  in  favour  of  increasing  his  pensions, 
his  salaries,  his  material  splendour.  Should  he  succeed  in 
seizing  the  sovereignty,  men  would  envy  him  even  to  the 


MAURICE  OF  ORANGE  STADHOLDER.  27 

ribbands  of  his  pages'  and  his  lackeys'  shoes.  He  turned  to 
the  annals  of  Holland  and  showed  the  Princess  that  there 
had  hardly  been  a  sovereign  count  against  whom  his  subjects 
had  not  revolted,  marching  generally  into  the  very  court- 
yard of  the  palace  at  the  Hague  in  order  to  take  his  life. 

Convinced  by  this  reasoning,  Louise  de  Coligny  had  at 
once  changed  her  mind,  and  subsequently  besought  her  step- 
son to  give  up  a  project  sure  to  be  fatal  to  his  welfare,  his 
peace  of  mind,  and  the  good  of  the  country.  Maurice 
listened  to  her  coldly,  gave  little  heed  to  the  Advocate's 
logic,  and  hated  him  in  his  heart  from  that  day  forth. 

The  Princess  remained  loyal  to  Barneveld  to  the  last.1 

Thus  the  foundation  was  laid  of  that  terrible  enmity  which, 
inflamed  by  theological  passion,  was  to  convert  the  period 
of  peace  into  a  hell,  to  rend  the  Provinces  asunder  when  they 
had  most  need  of  repose,  and  to  lead  to  tragical  results  for 
ever  to  be  deplored.  Already  in  1607  Francis  Aerssens  had 
said  that  the  two  had  become  so  embroiled  and  things  had 
gone  so  far  that  one  or  the  other  would  have  to  leave  the 
country.2  He  permitted  also  the  ridiculous  statement  to  be 
made  in  his  house  at  Paris,  that  Henry  IV.  believed  the 
Advocate  to  have  become  Spanish,  and  had  declared  that 
Prince  Maurice  would  do  well  to  have  him  put  into  a  sack 
and  thrown  into  the  sea.3 

His  life  had  been  regularly  divided  into  two  halves,  the 
campaigning  season  and  the  period  of  winter  quarters.  In 
the  one  his  business  and  his  talk  was  of  camps,  marches, 
sieges,  and  battles  only.  In  the  other  he  was  devoted  to  his 
stud,  to  tennis,  to  mathematical  and  mechanical  inventions, 

great  intrinsic  probability  and  is  sus- 
tained as  to  its  general  bearings  by 


1 '  Memoires  de  Messire  Louis  Au- 
bery,  Seigneur  du  Maurier,'  1680, 
pp.  183,  gqq.  The  story  rests  en- 
tirely on  the  testimony  of  du  Mau- 
rier,  son  of  the  French  ambassa- 
dor so  long  resident  at  the  Hague, 
who  often  recounted  it  secretly,  in  all 
its  details,  to  his  family.  It  has  so 


so  much  of  collateral  circumstance 
that  I  do  not  hesitate  to  accept  it  as 
substantially  accurate. 

8  Vreede,  '  Inloiding  tot  eeno 
Qesch.  d.  Nederl.  Diplomatic,'  i.  150. 

»  Ibid.  p.  151. 


28  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

and  to  chess,  of  which  he  was  passionately  fond,  and  which  he 
did  not  play  at  all  well.  A  Gascon  captain  serving  in  the 
States'  army  was  his  habitual  antagonist  in  that  game,  and, 
although  the  stakes  were  hut  a  crown  a  game,  derived  a 
steady  income  out  of  his  gains,  which  were  more  than 
equal  to  his  pay.  The  Prince  was  sulky  when  he  lost, 
sitting,  when  the  candles  were  burned  out  and  bed-time 
had  arrived,  with  his  hat  pulled  over  his  brows,  without 
bidding  his  guest  good  night,  and  leaving  him  to  find  his 
way  out  as  he  best  could  ;  and,  on  the  contrary,  radiant 
with  delight  when  successful,  calling  for  valets  to  light  the 
departing  captain  through  the  corridor,  and  accompanying 
him  to  the  door  of  the  apartment  himself.  That  warrior  was 
accordingly  too  shrewd  not  to  allow  his  great  adversary  as 
fair  a  share  of  triumph  as  was  consistent  with  maintaining 
the  frugal  income  on  which  he  reckoned. 

He  had  small  love  for  the  pleasures  of  the  table,  but  was 
promiscuous  and  unlicensed  in  his  amours.  He  was  me- 
thodical in  his  household  arrangements,  and  rather  stingy 
than  liberal  in  money  matters.  He  personally  read  all  his 
letters,  accounts,  despatches,  and  other  documents  trivial  or 
important,  but  wrote  few  letters  with  his  own  hand,  so  that, 
unlike  his  illustrious  father's  correspondence,  there  is  little 
that  is  characteristic  to  be  found  in  his  own.  He  was  plain 
but  not  shabby  in  attire,  and  was  always  dressed  in  exactly 
the  same  style,  wearing  doublet  and  hose  of  brown  woollen, 
a  silk  under  vest,  a  short  cloak  lined  with  velvet,  a  little 
plaited  ruff  on  his  neck,  and  very  loose  boots.  He  ridiculed 
the  smart  French  officers  who,  to  show  their  fine  legs,  were 
wont  to  wear  such  tight  boots  as  made  them  perspire  to  get 
into  them,  and  maintained,  in  precept  and  practice,  that  a 
man  should  be  able  to  jump  into  his  boots  and  mount  and 
ride  at  a  moment's  notice.  The  only  ornaments  he  indulged 
in,  except,  of  course,  on  state  occasions,  were  a  golden  hilt 


MAURICE  OF  ORANGE   STADHOLDER. 


29 


to  his  famous  sword,  and  a  rope  of  diamonds  tied  around  his 
felt  hat. 

He  was  now  in  the  full  flower  of  his  strength  and  his 
fame,  in  his  forty-second  year,  and  of  a  noble  and  martial 
presence.  The  face,  although  unquestionably  handsome, 
offered  a  sharp  contrast  within  itself;  the  upper  half  all 
intellect,  the  lower  quite  sensual.  Fair  hair  growing  thin, 
but  hardly  tinged  with  grey,  a  bright,  cheerful,  and  thought- 
ful forehead,  large  hazel  eyes  within  a  singularly  large  orbit 
of  brow ;  a  straight,  thin,  slightly  aquiline,  well-cut  nose — 
such  features  were  at  open  variance  with  the  broad,  thick- 
lipped,  sensual  mouth,  the  heavy  pendant  jowl,  the  sparse 
beard  on  the  glistening  cheek,  and  the  moleskin-like  mous- 
tachio  and  chin  tuft.  Still,  upon  the  whole,  it  was  a  face 
and  figure  which  gave  the  world  assurance  of  a  man  and  a 
commander  of  men.  Power  and  intelligence  were  stamped 
upon  him  from  his  birth. 

Barneveld  was  tall  and  majestic  of  presence,  with  large 
quadrangular  face,  austere,  blue  eyes  looking  authority  and 
command,  a  vast  forehead,  and  a  grizzled  beard.  Of  fluent 
and  convincing  eloquence  with  tongue  and  pen,  having  the 
power  of  saying  much  in  few  words,  he  cared  much  more 
for  the  substance  than  the  graces  of  speech  or  composition. 
This  tendency  was  not  ill  exemplified  in  a  note  of  his 
written  on  a  sheet  of  questions  addressed  to  him  by  a  States' 
ambassador  about  to  start  on  an  important  mission,  but  a 
novice  in  his  business,  the  answers  to  which  questions  were 
to  serve  for  his  diplomatic  instructions.1 

"  Item  and  principally,"  wrote  the  Envoy,  "  to  request  of 
M.  de  Barneveld  a  formulary  or  copy  of  the  best,  soundest, 
wisest,  and  best  couched  despatches  done  by  several  pre- 


1  Boetzclacr  van  Langerac/'Vraach- 
etucken  ende  poincten  by  ray  injje- 
Btelt  endo  by  den  adv.  Oldenbarne- 
velt  geappoetilleert  tot  myncr  onder- 


richtinge  endc  instructie  voor  myn 
vertrek  naer  Vrankryck."  (Hague 
Archives  MS.) 


30  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  I. 

ceding  ambassadors  in  order  to  regulate  myself  accordingly 
for  the  greater  service  of  the  Province  and  for  my  uttermost 
reputation." 

The  Advocate's  answer,  scrawled  in  his  nearly  illegible 
hand,  was — 

"Unnecessary.  The  truth  in  shortest  about  matters  of 
importance  shall  be  taken  for  good  style." 

With  great  love  of  power,  which  he  was  conscious  of 
exerting  with  ease  to  himself  and  for  the  good  of  the  public, 
he  had  little  personal  vanity,  and  not  the  smallest  ambition 
of  authorship.  Many  volumes  might  be  collected  out  of  the 
vast  accumulation  of  his  writings  now  mouldering  and  for- 
gotten in  archives.  Had  the  language  in  which  they  are 
written  become  a  world's  language,  they  would  be  worthy 
of  attentive  study,  as  containing  noble  illustrations  of  the 
history  and  politics  of  his  age,  with  theories  and  sentiments 
often  far  in  advance  of  his  age.  But  he  cared  not  for  style. 
"  The  truth  in  shortest  about  matters  of  importance "  was 
enough  for  him  ;  but  the  world  in  general,  and  especially 
the  world  of  posterity,  cares  much  for  style.  The  vehicle  is 
often  prized  more  than  the  freight.  The  name  of  Barneveld 
is  fast  fading  out  of  men's  memory.  The  fame  of  his  pupil 
and  companion  in  fortune  and  misfortune,  Hugo  Grotius,  is 
ever  green.  But  Grotius  was  essentially  an  author  rather 
than  a  statesman  :  he  wrote  for  the  world  and  posterity  with 
all  the  love,  pride,  and  charm  of  the  devotee  of  literature, 
and  he  composed  his  noblest  works  in  a  language  which  is 
ever  living  because  it  is  dead.  Some  of  his  writings,  epoch- 
making  when  they  first  appeared,  are  text-books  still  fami- 
liar in  every  cultivated  household  on  earth.  Yet  Barneveld 
was  vastly  his  superior  in  practical  statesmanship,  in  law,  in 
the  science  of  government,  and  above  all  in  force  of  character, 
while  certainly  not  his  equal  in  theology,  nor  making  any 
pretensions  to  poetry.  Although  a  ripe  scholar,  he  rarely 


MAURICE   OF  ORANGE  STADHOLDER.  31 

wrote  in  Latin,  and  not  often  in  French.  His  ambition  was 
to  do  his  work  thoroughly  according  to  his  view  of  duty, 
and  to  ask  God's  blessing  upon  it  without  craving  overmuch 
the  applause  of  men. 

Such  were  the  two  men,  the  soldier  and  the  statesman. 
Would  the  Republic,  fortunate  enough  to  possess  two  such 
magnificent  and  widely  contrasted  capacities,  be  wise  enough 
to  keep  them  in  its  service,  each  supplementing  the  other, 
and  the  two  combining  in  a  perfect  whole  ? 

Or  was  the  great  law  of  the  Discords  of  the  World,  as 
potent  as  that  other  principle  of  Universal  Harmony  and 
planetary  motion  which  an  illustrious  contemporary — that 
Wiirtemberg  astronomer,  once  a  soldier  of  the  fierce  Alva, 
now  the  half-starved  astrologer  of  the  brain-sick  Kudolph — 
was  at  that  moment  discovering,  after  "  God  had  waited  six 
thousand  years  for  him  to  do  it,"  to  prevail  for  the  misery 
of  the  Republic  and  shame  of  Europe  ?  Time  was  to  show. 

The  new  state  had  forced  itself  into  the  family  of  sove- 
reignties somewhat  to  the  displeasure  of  most  of  the  Lord's 
anointed.  Rebellious  and  republican,  it  necessarily  excited 
the  jealousy  of  long-established  and  hereditary  governments. 

The  King  of  Spain  had  not  formally  acknowledged  the 
independence  of  the  United  Provinces.  He  had  treated  with 
them  as  free,  and  there  was  supposed  to  be  much  virtue  in 
the  conjunction.  But  their  sovereign  independence  was 
virtually  recognized  by  the  world.  Great  nations  had 
entered  into  public  and  diplomatic  relations  and  conventions 
with  them,  and  their  agents  at  foreign  courts  were  now 
dignified  with  the  rank  and  title  of  ambassadors. 

The  Spanish  king  had  likewise  refused  to  them  the  con- 
cession of  the  right  of  navigation  and  commerce  in  the  East 
Indies,  but  it  was  a  matter  of  notoriety  that  the  absence  of 
the  word  India,  suppressed  as  it  was  in  the  treaty,  implied  an 
immense  triumph  on  the  part  of  the  States,  and  that  their 


32  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

flourishing  and  daily  increasing  commerce  in  the  farthest 
East  and  the  imperial  establishments  already  rising  there 
were  cause  of  envy  and  jealousy  not  to  Spain  alone,  hut  to 
friendly  powers. 

Yet  the  government  of  Great  Britain  affected  to  regard 
them  as  something  less  than  a  sovereign  state.  Although 
Elizabeth  had  refused  the  sovereignty  once  proffered  to  her, 
although  James  had  united  with  Henry  IV.  in  guaranteeing 
the  treaty  just  concluded  between  the  States  and  Spain,  that 
monarch  had  the  wonderful  conception  that  the  Republic 
was  in  some  sort  a  province  of  his  own,  because  he  still  held 
the  cautionary  towns  in  pledge  for  the  loans  granted  by  his 
predecessor.  His  agents  at  Constantinople  were  instructed 
to  represent  the  new  state  as  unworthy  to  accredit  its  envoys 
as  those  of  an  independent  power.  The  Provinces  were 
represented  as  a  collection  of  audacious  rebels,  a  piratical 
scum  of  the  sea.1  But  the  Sultan  knew  his  interests  better 
than  to  incur  the  enmity  of  this  rising  maritime  power. 
The  Dutch  envoy  declaring  that  he  would  sooner  throw  him- 
self into  the  Bosphorus  than  remain  to  be  treated  with  less 
consideration  than  that  accorded  to  the  ministers  of  all 
great  powers,  the  remonstrances  of  envious  colleagues  were 
hushed,  and  Haga  was  received  with  all  due  honours. 

Even  at  the  court  of  the  best  friend  of  the  Republic,  the 
French  king,  men  looked  coldly  at  the  upstart  common- 
wealth. Francis  Aerssens,  the  keen  and  accomplished 
minister  of  the  States,  resident  in  Paris  for  many  years,  was 
received  as  ambassador  after  the  truce  with  all  the  cere- 
monial befitting  the  highest  rank  in  the  diplomatic  service  ; 
yet  Henry  could  not  yet  persuade  himself  to  look  upon  the 
power  accrediting  him  as  a  thoroughly  organized  common- 
wealth. 

The  English  ambassador  asked  the  King  if  he  meant  to 
1  Van  Rees  and  Brill. 


1609.  EMBASSY  TO  VENICE.  33 

continue  his  aid  and  assistance  to  the  States  during  the 
truce.  "  Yes,"  answered  Henry. 

"  And  a  few  years  beyond  it  ?" 

"  No.  I  do  not  wish  to  offend  the  King  of  Spain  from 
mere  gaiety  of  heart." 

"  But  they  are  free,"  replied  the  Ambassador  ;  "  the  King 
of  Spain  could  have  no  cause  for  offence." 

"  They  are  free,"  said  the  King,  "  but  not  sovereign." 
"  Judge  then,"  wrote  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  "  how  we  shall 
be  with  the  King  of  Spain  at  the  end  of  our  term  when  our 
best  friends  make  this  distinction  among  themselves  to  our 
disadvantage.  They  insist  on  making  a  difference  between 
liberty  and  sovereignty  ;  considering  liberty  as  a  mean  term 
between  servitude  and  sovereignty." 1 

"  You  would  do  well,"  continued  the  Dutch  ambassador, 
"to  use  the  word  ' sovereignty'  on  all  occasions  instead 
of  '  liberty.'  " 2  The  hint  was  significant  and  the  advice 
sound. 

The  haughty  republic  of  Venice,  too,  with  its  "golden 
Book  "  and  its  pedigree  of  a  thousand  years,  looked  askance 
at  the  republic  of  yesterday  rising  like  herself  out  of 
lagunes  and  sand  banks,  and  affecting  to  place  herself  side 
by  side  with  emperors,  kings,  and  the  lion  of  St.  Mark. 
But  the  all-accomplished  council  of  that  most  serene 
commonwealth  had  far  too  much  insight  and  too  wide 
experience  in  political  combinations  to  make  the  blunder  of 
yielding  to  this  aristocratic  sentiment. 

The  natural  enemy  of  the  Pope,  of  Spain,  of  Austria, 
must  of  necessity  be  the  friend  of  Venice,  and  it  was  soon 
thought  highly  desirable  to  intimate  half  officially  that  "a 
legation  from  the  States-General  to  the  Queen  of  the 

1  Aersscns  to  Barneveld,  14  Jan.  1609.  (National  Archives  at  the  Hague  MS.) 

•  Ibid. 
VOL.   I.  D 


34 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAENEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 


Adriatic,  announcing  the  conclusion  of  the  Twelve  Years' 
Truce,  would  be  extremely  well  received. 

The  hint  was  given  by  the  Venetian  ambassador  at  Paris 
to  Francis  Aerssens,  who  instantly  recommended  van  der 
Myle,  son-in-law  of  Barneveld,  as  a  proper  personage  to  be 
entrusted  with  this  important  mission.  At  this  moment  an 
open  breach  had  almost  occurred  between  Spain  and  Venice, 
and  the  Spanish  ambassador  at  Paris,  Don  Pedro  de  Toledo, 
naturally  very  irate. with  Holland,  Venice,  and  even  with 
France,  was  vehement  in  his  demonstrations.  The  arrogant 
Spaniard  had  for  some  time  been  employed  in  an  attempt  to 
negotiate  a  double  marriage  between  the  Dauphin  and  the 
eldest  daughter  of  Philip  III.,  and  between  the  eldest  son  of 
that  king  and  the  Princess  Elizabeth  of  France.  An  indis- 
pensable but  secret  condition  of  this  negotiation  was  the 
absolute  renunciation  by  France  of  its  alliance  and  friendly 
relations  with  the  United  Provinces.  The  project  was  in 
truth  a  hostile  measure  aimed  directly  at  the  life  of  the 
Republic.  Henry  held  firm  however,  and  Don  Pedro  was  about 
to  depart  malcontent,  his  mission  having  totally  failed.  He 
chanced,  when  going  to  his  audience  of  leavetaking,  after 
the  arrival  of  his  successor,  Don  luigo  de  Cardenas,  to  meet 
the  Venetian  ambassador,  Antonio  Foscarini.  An  altercation 
took  place  between  them,  during  which  the  Spaniard  poured 
out  his  wrath  so  vehemently,  calling  his  colleague  with  neat 
alliteration  "  a  poltroon,  a  pantaloon,  and  a  pig,"  that  Henry 
heard  him.1 

What  Signor  Antonio  replied  has  not  been  preserved,  but 
it  is  stated  that  he  was  first  to  seek  a  reconciliation,  not 
liking,  he  said,  Spanish  assassinations.2 

Meantime  the  double  marriage  project  was  for  a  season  at 


1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  9    Feb. 
1609.    (Hague  Archives  MS.) 
8  Ibid.    ".  .  .  qui  ce  nonobstant  a 


cerche  1'accord  le  premier,  d'autant, 
dit-il,  que  les  assassinats  des  Espa- 
gnols  ne  lui  plaisent  pas." 


1609. 


EMBASSY  TO  VENICE. 


35 


least  suspended,  and  the  alliance  between  the  two  republics 
went  forwards.  Van  der  Myle,  appointed  ambassador  to 
Venice,  soon  afterwards  arrived  in  Paris,  where  he  made  a 
very  favourable  impression,  and  was  highly  lauded  by 
Aerssens  in  his  daily  correspondence  with  JBarneveld.  No 
portentous  shadow  of  future  and  fatal  discord  between  those 
statesmen  fell  upon  the  cheerful  scene.  Before  the  year 
closed,  he  arrived  at  his  post,  and  was  received  with  great 
distinction,  despite  the  obstacles  thrown  in  his  way  by  Spain 
and  other  powers ;  the  ambassador  of  France  itself,  de 
Champigny,  having  privately  urged  that  he  ought  to  be 
placed  on  the  same  footing  with  the  envoys  of  Savoy  and  of 
Florence. 

Van  der  Myle  at  starting  committed  the  trifling  fault  of 
styling  the  States-General  "most  illustrious"  (illustrissimi) 
instead  of  "  most  serene,"  the  title  by  which  Venice  desig- 
nated herself. 

The  fault  was  at  once  remedied,  however,  Priuli  the 
Doge  seating  the  Dutch  ambassador  on  his  right  hand  at  his 
solemn  reception,  and  giving  directions  that  van  der  Myle 
should  be  addressed  as  Excellency,  his  post  being  assigned  him 
directly  after  his  seniors,  the  ambassadors  of  Pope,  Emperor, 
and  kings.1  The  same  precedence  was  settled  in  Paris,  while 
Aerssens,  who  did  not  consider  himself  placed  in  a  position  of 
greater  usefulness  by  his  formal  installation  as  ambassador, 
received  private  intimation  from  Henry,  with  whom  he  was 
on  terms  of  great  confidence  and  intimacy,  that  he  should 
have  private  access  to  the  King  as  frequently  and  as  in- 
formally as  before.2  The  theory  that  the  ambassador, 
representing  the  personality  of  his  sovereign,  may  visit  the 
monarch  to  whom  he  is  accredited,  without  ceremony  and  at 


1  Aeresons  to  Barneveld,  23  April 
1609, 13  June  1609,  6  Sept.  1609,  30 
Nov.  1(509,  16  Dec.  1609.  (Hague 


Arch.  MSS.) 
17  Doc.  1609. 
*  Ibid. 


Samo  to  van  der  Myle, 
(Ibid.  MS.) 


36  THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  L 

his  own  convenience,  was  as  rarely  carried  into  practice  in 
the  sixteenth  century  as  in  the  nineteenth,  while  on  the 
other  hand  Aerssens,  as  the  private  and  confidential  agent  of 
a  friendly  but  not  publicly  recognized  commonwealth,  had 
been  for  many  years  in  almost  daily  personal  communica- 
tion with  the  King. 

It  is  also  important  to  note  that  the  modern  fallacy 
according  to  which  republics  being  impersonal  should 
not  be  represented  by  ambassadors  had  not  appeared  in 
that  important  epoch  in  diplomatic  history.  On  the  con- 
trary, the  two  great  republics  of  the  age,  Holland  and 
Venice,  vindicated  for  themselves,  with  as  much  dignity 
and  reason  as  success,  their  right  to  the  highest  diplomatic 
honours. 

The  distinction  was  substantial  not  shadowy ;  those 
haughty  commonwealths  not  considering  it  advantageous 
or  decorous  that  their  representatives  should  for  want  of 
proper  official  designations  be  ranked  on  great  ceremonial 
occasions  with  the  ministers  of  petty  Italian  principalities 
or  of  the  three  hundred  infinitesimal  sovereignties  of 
Germany. 

It  was  the  advice  of  the  French  king  especially,  who 
knew  politics  and  the  world  as  well  as  any  man,  that  the 
envoys  of  the  Eepublic  which  he  befriended  and  which 
stood  now  on  the  threshold  of  its  official  and  national  exist- 
ence, should  assert  themselves  at  every  court  with  the  self- 
reliance  and  courtesy  becoming  the  functionaries  of  a  great 
power.  That  those  ministers  were  second  to  the  represen- 
tatives of  no  other  European  state  in  capacity  and  accom- 
plishment was  a  fact  well  known  to  all  who  had  dealings 
with  them,  for  the  States  required  in  their  diplomatic  re- 
presentatives knowledge  of  history  and  international  law, 
modern  languages,  and  the  classics,  as  well  as  familiarity 
with  political  customs  and  social  courtesies  ;  the  breeding  of 


1609.     RELATIONS  OF  REPUBLIC  WITH  FOREIGN  STATES.      37 

gentlemen  in  short  and  the  accomplishments  of  scholars. 
It  is  both  a  literary  enjoyment  and  a  means  of  historical 
and  political  instruction  to  read  after  the  lapse  of  centuries 
their  reports  and  despatches.  They  worthily  compare  as 
works  of  art  with  those  diplomatic  masterpieces  the  letters 
and  '  Kelazioni '  of  the  Venetian  ambassadors  ;  and  it  is 
well  known  that  the  earlier  and  some  of  the  most  important 
treatises  on  public  and  international  law  ever  written  are 
from  the  pens  of  Hollanders,  who  indeed  may  be  said  to 
have  invented  that  science. 

The  Kepublic  having  thus  steadily  shouldered  its  way 
into  the  family  of  nations  was  soon  called  upon  to  perform 
a  prominent  part  in  the  world's  affairs.  More  than  in  our  own 
epoch  there  was  a  close  political  commingling  of  such  inde- 
pendent states  as  held  sympathetic  views  on  the  great 
questions  agitating  Europe.  The  policy  of  isolation  so 
wisely  and  successfully  carried  out  by  our  own  trans- Atlantic 
commonwealth  was  impossible  for  the  Dutch  republic,  born 
as  it  was  of  a  great  religious  schism,  and  with  its  narrow 
territory  wedged  between  the  chief  political  organizations 
of  Christendom.  Moreover  the  same  jealousy  on  the  part 
of  established  powers  which  threw  so  many  obstacles  in 
its  path  to  recognized  sovereignty  existed  in  the  highest 
degree  between  its  two  sponsors  and  allies,  France  and 
England,  in  regard  to  their  respective  relations  to  the  new 
state. 

"  If  ever  there  was  an  obliged  people,"  said  Henry's 
secretary  of  state,  Villeroy,  to  Aerssens,  "then  it  is  you 
Netherlandcrs  to  his  Majesty.  He  has  converted  your  war 
into  peace,  and  has  never  abandoned  you.  It  is  for  you  now 
to  show  your  affection  and  gratitude."  l 

In  the  time  of  Elizabeth,  and  now  in  that  of  her  suc- 
cessor, there  was  scarcely  a  day  in  which  the  envoys  of  the 

1  Aeresena  to  Barneveld.     (MS.) 


38  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

States  were  not  reminded  of  the  immense  load  of  favour 
from  England  under  which  they  tottered,  and  of  the  greater 
sincerity  and  value  of  English  friendship  over  that  of 
France. 

Sully  often  spoke  to  Aerssens  on  the  subject  in  even  stronger 
language,  deeming  himself  the  chief  protector  and  guardian 
angel  of  the  Eepublic,  to  whom  they  were  bound  by  ties  of 
eternal  gratitude.  "  But  if  the  States,"  he  said,  "  should 
think  of  caressing  the  King  of  England  more  than  him,  or 
even  of  treating  him  on  an  equality  with  his  Majesty, 
Henry  would  be  very  much  affronted.  He  did  not  mean 
that  they  should  neglect  the  friendship  of  the  King  of 
Britain,  but  that  they  should  cultivate  it  after  and  in  sub- 
ordination to  his  own,  for  they  might  be  sure  that  James 
held  all  things  indifferent,  their  ruin  or  their  conserva- 
tion, while  his  Majesty  had  always  manifested  the  contrary 
both  by  his  counsels  and  by  the  constant  furnishing  of 
supplies." l 

Henry  of  France  and  Navarre — soldier,  statesman,  wit, 
above  all  a  man  and  every  inch  a  king — brimful  of  human 
vices,  foibles,  and  humours,  and  endowed  with  those  high 
qualities  of  genius  which  enabled  him  to  mould  events  and 
men  by  his  unscrupulous  and  audacious  determination  to 
conform  to  the  spirit  of  his  times  which  no  man  better 
understood  than  himself,  had  ever  been  in  such  close  rela- 
tions with  the  Netherlands  as  to  seem  in  some  sort  their 
^sovereign. 

James  Stuart,  emerging  from  the  school  of  Buchanan  and 
the  atmosphere  of  Calvinism  in  which  he  had  been  bred, 
now  reigned  in  those  more  sunny  and  liberal  regions  where 
Elizabeth  so  long  had  ruled.  Finding  himself  at  once,  after 
years  of  theological  study,  face  to  face  with  a  foreign  com- 
monwealth and  a  momentous  epoch,  in  which  politics  were 
1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld.  (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


1609.     RELATIONS  OF  REPUBLIC  WITH  FOREIGN  STATES.     39 

so  commingled  with  divinity  as  to  offer  daily  the  most 
puzzling  problems,  the  royal  pedant  hugged  himself  at 
beholding  so  conspicuous  a  field  for  his  talents. 

To  turn  a  throne  into  a  pulpit,  and  amaze  mankind  with 
his  learning,  was  an  ambition  most  sweet  to  gratify.  The 
Calvinist  of  Scotland  now  proclaimed  his  deadly  hatred  of 
Puritans  in  England  and  Holland,  and  denounced  the 
Netherlander  as  a  pack  of  rebels  whom  it  always  pleased 
him  to  irritate,  and  over  whom  he  too  claimed,  through 
the  possession  of  the  cautionary  towns,  a  kind  of  sove- 
reignty. Instinctively  feeling  that  in  the  rough  and  un- 
lovely husk  of  Puritanism  was  enclosed  the  germ  of  a  wider 
human  liberty  than  then  existed,  he  was  determined  to 
give  battle  to  it  with  his  tongue,  his  pen,  with  everything 
but  his  sword. 

Doubtless  the  States  had  received  most  invaluable  assist- 
ance from  both  France  and  England,  but  the  sovereigns  of 
those  countries  were  too  apt  to  forget  that  it  was  their  own 
battles,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Hollanders,  that  had  been 
fought  in  Flanders  and  Brabant.  But  for  the  alliance  and 
subsidies  of  the  faithful  States,  Henry  would  not  so  soon 
have  ascended  the  throne  of  his  ancestors,  while  it  was 
matter  of  history  that  the  Spanish  government  had  for 
years  been  steadily  endeavouring  to  subjugate  England  not 
so  much  for  the  value  of  the  conquest  in  itself  as  for  a 
stepping-stone  to  the  recovery  of  the  revolted  Netherlands. 

For  the  dividing  line  of  nations  or  at  least  of  national 
alliances  was  a  frontier  not  of  language  but  of  faith.  Ger- 
many was  but  a  geographical  expression.  The  union  of 
Protestantism,  subscribed  by  a  large  proportion  of  its  three 
hundred  and  seven  sovereigns,  ran  zigzag  through  the 
country,  a  majority  probably  of  the  people  at  that  moment 
being  opposed  to  the  Roman  Church.1 

1  Gindely,  anno  1609. 


40  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAKNEVELD.          CHAP.  L 

It  has  often  been  considered  amazing  that  Protestantism 
having  accomplished  so  much  should  have  fallen  backwards 
so  soon,  and  yielded  almost  undisputed  sway  in  vast  regions 
to  the  long  dominant  church.  But  in  truth  there  is  nothing 
surprising  about  it.  Catholicism  was  and  remained  a  unit, 
while  its  opponents  were  eventually  broken  up  into  hundreds 
of  warring  and  politically  impotent  organizations.  Keligious 
faith  became  distorted  into  a  weapon  for  selfish  and  greedy 
territorial  aggrandizement  in  the  hands  of  Protestant 
princes.  "  Cujus  regio  ejus  religio  "  was  the  taunt  hurled  in 
the  face  of  the  imploring  Calvinists  of  France  and  the  Low 
Countries  by  the  arrogant  Lutherans  of  Germany.  Such  a 
sword  smote  the  principle  of  religious  freedom  and  mutual 
toleration  into  the  dust,  and  rendered  them  comparatively 
weak  in  the  conflict  with  the  ancient  and  splendidly  organized 
church. 

The  Huguenots  of  France,  notwithstanding  the  protection 
grudgingly  afforded  them  by  their  former  chieftain,  were 
dejected  and  discomfited  by  his  apostasy,  and  Henry,  placed 
in  a  fearfully  false  position,  was  an  object  of  suspicion  to 
both  friends  and  foes.  In  England  it  is  difficult  to  say 
whether  a  Jesuit  or  a  Puritan  was  accounted  the  more 
noxious  animal  by  the  dominant  party. 

In  the  United  Provinces  perhaps  one  half  the  population 
was  either  openly  or  secretly  attached  to  the  ancient  church, 
while  among  the  Protestant  portion  a  dire  and  tragic  con- 
vulsion was  about  to  break  forth,  which  for  a  time  at  least 
was  to  render  Kemonstrants  and  Contra-Kemonstrants  more 
fiercely  opposed  to  each  other  than  to  Papists. 

The  doctrine  of  predestination  in  its  sternest  and  strictest 
sense  had  long  been  the  prevailing  one  in  the  Reformed 
Church  of  the  revolted  Netherlands,  as  in  those  of  Scotland, 
France,  Geneva,  and  the  Palatinate.  No  doubt  up  to  the 
period  of  the  truce  a  majority  had  acquiesced  in  that 


1603.  APPOINTMENT  OF  ARMINIUS  CREATES  DISSENSION.     41 

dogma  and  its  results,  although  there  had  always  been 
many  preachers  to  advocate  publicly  a  milder  creed.  It 
was  not  until  the  appointment  of  Jacob  Arminius  to  the 
professorship  of  theology  at  Leyden,  in  the  place  of  Francis 
Junius,  in  the  year  1603,  that  a  danger  of  schism  in  the 
Church  seemed  impending.  Then  rose  the  great  Gomarus 
in  his  wrath,  and  with  all  the  powers  of  splendid  eloquence, 
profound  learning,  and  the  intense  bigotry  of  conviction, 
denounced  the  horrible  heresy.  Conferences  between  the 
two  before  the  Court  of  Holland,  theological  tournaments 
between  six  champions  on  a  side,  gallantly  led  by  their 
respective  chieftains,  followed,  with  the  usual  result  of  con- 
firming both  parties  in  the  conviction  that  to  each  alone 
belonged  exclusively  the  truth. 

The  original  influence  of  Arminius  had  however  been  so 
great  that  when  the  preachers  of  Holland  had  been  seve- 
rally called  on  by  a  synod  to  sign  the  Heidelberg  Catechism, 
many  of  them  refused.  Here  was  open  heresy  and  revolt. 
It  was  time  for  the  true  church  to  vindicate  its  authority. 
The  great  war  with  Spain  had  been  made,  so  it  was  urged 
and  honestly  believed,  not  against  the  Inquisition,  not  to 
prevent  Netherlanders  from  being  burned  and  buried  alive 
by  the  old  true  church,  not  in  defence  of  ancient  charters, 
constitutions,  and  privileges — the  precious  result  of  cen- 
turies of  popular  resistance  to  despotic  force — not  to  main- 
tain an  amount  of  civil  liberty  and  local  self-government 
larger  in  extent  than  any  then  existing  in  the  world,  not  to 
assert  equality  of  religion  for  all  men,  but  simply  to  esta- 
blish the  true  religion,  the  one  church,  the  only  possible 
creed  ;  the  creed  and  church  of  Calvin. 

It  is  perfectly  certain  that  the  living  fire  which  glowed  in 
the  veins  of  those  hot  gospellers  had  added  intense  enthu- 
siasm to  the  war  spirit  throughout  that  immense  struggle. 
It  is  quite  possible  that  without  that  enthusiasm  the  war 


42  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

might  not  have  been  earned  on  to  its  successful  end.  But 
it  is  equally  certain  that  Catholics,  Lutherans,  Baptists,  and 
devotees  of  many  other  creeds,  had  taken  part  in  the  con- 
flict in  defence  both  of  hearth  and  altar,  and  that  without 
that  aid  the  independence  of  the  Provinces  would  never  have 
been  secured. 

Yet  before  the  war  was  ended  the  arrogance  of  the  Ke- 
formed  priesthood  had  begun  to  dig  a  chasm.  Men  who 
with  William  the  Silent  and  Barneveld  had  indulged  in 
the  vision  of  religious  equality  as  a  possible  result  of  so 
much  fighting  against  the  Holy  Inquisition  were  perhaps 
to  be  disappointed. 

Preachers  under  the  influence  of  the  gentle  Arminius 

having  dared  to  refuse  signing  the  Creed  were  to  be  dealt 

with.    It  was  time  to  pass  from  censure  to  action. 

"I  fW* 

Heresy  must  be  trampled  down.  The  churches 
called  for  a  national  synod,  and  they  did  this  as  by  divine 
right.  "  My  Lords  the  States-General  must  observe,"  they 
said,  "that  this  assembly  now  demanded  is  not  a  human 
institution  but  an  ordinance  of  the  Holy  Ghost  in  its  com- 
munity, not  depending  upon  any  man's  authority,  but  pro- 
ceeding from  God  to  the  community/'  They  complained 
that  the  true  church  was  allowed  to  act  only  through  the 
civil  government,  and  was  thus  placed  at  a  disadvantage 
compared  even  with  Catholics  and  other  sects,  whose  pro- 
ceedings were  winked  at.  "  Thus  the  true  church  suffered 
from  its  apparent  and  public  freedom,  and  hostile  sects 
gained  by  secret  connivance." 1 

A  crisis  was  fast  approaching.  The  one  church  claimed 
infallibility  and  superiority  to  the  civil  power.  The  Holy 
Ghost  was  placed  in  direct,  ostentatious  opposition  to  My 
Lords  the  States-General.  It  was  for  Netherlander  to 

1  Continuation  of  Arend's '  Vad.  Hist.'  by  van  Rees  and  Dr.  Brill,  iii. 

p.  420. 


1606.  RELIGIOUS  DISSENSION.  43 

decide  whether,  after  having  shaken  off  the  Holy  Inquisi- 
tion, and  subjected  the  old  true  church  to  the  public 
authority,  they  were  now  to  submit  to  the  imperious  claims 
of  the  new  true  church. 

There  were  hundreds  of  links  connecting  the  Church  with 
the  State.  In  that  day  a  divorce  between  the  two  was  hardly 
possible  or  conceivable.  The  system  of  Congregationalism 
so  successfully  put  into  practice  soon  afterwards  in  the  wil- 
derness of  New  England,  and  to  which  so  much  of  American 
freedom  political  as  well  as  religious  is  due,  was  not  easy 
to  adopt  in  an  old  country  like  the  Netherlands.  Splendid 
churches  and  cathedrals,  the  legal  possession  of  which  would 
be  contended  for  by  rival  sects,  could  scarcely  be  replaced 
by  temporary  structures  of  lath  and  plaster,  or  by  humble 
back  parlours  of  mechanics'  shops.  There  were  questions  of 
property  of  complicated  nature.  Not  only  the  states  and 
the  communities  claimed  in  rivalry  the  ownership  of  church 
property,  but  many  private  families  could  show  ancient 
advowsons  and  other  claims  to  present  or  to  patronize, 
derived  from  imperial  or  ducal  charters. 

So  long  as  there  could  be  liberty  of  opinion  within  the 
Church  upon  points  not  necessarily  vital,  open  schism  could 
be  avoided,  by  which  the  cause  of  Protestantism  throughout 
Europe  must  be  weakened,  while  at  the  same  time  sub- 
ordination of  the  priesthood  to  the  civil  authority  would  be 
maintained.  But  if  the  Holy  Ghost,  through  the  assembled 
clergy,  were  to  dictate  an  iron  formulary  to  which  all  must 
conform,  to  make  laws  for  church  government  which  every 
citizen  must  obey,  and  to  appoint  preachers  and  school- 
masters from  whom  alone  old  and  young  could  receive 
illumination  and  instruction  religious  or  lay,  a  theocracy 
would  be  established  which  no  enlightened  statesman  could 
tolerate. 

The  States-General  agreed  to  the  synod,  but  imposed  a 


44  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAENEVELD.          CHAP.  L 

condition  that  there  should  be  a  revision  of  Creed  and  Cate- 
chism.    This  was  thundered  down  with  one  blast. 

1  fv\p 

The  condition  implied  a  possibility  that  the  vile 
heresy  of  Arminius  might  be  correct.  An  unconditional  synod 
was  demanded.  The  Heidelberg  Creed  and  Netherland  Cate- 
chism were  sacred,  infallible,  not  to  be  touched.  The  answer 
of  the  government,  through  the  mouth  of  Barneveld,  was 
that  "  to  My  Lords  the  States-General  as  the  foster-fathers 
and  protectors  of  the  churches  every  right  belonged." 

Thus  far  the  States-General  under  the  leadership  of  the 
Advocate  were  unanimous.  The  victory  remained  with 
State  against  Church.  But  very  soon  after  the  truce  had 
been  established,  and  men  had  liberty  to  devote  themselves 
to  peaceful  pursuits,  the  ecclesiastical  trumpet  again  sounded 
far  and  wide,  and  contending  priests  and  laymen  rushed  madly 
to  the  fray.  The  Remonstrance  and  Contra-Remonstrancc, 
and  the  appointment  of  Conrad  Vorstius,  a  more  abominable 
heretic  than  Arminius,  to  the  vacant  chair  of  Arminius — a 
step  which  drove  Gomarus  and  the  Gomarites  to  frenzy, 
although  Gomarus  and  Vorstius  remained  private  and  inti- 
mate friends  to  the  last — are  matters  briefly  to  be  men- 
tioned on  a  later  page. 

Thus  to  the  four  chief  actors  in  the  politico-religious 
drama,  soon  to  be  enacted  as  an  interlude  to  an  eighty 
years'  war,  were  assigned  parts  at  first  sight  inconsistent 
with  their  private  convictions.  The  King  of  France,  who 
nad  often  abjured  his  religion,  and  was  now  the  best  of 
Catholics,  was  denounced  ferociously  in  every  Catholic 
pulpit  in  Christendom  as  secretly  an  apostate  again,  and 
the  open  protector  of  heretics  and  rebels.1  But  the  cheerful 
Henry  troubled  himself  less  than  he  perhaps  had  cause  to 
do  with  these  thundcrblasts.  Besides,  as  we  shall  soon  see,  he 
had  other  objects  political  and  personal  to  sway  his  opinions. 
1  Van  Mcteren,  fo.  645. 


1606.  RELIGIOUS  DISSENSION.  45 

James  the  ex-Calvinist,  crypto-Arminian,  pseudo-Papist, 
and  avowed  Puritan  hater,  was  girding  on  his  armour  to 
annihilate  Arminians  and  to  defend  and  protect  Puritans 
in  Holland,  while  swearing  that  in  England  he  would  pepper 
them  and  harry  them  and  hang  them  and  that  he  would 
even  like  to  bury  them  alive. 

Barneveld,  who  turned  his  eyes,  as  much  as  in  such  an 
inflammatory  age  it  was  possible,  from  subtle  points  of 
theology,  and  relied  on  his  great-grandfather's  motto  of 
humility,  "Nil  scire  tutissima  fides  "  was  perhaps  nearer  to  .' 
the  dogma  of  the  dominant  Eeformed  Church  than  he  knew, 
although  always  the  consistent  and  strenuous  champion  of 
the  civil  authority  over  Church  as  well  as  State. 

Maurice  was  no  theologian.  He  was  a  steady  church- 
goer, and  his  favorite  divine,  the  preacher  at  his  court 
chapel,  was  none  other  than  Uytenbogaert.  The  very  man 
who  was  instantly  to  be  the  champion  of  the  Arminians,  the 
author  of  the  Remonstrance,  the  counsellor  and  comrade  of 
Barneveld  and  Grotius,  was  now  sneered  at  by  the  Goma- 
rites  as  the  "  Court  Trumpeter."  The  preacher  was  not 
destined  to  change  his  opinions.  Perhaps  the  Prince  might 
alter.  But  Maurice  then  paid  no  heed  to  the  great  point  at 
issue,  about  which  all  the  Netherlander  were  to  take  each 
other  by  the  throat — absolute  predestination.  He  knew 
that  the  Advocate  had  refused  to  listen  to  his  stepmother's 
suggestion  as  to  his  obtaining  the  sovereignty.  "  He  knew 
nothing  of  predestination,"  he  was  wont  to  say,  "  whether  it 
was  green,  or  whether  it  was  blue.  He  only  knew  that  his 
pipe  and  the  Advocate's  were  not  likely  to  make  music 
together."  This  much  of  predestination  he  did  know,  that 
if  the  Advocate  and  his  friends  were  to  come  to  open  conflict 
with  the  Prince  of  Orange-Nassau,  the  conqueror  of  Nicuw- 
poort,  it  was  predestined  to  go  hard  with  the  Advocate  and 
his  friends. 


46 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD. 


CHAP.  L 


The  theological  quibble  did  not  interest  him  much,  and 
he  was  apt  to  blunder  about  it. 

"  Well,  preacher,"  said  he  one  day  to  Albert  Huttenus, 
who  had  come  to  him  to  intercede  for  a  deserter  condemned 
to  be  hanged,  "are  you  one  of  those  Arminians  who  be- 
lieve that  one  child  is  born  to  salvation  and  another  to 
damnation  ?" 

Huttenus,  amazed  to  the  utmost  at  the  extraordinary 
question,  replied,  "  Your  Excellency  will  be  graciously 
pleased  to  observe  that  this  is  not  the  opinion  of  those 
whom  one  calls  by  the  hateful  name  of  Arminians,  but  the 
opinion  of  their  adversaries." 

"  Well,  preacher,"  rejoined  Maurice,  "  don't  you  think  I 
know  better  ? "  And  turning  to  Count  Lewis  William, 
Stadholder  of  Friesland,  who  was  present,  standing  by  the 
hearth  with  his  hand  on  a  copper  ring  of  the  chimneypiece, 
he  cried, 

"  Which  is  right,  cousin,  the  preacher  or  I  ?  " 

"No,  cousin,"  answered  Count  Lewis,  "you  are  in  the 
wrong."  * 

Thus  to  the  Catholic  League  organized  throughout 
Europe  in  solid  and  consistent  phalanx  was  opposed  the 
Great  Protestant  Union,  ardent  and  enthusiastic  in  detail, 
but  undisciplined,  disobedient,  and  inharmonious  as  a 
whole. 

The  great  principle,  not  of  religious  toleration,  which  is 
a  phrase  of  insult,  but  of  religious  equality,  which  is  the 
natural  right  of  mankind,  was  to  be  evolved  after  a  lapse  of 


1  The  anecdote  rests  on  the  autho- 
rity of  the  annotator  to  the  2nd  edi- 
tion of  Brandt's  '  Hist.  v.  d.  Rechts- 
pleging.'  (1710)  p.  179.  He  derived 
it,  he  says,  from  the  MS.  note  of  a 
man  well  known  to  him,  venerable 
and  trustworthy,  who  had  heard  it 
more  than  once  from  the  mouth  of 


Dr.  Huttenus  himself. 

Of  course  it  may  be  disputed  by 
violent  partisans  who  deem  such 
stories  criminal  or  discreditable  to  a 
plain  soldier.  It  seems  characteristic 
enough,  and  the  evidence  is  sufficient 
for  such  a  trifle. 


1609.     THE  CATHOLIC  LEAGUE  AND  PROTESTANT  UNION.        47 

additional  centuries  out  of  the  elemental  conflict  which  had 
already  lasted  so  long.  Still  later  was  the  total  divorce  of 
State  and  Church  to  be  achieved  as  the  final  consummation 
of  the  great  revolution.  Meantime  it  was  almost  inevitable 
that  the  privileged  and  richly  endowed  church,  with  eccle- 
siastical armies  and  arsenals  vastly  superior  to  anything 
which  its  antagonist  could  improvise,  should  more  than  hold 
its  own. 

At  the  outset  of  the  epoch  which  now  occupies  our  atten- 
tion, Europe  was  in  a  state  of  exhaustion  and  longing  for 
repose.  Spain  had  submitted  to  the  humiliation  of  a  treaty 
of  truce  with  its  rebellious  subjects  which  was  substantially 
a  recognition  of  their  independence.  Nothing  could  be 
more  deplorable  than  the  internal  condition  of  the  country 
which  claimed  to  be  mistress  of  the  world  and  still  aspired 
to  universal  monarchy. 

It  had  made  peace  because  it  could  no  longer  furnish 
funds  for  the  war.  The  French  ambassador,  Barante,  re- 
turning from  Madrid,  informed  his  sovereign  that  he  had 
often  seen  officers  in  the  army  prostrating  themselves  on 
their  knees  in  the  streets  before  their  sovereign  as  he  went 
to  mass,  and  imploring  him  for  payment  of  their  salaries, 
or  at  least  an  alms  to  keep  them  from  starving,  and  always 
imploring  in  vain.1 

The  King,  who  was  less  than  a  cipher,  had  neither  capa- 
city to  feel  emotion,  nor  intelligence  to  comprehend  the  most 
insignificant  affair  of  state.  Moreover  the  means  were 
wanting  to  him  even  had  he  been  disposed  to  grant  assist- 
ance. The  terrible  Duke  of  Lerma  was  still  his  inexorable 
lord  and  master,  and  the  secretary  of  that  powerful  per- 
sonage, who  kept  an  open  shop  for  the  sale  of  offices  of 
state  both  high  and  low,  took  care  that  all  the  proceeds 

1  Aeresens  to  Barneveld,  30  Jan.  1609.    (MS.) 


48  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

should  flow  into  the  coffers  of  the  Duke  and  his  own  lap 
instead  of  the  royal  exchequer. 

In  France  both  king  and  people  declared  themselves  dis- 
gusted with  war.  Sully  disapproved  of  the  treaty  just  con- 
cluded between  Spain  and  the  Netherlands,  feeling  sure  that 
the  captious  and  equivocal  clauses  contained  in  it  would  be 
interpreted  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  Kepublic  and  of  the 
Reformed  religion  whenever  Spain  felt  herself  strong  enough 
to  make  the  attempt.  He  was  especially  anxious  that  the 
States  should  make  no  concessions  in  regard  to  the  exercise 
of  the  Catholic  worship  within  their  territory,  believing  that 
by  so  doing  they  would  compromise  their  political  independ- 
ence besides  endangering  the  cause  of  Protestantism  every- 
where. A  great  pressure  was  put  upon  Sully  that  moment 
by  the  King  to  change  his  religion. 

"You  will  all  be  inevitably  ruined  if  you  make  con- 
cessions in  this  regard,"  said  he  to  Aerssens.  "Take 
example  by  me.  I  should  be  utterly  undone  if  I  had 
listened  to  any  overture  on  this  subject."  1 

Nevertheless  it  was  the  opinion  of  the  astute  and  caustic 
envoy  that  the  Duke  would  be  forced  to  yield  at  last.  The 
Pope  was  making  great  efforts  to  gain  him,  and  thus  to 
bring  about  the  extirpation  of  Protestantism  in  France.  And 
the  King,  at  that  time  much  under  the  influence  of  the  Jesuits, 
had  almost  set  his  heart  on  the  conversion.  Aerssens  in- 
sinuated that  Sully  was  dreading  a  minute  examination 
into  the  affairs  of  his  administration  of  the  finances — a 
groundless  calumny — and  would  be  thus  forced  to  comply. 
Other  enemies  suggested  that  nothing  would  effect  this 
much  desired  apostasy  but  the  office  of  Constable  of 
France,  which  it  was  certain  would  never  be  bestowed  on 
him.2 

1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  9  Feb.  and  27  March  1609.    (Hague  Archives  MS.) 

2  Ibid. 


1609.    THE  CATHOLIC  LEAGUE  AND  PROTESTANT  UNION.      49 

At  any  rate  it  was  very  certain  that  Henry  at  this  period 
was  bent  on  peace. 

"  Make  your  account,"  said  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  as  the 
time  for  signing  the  truce  drew  nigh,  "  on  this  indubitable 
foundation  that  the  King  is  determined  against  war,  what- 
ever pretences  he  may  make.  His  bellicose  demeanour  has 
been  assumed  only  to  help  forward  our  treaty,  which  he 
would  never  have  favoured,  and  ought  never  to  have 
favoured,  if  he  had  not  been  too  much  in  love  with 
peace.  This  is  a  very  important  secret  if  we  manage  it 
discreetly,  and  a  very  dangerous  one  if  our  enemies  discover 
it." 1 

Sully  would  have  much  preferred  that  the  States  should 
stand  out  for  a  peace  rather  than  for  a  truce,  and  believed  it 
might  have  been  obtained  if  the  King  had  not  begun  the 
matter  so  feebly,  and  if  he  had  let  it  be  understood  that  he 
would  join  his  arms  to  those  of  the  Provinces  in  case  of 
rupture. 

He  warned  the  States  very  strenuously  that  the  Pope 
and  the  King  of  Spain,  and  a  host  of  enemies  open 
and  covert,  were  doing  their  best  to  injure  them  at  the 
French  court.  They  would  find  little  hindrance  in  this 
course  if  the  Kepublic  did  not  show  its  teeth,  and  especially 
if  it  did  not  stiffly  oppose  all  encroachments  of  the 
Roman  religion,  without  even  showing  any  deference  to 
the  King  in  this  regard,  who  was  much  importuned  on  the 
subject. 

He  advised  the  States  to  improve  the  interval  of  truce  by 
restoring  order  to  their  finances  and  so  arranging  their  affairs 
that  on  the  resumption  of  hostilities,  if  come  they  must, 
their  friends  might  be  encouraged  to  help  them,  by  the 
exhibition  of  thorough  vigour  on  their  part.2 


1  Aeresens  to  Barneveld,  27  March  1609.    (MS.) 
1  Ibid 


VOL.  I. 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD. 


CHAP.  I 


France  then,  although  utterly  indisposed  for  war  at  that 
moment,  was  thoroughly  to  be  relied  on  as  a  friend  and  in 
case  of  need  an  ally,  so  long  as  it  was  governed  by  its  present 
policy.  There  was  but  one  king  left  in  Europe  since  the 
death  of  Elizabeth  of  England. 

But  Henry  was  now  on  the  abhorred  threshold  of  old  age 
which  he  obstinately  refused  to  cross. 

There  is  something  almost  pathetic,  in  spite  of  the  cen- 
sure which  much  of  his  private  life  at  this  period  provokes, 
in  the  isolation  which  now  seemed  his  lot. 

Deceived  and  hated  by  his  wife  and  his  mistresses,  who 
were  conspiring  with  each  other  and  with  his  ministers, 
not  only  against  his  policy  but  against  his  life  ;  with  a 
vile  Italian  adventurer,  dishonouring  his  household,  en- 
tirely dominating  the  queen,  counteracting  the  royal  mea- 
sures, secretly  corresponding,  by  assumed  authority,  with 
Spain,  in  direct  violation  of  the  King's  instructions  to  his 
ambassadors,  and  gorging  himself  with  wealth  and  offices 
at  the  expense  of  everything  respectable  in  France ;  sur- 
rounded by  a  pack  of  malignant  and  greedy  nobles,  who 
begrudged  him  his  fame,  his  authority,  his  independence ; 
without  a  home,  and  almost  without  a  friend,  the  Most 
Christian  King  in  these  latter  days  led  hardly  as  merry 
a  life  as  when  fighting  years  long  for  his  crown,  at  the  head 
of  his  Gascon  chivalry,  the  beloved  chieftain  of  Huguenots.1 

Of  the  triumvirate  then  constituting  his  council,  Villeroy, 
Sillery,  and  Sully,  the  two  first  were  ancient  Leaguers,  and 
more  devoted  at  heart  to  Philip  of  Spain  than  to  Henry  of 
France  and  Navarre. 

Both  silent,  laborious,  plodding,  plotting  functionaries, 
thriftily  gathering  riches ;  skilled  in  routine  and  adepts  at 


1  See  especially  'Memoires  de 
Sully,'  ed.  Paris,  1747,  vols.  vii.  and 
viii.  passim,  and  Michelet's  remark- 


able volume,  '  Henry  IV.  et  Richa 
lieu.' 


1609.   THE  CATHOLIC  LEAGUE  AND  PROTESTANT  UNION.      51 

intrigue  ;  steady  self-seekers,  and  faithful  to  office  in  which 
their  lives  had  passed,  they  might  be  relied  on  at  any  emer- 
gency to  take  part  against  their  master,  if  to  ruin  would 
prove  more  profitable  than  to  serve  him. 

There  was  one  man  who  was  truer  to  Henry  than  Henry 
had  been  to  himself.  The  haughty,  defiant,  austere  grandee, 
brave  soldier,  sagacious  statesman,  thrifty  financier,  against 
whom  the  poisoned  arrows  of  religious  hatred,  envious  am- 
bition, and  petty  court  intrigue  were  daily  directed,  who 
watched  grimly  over  the  exchequer  confided  to  him,  which 
was  daily  growing  fuller  in  despite  of  the  cormorants  who 
trembled  at  his  frown ;  hard  worker,  good  hater,  conscientious 
politician,  who  filled  his  own  coffers  without  dishonesty,  and 
those  of  the  state  without  tyranny;  unsociable,  arrogant,  pious, 
very  avaricious,  and  inordinately  vain,  Maximilian  de  Bethune, 
Duke  of  Sully,  loved  and  respected  Henry  as  no  man  or 
woman  loved  and  respected  him.  In  truth,  there  was  but  one 
living  being  for  whom  the  Duke  had  greater  reverence  and 
affection  than  for  the  King,  and  that  was  the  Duke  of  Sully 
himself. 

At  this  moment  he  considered  himself,  as  indeed  he  was, 
in  full  possession  of  his  sovereign's  confidence.  But  he  was 
alone  in  this  conviction.  Those  about  the  court,  men  like 
Epernon  and  his  creatures,  believed  the  great  financier  on 
the  brink  of  perdition.  Henry,  always  the  loosest  of  talkers 
even  in  regard  to  his  best  friends,  had  declared,  on  some 
temporary  vexation  in  regard  to  the  affair  between  Aiguillon 
and  Balagny,  that  he  would  deal  with  the  Duke  as  with  the 
late  Marshal  de  Biron,  and  make  him  smaller  than  he  had 
ever  made  him  great : 1  goading  him  on  this  occasion  with 
importunities,  almost  amounting  to  commands,  that  both  he 
and  his  son  should  forthwith  change  their  religion  or  expect 
instant  ruin.  The  blow  was  so  severe  that  Sully  shut  him- 

1  Aeresens  to  Barnoveld,  9  Feb.  1009.    (MS.) 


52  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

self  up,  refused  to  see  anyone,  and  talked  of  retiring  for  good 
to  his  estates.1  But  he  knew,  and  Henry  knew,  how  indis- 
pensable he  was,  and  the  anger  of  the  master  was  as  short- 
lived as  the  despair  of  the  minister. 

There  was  no  living  statesman  for  whom  Henry  had  a  more 
sincere  respect  than  for  the  Advocate  of  Holland.  "  His 
Majesty  admires  and  greatly  extols  your  wisdom,  which  he 
judges  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  our  State ;  deeming 
you  one  of  the  rare  and  sage  counsellors  of  the  age."  2  It  is 
true  that  this  admiration  was  in  part  attributed  to  the  singu- 
lar coincidence  of  Barneveld's  views  of  policy  with  the  King's 
own.  Sully,  on  his  part,  was  a  severe  critic  of  that  policy. 
He  believed  that  better  terms  might  have  been  exacted  from 
Spain  in  the  late  negotiations,  and  strongly  objected  to  the 
cavilling  and  equivocal  language  of  the  treaty.  Kude  in 
pen  as  in  speech,  he  expressed  his  mind  very  freely  in  his 
conversation  and  correspondence  with  Henry  in  regard  to 
leading  personages  and  great  affairs,  and  made  no  secret  of 
his  opinions  to  the  States'  ambassador. 

He  showed  his  letters  in  which  he  had  informed  the  King 
that  he  ought  never  to  have  sanctioned  the  truce  without 
better  securities  than  existed,  and  that  the  States  would  never 
have  moved  in  any  matter  without  him.  It  would  have 
been  better  to  throw  himself  into  a  severe  war  than  to  see 
the  Kepublic  perish.  He  further  expressed  the  conviction 
that  Henry  ought  to  have  such  authority  over  the  Nether- 
lands that  they  would  embrace  blindly  whatever  counsel  he 
chose  to  give  them,  even  if  they  saw  in  it  their  inevitable 
ruin  ;  and  this  not  so  much  from  remembrance  of  assistance 
rendered  by  him,  but  from  the  necessity  in  which  they 
should  always  feel  of  depending  totally  upon  him. 

"  You  may  judge,  therefore,"  concluded  Aerssens,  "  as  to 

1  Aeresens  to  Barneveld,  9  Feb.  1609.     (MS.) 
8  Same  to  same,  27  March  1609.    (MS.) 


1609.   THE  CATHOLIC  LEAGUE  AND  PROTESTANT  UNION.      53 

how  much  we  can  build  on  such  foundations  as  these.  I 
have  been  amazed  at  these  frank  communications,  for  in 
those  letters  he  spares  neither  My  Lords  the  States,  nor  his 
Excellency  Prince  Maurice,  nor  yourself;  giving  his  judg- 
ment of  each  of  you  with  far  too  much  freedom  and  without 
sufficient  knowledge."  1 

Thus  the  alliance  between  the  Netherlands  and  France, 
notwithstanding  occasional  traces  of  caprice  and  flaws  of 
personal  jealousy,  was  on  the  whole  sincere,  for  it  was 
founded  on  the  surest  foundation  of  international  friendship, 
the  self-interest  of  each.  Henry,  although  boasting  of  having 
bought  Paris  with  a  mass,  knew  as  well  as  his  worst  enemy 
that  in  that  bargain  he  had  never  purchased  the  confidence 
of  the  ancient  church,  on  whose  bosom  he  had  flung  himself 
with  so  much  dramatic  pomp.  His  noble  position,  as  cham- 
pion of  religious  toleration,  was  not  only  unappreciated  in  an 
age  in  which  each  church  and  every  sect  arrogated  to  itself 
a  monopoly  of  the  truth,  but  it  was  one  in  which  he  did  not 
himself  sincerely  believe. 

After  all,  he  was  still  the  chieftain  of  the  Protestant  Union, 
and,  although  Eldest  Son  of  the  Church,  was  the  bitter 
antagonist  of  the  League  and  the  sworn  foe  to  the  House  of 
Austria.  He  was  walking  through  pitfalls  with  a  crowd  of 
invisible  but  relentless  foes  dogging  his  every  footstep.  In 
his  household  or  without  were  daily  visions  of  dagger  and 
bowl,  and  he  felt  himself  marching  to  his  doom.  How  could 
the  man  on  whom  the  heretic  and  rebellious  Hollanders  and 
the  Protestant  princes  of  Germany  relied  as  on  their  saviour 
escape  the  unutterable  wrath  and  the  patient  vengeance  of  a 
power  that  never  forgave  ? 

In  England  the  jealousy  of  the  Republic  and  of  Franco 
as  co-guardian  and  protector  of  the  Republic  was  even 
greater  than  in  France.  Though  placed  by  circumstances 

1  Acrsscn's  letter  last  cited.     (MS.) 


54  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  I. 

in  the  position  of  ally  to  the  Netherlands  and  enemy  to 
Spain,  James  hated  the  Netherlands  and  adored  Spain.  His 
first  thought  on  escaping  the  general  destruction  to  which 
the  Gunpowder  Plot  was  to  have  involved  himself  and  family 
and  all  the  principal  personages  of  the  realm  seems  to  have 
been  to  exculpate  Spain  from  participation  in  the  crime. 
His  next  was  to  deliver  a  sermon  to  Parliament,  exonerating 
the  Catholics  and  going  out  of  his  way  to  stigmatize  the 
Puritans  as  entertaining  doctrines  which  should  be  punished 
with  fire.  As  the  Puritans  had  certainly  not  been  accused  of 
complicity  with  Guy  Fawkes  or  Garnet,  this  portion  of  the 
discourse  was  at  least  superfluous.  But  James  loathed 
nothing  so  much  as  a  Puritan.  A  Catholic  at  heart,  he 
would  have  been  the  warmest  ally  of  the  League  had  he 
only  been  permitted  to  be  Pope  of  Great  Britain.  He  hated 
and  feared  a  Jesuit,  not  for  his  religious  doctrines,  for  with 
these  he  sympathized,  but  for  his  political  creed.  He  liked 
not  that  either  Roman  Pontiff  or  British  Presbyterian  should 
abridge  his  heaven-born  prerogative.  The  doctrine  of  Papal 
superiority  to  temporal  sovereigns  was  as  odious  to  him  as 
Puritan  rebellion  to  the  hierarchy  of  which  he  was  the  chief. 
Moreover,  in  his  hostility  to  both  Papists  and  Presbyterians, 
there  was  much  of  professional  rivalry.  Having  been  de- 
prived by  the  accident  of  birth  of  his  true  position  as  theo- 
logical professor,  he  lost  no  opportunity  of  turning  his  throne 
into  a  pulpit  and  his  sceptre  into  a  controversial  pen. 
>  Henry  of  France,  who  rarely  concealed  his  contempt  for 
Master  Jacques,  as  he  called  him,  said  to  the  English  ambas- 
sador, on  receiving  from  him  one  of  the  King's  books,  and 
being  asked  what  he  thought  of  it — "  It  is  not  the  business 
of  us  kings  to  write,  but  to  fight.  Everybody  should  mind 
his  own  business,  but  it  is  the  vice  of  most  men  to  wish  to 
appear  learned  in  matters  of  which  they  are  ignorant/' 1 

1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  24  June  1609.    (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


1609.   THE  CATHOLIC  LEAGUE  AND  PROTESTANT  UNION.      55 

The  flatterers  of  James  found  their  account  in  pandering 
to  his  sacerdotal  and  royal  vanity.  "  I  have  always  be- 
lieved," said  the  Lord  Chancellor,  after  hearing  the  King 
argue  with  and  browbeat  a  Presbyterian  deputation,  "  that 
the  high-priesthood  and  royalty  ought  to  be  united,  but  I 
never  witnessed  the  actual  junction  till  now,  after  hearing  the 
learned  discourse  of  your  Majesty."  Archbishop  Whitgift, 
grovelling  still  lower,  declared  his  conviction  that  James,  in 
the  observations  he  had  deigned  to  make,  had  been  directly 
inspired  by  the  Holy  Ghost.1 

Nothing  could  be  more  illogical  and  incoherent  with 
each  other  than  his  theological  and  political  opinions.  He 
imagined  himself  a  defender  of  the  Protestant  faith,  while 
hating  Holland  and  fawning  on  the  House  of  Austria. 

In  England  he  favoured  Arminianism,  because  the 
Anglican  Church  recognized  for  its  head  the  temporal 
chief  of  the  State.  In  Holland  he  vehemently  denounced  the 
Arminians,  indecently  persecuting  their  preachers  and  states- 
men, who  were  contending  for  exactly  the  same  principle — the 
supremacy  of  State  over  Church.  He  sentenced  Bartholomew 
Legate  to  be  burned  alive  in  Smithfield  as  a  blasphemous 
heretic,  and  did  his  best  to  compel  the  States  of  Holland  to 
take  the  life  of  Professor  Vorstius  of  Leyden.  He  perse- 
cuted the  Presbyterians  in  England  as  furiously  as  he  de- 
fended them  in  Holland.  He  drove  Bradford  and  Carver  into 
the  New  England  wilderness,  and  applauded  Gomarus  and 
Walaeus  and  the  other  famous  leaders  of  the  Presbyterian 
party  in  the  Netherlands  with  all  his  soul  and  strength. 

He  united  with  the  French  king  in  negotiations  for 
Netherland  independence,  while  denouncing  the  Provinces 
as  guilty  of  criminal  rebellion  against  their  lawful  sovereign. 

"  He  pretends,"  said  Jeannin,  "  to  assist  in  bringing  about 
the  peace,  and  nevertheless  does  his  best  openly  to  prevent  it." 

1  Rapin,  'Hist.  d'Anglcterre '  (la  Have,  1725),  t.  vii.  14 


56  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

Kichardot  declared  that  the  firmness  of  the  King  of  Spain 
proceeded  entirely  from  reliance  on  the  promise  of  James 
that  there  should  be  no  acknowledgment  in  the  treaty  of  the 
liberty  of  the  States.  Henry  wrote  to  Jeannin  that  he  knew 

very  well  "what  that  was  capable  of,  but  that  he 

should  not  be  kept  awake  by  anything  he  could  do." 1 

As  a  king  he  spent  his  reign — so  much  of  it  as  could 
be  spared  from  gourmandizing,  drunkenness,  dalliance  with 
handsome  minions  of  hia  own  sex,  and  theological  pursuits 
— in  rescuing  the  Crown  from  dependence  on  Parliament ;  in 
straining  to  the  utmost  the  royal  prerogative  ;  in  substi- 
tuting proclamations  for  statutes  ;  in  doing  everything  in 
his  power,  in  short,  to  smooth  the  path  for  his  successor  to 
the  scaffold.  As  father  of  a  family  he  consecrated  many 
years  of  his  life  to  the  wondrous  delusion  of  the  Spanish 
marriages. 

The  Gunpowder  Plot  seemed  to  have  inspired  him  with  an 
insane  desire  for  that  alliance,  and  few  things  in  history  are 
more  amazing  than  the  persistency  with  which  he  pursued 
the  scheme,  until  the  pursuit  became  not  only  ridiculous,  but 
impossible. 

With  such  a  man,  frivolous,  pedantic,  conceited,  and  licen- 
tious, the  earnest  statesmen  of  Holland  were  forced  into 
close  alliance.  It  is  pathetic  to  see  men  like  Barneveld  and 
Hugo  Grotius  obliged,  on  great  occasions  of  state,  to  use 
the  language  of  respect  and  affection  to  one  by  whom  they 
were  hated,  and  whom  they  thoroughly  despised. 

But  turning  away  from  France,  it  was  in  vain  for  them  to 
look  for  kings  or  men  either  among  friends  or  foes.  In  Ger- 
many religious  dissensions  were  gradually  ripening  into 
open  war,  and  it  would  be  difficult  to  imagine  a  more  hope- 
lessly incompetent  ruler  than  the  man  who  was  nominally 
chief  of  the  Holy  Koman  Kealm.  Yet  the  distracted  Bu- 

1  Rapin,  vii.  59,  60. 


1609.    THE  CATHOLIC  LEAGUE  AND  PROTESTANT  UNION.      57 

dolph  was  quite  as  much  an  emperor  as  the  chaos  over 
which  he  was  supposed  to  preside  was  an  empire.  Perhaps 
the  very  worst  polity  ever  devised  by  human  perverseness 
was  the  system  under  which  the  great  German  race  was  then 
writhing  and  groaning.  A  mad  world  with  a  lunatic  to 
govern  it ;  a  democracy  of  many  princes,  little  and  big, 
fighting  amongst  each  other,  and  falling  into  daily  changino- 
combinations  as  some  masterly  or  mischievous  hand  whirled 
the  kaleidoscope  ;  drinking  Ehenish  by  hogsheads,  and  beer 
by  the  tun  ;  robbing  churches,  dictating  creeds  to  their 
subjects,  and  breaking  all  the  commandments  themselves  ;  a 
people  at  the  bottom  dimly  striving  towards  religious  freedom 
and  political  life  out  of  abject  social,  ecclesiastical,  and  politi- 
cal serfdom,  and  perhaps  even  then  dumbly  feeling  within  its 
veins,  with  that  prophetic  instinct  which  never  abandons 
great  races,  a  far  distant  and  magnificent  Future  of  national 
unity  and  Imperial  splendour,  the  very  reverse  of  the  con- 
fusion which  was  then  the  hideous  Present ;  an  Imperial 
family  at  top  with  many  heads  and  slender  brains  ;  a  band 
of  brothers  and  cousins  wrangling,  intriguing,  tripping 
up  each  others'  heels,  and  unlucky  Kudolph,  in  his  Hrad- 
schin,  looking  out  of  window  over  the  peerless  Prague, 
spread  out  in  its  beauteous  landscape  of  hill  and  dale, 
darkling  forest,  dizzy  cliffs,  and  rushing  river,  at  his  feet, 
feebly  cursing  the  unhappy  city  for  its  ingratitude  to  an 
invisible  and  impotent  sovereign  ;  his  excellent  brother 
Matthias  meanwhile  marauding  through  the  realms  and 
taking  one  crown  after  another  from  his  poor  bald  head. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  depict  anything  more  precisely 
what  an  emperor  in  those  portentous  times  should  not  be. 
He  collected  works  of  art  of  many  kinds — pictures,  statues, 
gems.  He  passed  his  days  in  his  galleries  contemplating 
in  solitary  grandeur  these  treasures,  or  in  his  stables,  ad- 
miring a  numerous  stud  of  horses  which  he  never  drove  or 


58  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP,  I 

rode.  Ambassadors  and  ministers  of  state  disguised  them- 
selves as  grooms  and  stable-boys  to  obtain  accidental  glimpses 
of  a  sovereign  who  rarely  granted  audiences.  His  nights 
were  passed  in  star-gazing  with  Tycho  de  Brahe,  or  with  that 
illustrious  Suabian  whose  name  is  one  of  the  great  lights 
and  treasures  of  the  world.  But  it  was  not  to  study  the 
laws  of  planetary  motion  nor  to  fathom  mysteries  of  divine 
harmony  that  the  monarch  stood  with  Kepler  in  the  observa- 
tory. The  influence  of  countless  worlds  upon  the  destiny  of 
one  who,  by  capricious  accident,  if  accident  ever  exists  in 
history,  had  been  entrusted  with  the  destiny  of  so  large  a 
portion  of  one  little  world  ;  the  horoscope,  not  of  the  Uni- 
verse, but  of  himself ;  such  were  the  limited  purposes  with 
which  the  Kaiser  looked  upon  the  constellations. 

For  the  Catholic  Kudolph  had  received  the  Protestant 
Kepler,  driven  from  Tubingen  because  Lutheran  doctors, 
knowing  from  Holy  Writ  that  the  sun  had  stood  still  in 
Ajalon,  had  denounced  his  theory  of  planetary  motion.  His 
mother  had  just  escaped  being  burned  as  a  witch,  and  the 
world  owes  a  debt  of  gratitude  to  the  Emperor  for  protecting 
the  astrologer,  when  enlightened  theologians  might,  per- 
haps, have  hanged  the  astronomer.1 

A  red-faced,  heavy-jowled,  bald-headed,  somewhat  goggle- 
eyed  old  gentleman,  Rudolph  did  his  best  to  lead  the  life  of 
a  hermit,  and  escape  the  cares  of  royalty.  Timid  by  tem- 
perament, yet  liable  to  fits  of  uncontrollable  anger,  he  broke 
his  furniture  to  pieces  when  irritated,  and  threw  dishes  that 
displeased  him  in  his  butler's  face,  but  left  affairs  of  state 
mainly  to  his  valet,  who  earned  many  a  penny  by  selling 
the  Imperial  signature. 

He  had  just   signed  the  famous   "  Majestatsbrief,"  by 

1609.  which  he  granted  vast  privileges  to  the  Protestants 
of  Bohemia,  and  had  bitten  the  pen  to  pieces  in  a  paroxysm 

1  Wolfgang  Menzel, '  Geschichte  der  Deutschen,'  B.  iii.  188. 


1609.  DEATH  OP  THE  DUKE  OF   CLEVE.  59 

of  anger,  after  dimly  comprehending  the  extent  of  the  con- 
cessions which  he  had  made. 

There  were  hundreds  of  sovereign  states  over  all  of 
which  floated  the  shadowy  and  impalpable  authority  of  an 
Imperial  crown  scarcely  fixed  on  the  head  of  any  one  of  the 
rival  brethren  and  cousins  ;  there  was  a  confederation  of 
Protestants,  with  the  keen-sighted  and  ambitious  Christian 
of  Anhalt  acting  as  its  chief,  and  dreaming  of  the  Bohemian 
crown  ;  there  was  the  just-born  Catholic  League,  with  the 
calm,  far-seeing,  and  egotistical  rather  than  self-seeking 
Maximilian  at  its  head  ;  each  combination  extending  over 
the  whole  country,  stamped  with  imbecility  of  action  from  its 
birth,  and  perverted  and  hampered  by  inevitable  jealousies. 
In  addition  to  all  these  furrows  ploughed  by  the  very  genius 
of  discord  throughout  the  unhappy  land  was  the  wild  and 
secret  intrigue  with  which  Leopold,  Archduke  and  Bishop, 
dreaming  also  of  the  crown  of  Wenzel,  was  about  to  tear  its 
surface  as  deeply  as  he  dared.1 

Thus  constituted  were  the  leading  powers  of  Europe  in  the 
earlier  part  of  1609 — the  year  in  which  a  peaceful  period 
seemed  to  have  begun.  To  those  who  saw  the  entangled 
interests  of  individuals,  and  the  conflict  of  theological 
dogmas  and  religious  and  political  intrigue  which  furnished 
so  much  material  out  of  which  wide-reaching  schemes  of 
personal  ambition  could  be  spun,  it  must  have  been  obvious 
that  the  interval  of  truce  was  necessarily  but  a  brief  inter- 
lude between  two  tragedies. 

It  seemed  the  very  mockery  of  Fate  that,  almost  at  the 
very  instant  when  after  two  years'  painful  negotiation  a  truce 
had  been  made,  the  signal  for  universal  discord  should  be 
sounded.  One  day  in  the  early  summer  of  1G09,  Henry 
IV.  came  to  the  Royal  Arsenal,  the  residence  of  Sully, 
accompanied  by  Zamet  and  another  of  his  intimate  com- 
1  Anton  Gindcly, '  Rudolf  II.  und  seine  Zeit,'  Band  ii.  35-00,  sqq. 


60  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

panions.  He  asked  for  the  Duke  and  was  told  that  he  was 
busy  in  his  study.  "  Of  course,"  said  the  King,  turning  to 
his  followers,  "  I  dare  say  you  expected  to  be  told  that  he  was 
out  shooting,  or  with  the  ladies,  or  at  the  barber's.  But  who 
works  like  Sully  ?  Tell  him,"  he  said,  "  to  come  to  the 
balcony  in  his  garden,  where  he  and  I  are  not  accustomed 
to  be  silent." 

As  soon  as  Sully  appeared,  the  King  observed  :  "  Well ; 
here  the  Duke  of  Cleve  is  dead,  and  has  left  everybody  his 
heir."  * 

It  was  true  enough,  and  the  inheritance  was  of  vital  im- 
portance to  the  world. 

It  was  an  apple  of  discord  thrown  directly  between  the 
two  rival  camps  into  which  Christendom  was  divided.  The 
Duchies  of  Cleve,  Berg,  and  Jiilich,  and  the  Counties  and 
Lordships  of  Mark,  Eavcnsberg,  and  Kavenstein,  formed 
a  triangle,  political  and  geographical,  closely  wedged  be- 
tween Catholicism  and  Protestantism,  and  between  France, 
the  United  Provinces,  Belgium,  and  Germany.  Should 
it  fall  into  Catholic  hands,  the  Netherlands  were  lost, 
trampled  upon  in  every  corner,  hedged  in  on  all  sides,  with 
the  House  of  Austria  governing  the  Rhine,  the  Meuse,  and 
the  Scheldt.  It  was  vital  to  them  to  exclude  the  Empire 
from  the  great  historic  river  which  seemed  destined 
to  form  the  perpetual  frontier  of  jealous  powers  and  rival 
creeds. 

Should  it  fall  into  heretic  hands,  the  States  were  vastly 
strengthened,  the  Archduke  Albert  isolated  and  cut  off 
from  the  protection  of  Spain  and  of  the  Empire.  France, 
although  Catholic,  was  the  ally  of  Holland  and  the  secret 
but  well  known  enemy  of  the  House  of  Austria.  It  was 
inevitable  that  the  king  of  that  country,  the  only  living 
statesman  that  wore  a  crown,  should  be  appealed  to  by  all 
1  'Memoires  de  Sully,'  vii.  306.  307. 


1609.  STEUGGLE  FOR  THE  CLEVE  SUCCESSION.  61 

parties  and  should  find  himself  in  the  proud  but  dangerous 
position  of  arbiter  of  Europe. 

In  this  emergency  he  relied  upon  himself  and  on  two 
men  besides,  Maximilian  de  Bethune  and  John  of  Barneveld. 

The  conference  between  the  King  and  Sully  and  between 
both  and  Francis  Aerssens,  ambassador  of  the  States,  were  of 
almost  daily  occurrence.  The  minute  details  given  in  the 
adroit  diplomatist's  correspondence  indicate  at  every  stage 
the  extreme  deference  paid  by  Henry  to  the  opinion  of 
Holland's  Advocate  and  the  confidence  reposed  by  him  in 
the  resources  and  the  courage  of  the  Kepublic. 

All  the  world  was  claiming  the  heritage  of  the  duchies. 
It  was  only  strange  that  an  event  which  could  not  be 
long  deferred  and  the  consequences  of  which  were  soon 
to  be  so  grave,  the  death  of  the  Duke  of  Cleve,  should 
at  last  burst  like  a  bomb-shell  on  the  council  tables  of 
the  sovereigns  and  statesmen  of  Europe.  That  mis- 
chievous madman  John  William  died  childless  in  the  spring 
of  1609.  His  sister  Sibylla,  an  ancient  and  malignant 
spinster,  had  governed  him  and  his  possessions  except  in 
his  lucid  intervals.  The  mass  of  the  population  over 
which  he  ruled  being  Protestant,  while  the  reigning  family 
and  the  chief  nobles  were  of  the  ancient  faith,  it  was 
natural  that  the  Catholic  party  under  the  lead  of  Maxi- 
milian of  Bavaria  should  deem  it  all-important  that  there 
should  be  direct  issue  to  that  family.  Otherwise  the  in- 
heritance on  his  death  would  probably  pass  to  Protestant 
princes.1 

The  first  wife  provided  for  him  was  a  beautiful  princess, 
Jacobea  of  Baden.  The  Pope  blessed  the  nuptials,  and  sent 
the  bride  a  golden  rose,  but  the  union  was  sterile  and  un- 
happy. The  Duke,  who  was  in  the  habit  of  careering  through 
his  palace  in  full  armour,  slashing  at  and  wounding  anyone 
1  W.  Menzcl,  iii.  203,  204. 


62  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  I. 

that  came  in  his  way,  was  at  last  locked  up.  The  hapless 
Jacobea,  accused  by  Sibylla  of  witchcraft  and  other  crimes 
possible  and  impossible,  was  thrown  into  prison.  Two  years 
long  the  devilish  malignity  of  the  sister-in-law  was  exercised 
upon  her  victim,  who,  as  it  is  related,  was  not  allowed  natural 
sleep  during  all  that  period,  being  at  every  hour  awakened  by 
command  of  Sibylla.  At  last  the  Duchess  was  strangled  in 
prison. 1  A  new  wife  was  at  once  provided  for  the  lunatic, 
Antonia  of  Lorraine.  The  two  remained  childless,  and  Sibylla 
at  the  age  of  forty-nine  took  to  herself  a  husband,  the 
Margrave  of  Burgau,  of  the  House  of  Austria,  the  humble 
birth  of  whose  mother,  however,  did  not  allow  him  the  rank 
of  Archduke.  Her  efforts  thus  to  provide  Catholic  heirs  to 
the  rich  domains  of  Cleve  proved  as  fruitless  as  her  previous 
attempts.2 

And  now  Duke  John  William  had  died,  and  the  repre- 
sentatives of  his  three  dead  sisters,  and  the  living  Sibylla 
were  left  to  fight  for  the  duchies. 

It  would  be  both  cruel  and  superfluous  to  inflict  on  the 
reader  a  historical  statement  of  the  manner  in  which  these 
six  small  provinces  were  to  be  united  into  a  single  state. 
It  would  be  an  equally  sterile  task  to  retrace  the  legal 
arguments  by  which  the  various  parties  prepared  themselves 
to  vindicate  their  claims,  each  pretender  more  triumphantly 
than  the  other.  The  naked  facts  alone  retain  vital  interest, 
and  of  these  facts  the  prominent  one  was  the  assertion  of 
the  Emperor  that  the  duchies,  constituting  a  fief  masculine, 
could  descend  to  none  of  the  pretenders,  but  were  at  his 
disposal  as  sovereign  of  Germany. 

On  the  other  hand  nearly  all  the  important  princes  of 
that  country  sent  their  agents  into  the  duchies  to  look 
after  the  interests  real  or  imaginary  which  they  claimed, 

1  W.  Menzel,  iii.  203,  201  *  Ibid. 


1609.  STRUGGLE  FOR  THE  CLEVE  SUCCESSION.  63 

There  were  but  four  candidates  who  in  reality  could  be  con- 
sidered serious  ones. 

Mary  Eleanor,  eldest  sister  of  the  Duke,  had  been  married 
in  the  lifetime  of  their  father  to  Albert  Frederic  of  Branden- 
burg, Duke  of  Prussia.  To  the  children  of  this  marriage 
was  reserved  the  succession  of  the  whole  property  in  case  of 
the  masculine  line  becoming  extinct.  Two  years  afterwards 
the  second  sister,  Anne,  was  married  to  Duke  Philip  Lewis, 
Count-Palatine  of  Neuburg  ;  the  children  of  which  marriage 
stood  next  in  succession  to  those  of  the  eldest  sister,  should 
that  become  extinguished.  Four  years  later  the  third  sister, 
Magdalen,  espoused  the  Duke  John,  Count-Palatine  of  Deux- 
Ponts  ;  who,  like  Neuburg,  made  resignation  of  rights  of 
succession  hi  favour  of  the  descendants  of  the  Brandenburg 
marriage.1  The  marriage  of  the  youngest  sister,  Sibylla, 
with  the  Margrave  of  Burgau  has  been  already  mentioned. 
It  does  not  appear  that  her  brother,  whose  lunatic  condition 
hardly  permitted  him  to  assure  her  the  dowry  which  had 
been  the  price  of  renunciation  in  the  case  of  her  three  elder 
sisters,  had  obtained  that  renunciation  from  her. 

The  claims  of  the  childless  Sibylla  as  well  as  those  of  the 
Deux-Ponts  branch  were  not  destined  to  be  taken  into  serious 
consideration. 

The  real  competitors  were  the  Emperor  on  the  one  side 
and  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg  and  the  Count-Palatine  of 
Neuburg  on  the  other. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  my  purpose  to  say  a  single  word 
as  to  the  legal  and  historical  rights  of  the  controversy. 
Volumes  upon  volumes  of  forgotten  lore  might  be  con- 
sulted, and  they  would  afford  exactly  as  much  refreshing 
nutriment  as  would  the  heaps  of  erudition  hardly  ten 
years  old,  and  yet  as  antiquated  as  the  title-deeds  of  the 
Pharaohs,  concerning  the  claims  to  the  Duchies  of  Schleswig- 

1  Memoires  de  Sully,'  vii.  312,  sqq. 


G4 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  I. 


Holstein.  The  fortunate  house  of  Brandenburg  may  have 
been  right  or  wrong  in  both  disputes.  It  is  certain  that 
it  did  not  lack  a  more  potent  factor  in  settling  the  political 
problems  of  the  world  in  the  one  case  any  more  than  in  the 
other. 

But  on  the  occasion  with  which  we  are  occupied  it  was 
not  on  the  might  of  his  own  right  hand  that  the  Elector  of 
Brandenburg  relied.  Moreover,  he  was  dilatory  in  appealing 
to  the  two  great  powers  on  whose  friendship  he  must  depend 
for  the  establishment  of  his  claims  :  the  United  Republic 
and  the  King  of  France.  James  of  England  was  on  the 
whole  inclined  to  believe  in  the  rights  of  Brandenburg. 
His  ambassador,  however,  with  more  prophetic  vision  than 
perhaps  the  King  ever  dreamt  of,  expressed  a  fear  lest 
Brandenburg  should  grow  too  great  and  one  day  come  to 
the  Imperial  crown.1 

The  States  openly  favoured  the  Elector.  Henry  was  at 
first  disposed  towards  Neuburg,  but  at  his  request  Barneveld 
furnished  a  paper  on  the  subject,  by  which  the  King  seems 
to  have  been  entirely  converted  to  the  pretensions  of 
Brandenburg.2 

But  the  solution  of  the  question  had  but  little  to  do  with  the 
legal  claim  of  any  man.  It  was  instinctively  felt  throughout 
Christendom  that  the  great  duel  between  the  ancient  church 
and  the  spirit  of  the  Reformation  was  now  to  be  renewed 
upon  that  narrow,  debateable  spot. 

The  Emperor  at  once  proclaimed  his  right  to  arbitrate 
on  the  succession  and  to  hold  the  territory  until  decision 
should  be  made  ;  that  is  to  say,  till  the  Greek  Kalends.  His 
familiar  and  most  tricksy  spirit,  Bishop- Archduke  Leopold, 


1  "  D  craint  la  puissance  de  Bran- 
debourg  s'il  parvient  a  cette  succes- 
sion d'autant  plus  qu'a  la  longueur  il 
pourroit  venira  I 'Empire."— Aerssens 
to  Barneveld,  13  June  1609.  (Hague 


Archives  MS.) 

2  Same  to  same,  13  May  1609 ; 
and  see  several  letters  of  Aerssens 
to  Barneveld,  in  May  1609.  (Hague 
Archives  MS.) 


1609.  STRUGGLE   FOR  THE  CLEVE   SUCCESSION.  65 

played  at  once  on  his  fears  and  his  resentments  against 
the  ever  encroaching,  ever  menacing,  Protestantism  of  Grer- 
many,  with  which  he  had  just  sealed  a  compact  so  bitterly 
detested. 

That  bold  and  bustling  prelate,  brother  of  the  Queen  of 
Spain  and  of  Ferdinand  of  Styria,  took  post  from  Prague 
in  the  middle  of  July.  Accompanied  by  a  certain  Jul 
canon  of  the  Church  and  disguised  as  his  servant,  l 
he  arrived  after  a  rapid  journey  before  the  gates  of  Jiilich, 
chief  city  and  fortress  of  the  duchies.  The  governor  of 
the  place,  Nestelraed,  inclined  like  most  of  the  functionaries 
throughout  the  duchies  to  the  Catholic  cause,  was  delighted 
to  recognize  under  the  livery  of  the  lackey  the  cousin  and 
representative  of  the  Emperor.  Leopold,  who  had  brought 
but  five  men  with  him,  had  conquered  his  capital  at  a 
blow.  For  while  thus  comfortably  established  as  temporary 
governor  of  the  duchies  he  designed  through  the  fears  or  folly 
of  Kudolph  to  become  their  sovereign  lord.  Strengthened  by 
such  an  acquisition  and  reckoning  on  continued  assistance  in 
men  and  money  from  Spain  and  the  Catholic  League,  he  meant 
to  sweep  back  to  the  rescue  of  the  perishing  Eudolph,  smite 
the  Protestants  of  Bohemia,  and  achieve  his  appointment  to 
the  crown  of  that  kingdom.1 

The  Spanish  ambassador  at  Prague  had  furnished  him 
with  a  handsome  sum  of  money  for  the  expenses  of  his 
journey  and  preliminary  enterprise.  It  should  go  hard  but 
funds  should  be  forthcoming  to  support  him  throughout  this 
audacious  scheme.  The  champion  of  the  Church,  the  sove- 
reign prince  of  important  provinces,  the  possession  of  which 
ensured  conclusive  triumph  to  the  House  of  Austria  and  to 
Rome — who  should  oppose  him  in  his  path  to  Empire  ? 
Certainly  not  the  moody  Rudolph,  the  slippery  and  un- 
stable Matthias,  the  fanatic  and  Jesuit-ridden  Ferdinand. 

1  A.  Gindely,  •  Rudolf  II.'  ii.  85,  sqq. 
VOL.  I.  F 


66  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

"  Leopold  in  Jiilich,"  said  Henry's  agent  in  Germany,  "is 
a  ferret  in  a  rabbit  warren."  * 

But  early  in  the  spring  and  before  the  arrival  of  Leopold, 
the  two  pretenders,  John  Sigismund,  Elector  of  Branden- 

Ma      burg,  and  Philip  Lewis,  Palatine  of  Neuburg,  had 

16°k  made  an  arrangement.  By  the  earnest  advice  of 
Barneveld  in  the  name  of  the  States-General  and  as  the 
result  of  a  general  council  of  many  Protestant  princes  of  Ger- 
many, it  had  been  settled  that  those  two  should  together 
provisionally  hold  and  administer  the  duchies  until  the 
principal  affair  could  be  amicably  settled.2 

The  possessory  princes  were  accordingly  established  in 
Diisseldorf  with  the  consent  of  the  provincial  estates,  in 
which  place  those  bodies  were  wont  to  assemble. 

Here  then  was  Spain  in  the  person  of  Leopold  quietly 
perched  in  the  chief  citadel  of  the  country,  while  Pro- 
testantism in  the  shape  of  the  possessory  princes  stood 
menacingly  in  the  capital. 

Hardly  was  the  ink  dry  on  the  treaty  which  had  suspended 
for  twelve  years  the  great  religious  war  of  forty  years,  not 
yet  had  the  ratifications  been  exchanged,  but  the  trumpet 
was  again  sounding,  and  the  hostile  forces  were  once  more 
face  to  face. 

Leopold,  knowing  where  .  his  great  danger  lay,  sent  a 
friendly  message  to  the  States-General,  expressing  the  hope 
that  they  would  submit  to  his  arrangements  until  the 
Imperial  decision  should  be  made.3 

The  States,  through  the  pen  and  brain  of  Barneveld, 
replied  that  they  had  already  recognized  the  rights  of  the 
possessory  princes,  and  were  surprised  that  the  Bishop- Arch- 
duke should  oppose  them.  They  expressed  the  hope  that, 
when  better  informed,  he  would  see  the  validity  of  the 

1  '  Memoires  de  Sully,'  vii.  331. 
*  Van  Rees  and  Brill,  iii.  d.  ii.  stukk,  406,  sqq.  8  Ibid. 


1609.         THE  POSSESSORY  PRINCES  IN  THE  DUCHIES.  67 

Treaty  of  Dortmund.  "  My  Lords  the  States-General,"  said 
the  Advocate,  "  will  protect  the  princes  against  violence  and 
actual  disturbances,  and  are  assured  that  the  neighbouring 
kings  and  princes  will  do  the  same.  They  trust  that  his 
Imperial  Highness  will  not  allow  matters  to  proceed  to 
extremities." 1 

This  was  language  not  to  be  mistaken.  It  was  plain  that 
the  Kepublic  did  not  intend  the  Emperor  to  decide  a 
question  of  life  and  death  to  herself,  nor  to  permit  Spain, 
exhausted  by  warfare,  to  achieve  this  annihilating  triumph 
by  a  petty  intrigue. 

While  in  reality  the  clue  to  what  seemed  to  the  outside 
world  a  labyrinthine  maze  of  tangled  interests  and  passions 
was  firmly  held  in  the  hand  of  Barneveld,  it  was  not  to  him 
nor  to  My  Lords  the  States-General  that  the  various  parties 
to  the  impending  conflict  applied  in  the  first  resort. 

Mankind  were  not  yet  sufficiently  used  to  this  young 
republic,  intruding  herself  among  the  family  of  kings,  to 
defer  at  once  to  an  authority  which  they  could  not  but  feel. 

Moreover,  Henry  of  France  was  universally  looked  to  both 
by  friends  and  foes  as  the  probable  arbiter  or  chief  champion 
in  the  great  debate.  He  had  originally  been  inclined  to  favour 
Neuberg,  chiefly,  so  Aerssens  thought,  on  account  of  his 
political  weakness.  The  States-General  on  the  other  hand 
were  firmly  disposed  for  Brandenburg  from  the  first,  not  only 
as  a  strenuous  supporter  of  the  Reformation  and  an  ancient 
ally  of  their  own  always  interested  in  their  safety,  but 
because  the  establishment  of  the  Elector  on  the  Rhine 
would  roll  back  the  Empire  beyond  that  river.  As  Aerssens 
expressed  it,  they  would  have  the  Empire  for  a  frontier,  and 
have  no  longer  reason  to  fear  the  Rhine.2 

The  King,  after  the  representations  of  the  States,  saw  good 

1COO.     Same  to  same,  97  April  and 


1  See  Barneveld's  Memoir  to  van 
der  Myle.     (Hague  Archives  MS.) 
1  Aerasens  to  Barneveld,  23  April 


13  May.     (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


68  THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  L 

ground  to  change  his  opinion  and,  becoming  convinced  that 
the  Palatine  had  long  been  coquetting  with  the  Austrian 
party,  soon  made  no  secret  of  his  preference  for  Branden- 
burg. Subsequently  Neuburg  and  Brandenburg  fell  into 
a  violent  quarrel  notwithstanding  an  arrangement  that  the 
Palatine  should  marry  the  daughter  of  the  Elector.  In  the 
heat  of  discussion  Brandenburg  on  one  occasion  is  said  to  have 
given  his  intended  son-in-law  a  box  on  the  ear,1  an  argument 
ad  hominem  which  seems  to  have  had  the  effect  of  sending 
the  Palatine  into  the  bosom  of  the  ancient  church  and 
causing  him  to  rely  thenceforth  upon  the  assistance  of  the 
League.  Meantime,  however,  the  Condominium  settled  by 
the  Treaty  of  Dortmund  continued  in  force;  the  third 
brother  of  Brandenburg  and  the  eldest  son  of  Neuburg 
sharing  possession  and  authority  at  Diisseldorf  until  a  final 
decision  could  be  made. 

A  flock  of  diplomatists,  professional  or  volunteers,  openly 
accredited  or  secret,  were  now  flying  busily  about  through  the 
troubled  atmosphere,  indicating  the  coming  storm  in  which 
they  revelled.  The  keen-sighted,  subtle,  but  dangerously  in- 
triguing ambassador  of  the  Kepublic,  Francis  Aerssens,  had 
his  hundred  eyes  at  all  the  keyholes  in  Paris,  that  centre  of 
ceaseless  combination  and  conspiracy,  and  was  besides  in 
almost  daily  confidential  intercourse  with  the  King.  Most 
patiently  and  minutely  he  kept  the  Advocate  informed, 
almost  from  hour  to  hour,  of  every  web  that  was  spun,  every 
conversation  public  or  whispered  in  which  important  affairs 
were  treated  anywhere  and  by  anybody.  He  was  all-sufficient 
as  a  spy  and  intelligencer,  although  not  entirely  trustworthy 
as  a  counsellor.  Still  no  man  on  the  whole  could  scan  the 
present  or  forecast  the  future  more  accurately  than  he  was 
able  to  do  from  his  advantageous  position  and  his  long 
experience  of  affairs. 

1  W.  Menzel,  iii.  305. 


1609. 


THE  POSSESSORY  PRINCES  IN  THE  DUCHIES. 


69 


There  was  much  general  jealousy  between  the  States  and 
the  despotic  king,  who  loved  to  be  called  the  father  of  the 
Republic  and  to  treat  the  Hollanders  as  his  deeply  obliged 
and  very  ungrateful  and  miserly  little  children.1  The  India 
trade  was  a  sore  subject,  Henry  having  throughout  the 
negotiations  sought  to  force  or  wheedle  the  States  into  re- 
nouncing that  commerce  at  the  command  of  Spain,  because 
he  wished  to  help  himself  to  it  afterwards,  and  being  now  in 
the  habit  of  secretly  receiving  Isaac  Le  Maire  and  other 
Dutch  leaders  in  that  lucrative  monopoly,  who  lay  disguised 
in  Paris  and  in  the  house  of  Zamet — but  not  concealed  from 
Aerssens,  who  pledged  himself  to  break  the  neck  of  their 
enterprise — and  were  planning  with  the  King  a  French  East 
India  Company  in  opposition  to  that  of  the  Netherlands.2 

On  the  whole,  however,  despite  these  commercial  intrigues 
which  Barneveld  through  the  aid  of  Aerssens  was  enabled 
to  baffle,  there  was  much  cordiality  and  honest  friendship 
between  the  two  countries.  Henry,  far  from  concealing 
his  political  affection  for  the  Republic,  was  desirous  of  re- 
ceiving a  special  embassy  of  congratulation  and  gratitude 
from  the  States  on  conclusion  of  the  truce  ;  not  being  satis- 
fied with  the  warm  expressions  of  respect  and  attachment 
conveyed  through  the  ordinary  diplomatic  channel. 

"  He  wishes,"  wrote  Aerssens  to  the  Advocate,  "a  public  de- 
monstration in  order  to  show  on  a  theatre  to  all  Christen- 
dom the  regard  and  deference  of  My  Lords  the  States  for  his 
Majesty."  The  Ambassador  suggested  that  Cornells  van 
der  Myle,  son-in-law  of  Barneveld,  soon  to  be  named  first 
envoy  for  Holland  to  the  Venetian  republic,  might  be 
selected  as  chief  of  such  special  embassy.3 


1  Report  of  the  Special  Ambassa- 
dors to  France ;  an  important  MS.  in 
the  Archives  of  the  Hague,  to  be  cited 
freoly  hereafter. 

*  See  the  MS.  correspondence  of 


Aerssens  \vith  Barneveld,  years  1G09 
and  1610,  pamm. 

3  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  28  April 
1609.  Same  to  same,  21  May,  160ft 
(MSS.) 


70  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  L 

"  Without  the  instructions  you  gave  me/'  wrote  Aerssens, 
"  Neuburg  might  have  gained  his  cause  in  this  court. 
Brandenburg  is  doing  himself  much  injury  by  not  soliciting 
the  King." 

"  Much  deference  will  be  paid  to  your  judgment/'  added 
the  envoy,  "  if  you  see  fit  to  send  it  to  his  Majesty." 

Meantime,  although  the  agent  of  Neuburg  was  busily  din- 
ning in  Henry's  ears  the  claims  of  the  Palatine,  and  even 
urging  old  promises  which,  as  he  pretended,  had  been  made, 
thanks  to  Barneveld,  he  took  little  by  his  importunity,  not- 
withstanding that  in  the  opinion  both  of  Barneveld  and 
Villeroy  his  claim  stricti  juris  was  the  best.  But  it  was 
policy  and  religious  interests,  not  the  strict  letter  of  the  law, 
that  were  likely  to  prevail.  Henry,  while  loudly  asserting 
that  he  would  oppose  any  usurpation  on  the  part  of  the 
Emperor  or  any  one  else  against  the  Condominium,  privately 
renewed  to  the  States  assurances  of  his  intention  to  support 
ultimately  the  claims  of  Brandenburg,  and  notified  them  to 
hold  the  two  regiments  of  French  infantry,  which  by  con- 
vention they  still  kept  at  his  expense  in  their  service,  to  be 
ready  at  a  moment's  warning  for  the  great  enterprise  which 
he  was  already  planning.  "  You  would  do  well  perhaps," 
wrote  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  "  to  set  forth  the  various  inte- 
rests in  regard  to  this  succession,  and  of  the  different  rela- 
tions of  the  claimants  towards  our  commonwealth  ;  but  in 
such  sort  nevertheless  and  so  dexterously  that  the  King 
•may  be  able  to  understand  your  desires,  and  on  the  other 
hand  may  see  the  respect  you  bear  him  in  appearing  to 
defer  to  his  choice."  l 

Neuburg,  having  always  neglected  the  States  and  made 

advances  to  Archduke  Albert,  and  being  openly  preferred  over 

Brandenburg  by  the  Austrians,  who  had  however  no  intention 

of  eventually  tolerating  either,  could  make  but  small  headway 

1  MS.  letter  of  Aeresens  before  cited,  13  May  1GOO. 


1609.         THE  POSSESSORY  PRINCES  IN  THE  DUCHIES. 


71 


at  court,  notwithstanding  Henry's  indignation  that  Branden- 
burg had  not  yet  made  the  slightest  demand  upon  him  for 
assistance.1 

The  Elector  had  keenly  solicited  the  aid  of  the  States,  who 
were  bound  to  him  by  ancient  contract  on  this  subject,  but 
had  manifested  wonderful  indifference  or  suspicion  in  regard 
to  France.  "These  nonchalant  Germans,"  said  Henry  on 
more  than  one  occasion,  "  do  nothing  but  sleep  or  drink." 2 

It  was  supposed  that  the  memory  of  Metz  might  haunt 
the  imagination  of  the  Elector.  That  priceless  citadel, 
fraudulently  extorted  by  Henry  II.  as  a  forfeit  for  assistance 
to  the  Elector  of  Saxony  three  quarters  of  a  century  before, 
gave  solemn  warning  to  Brandenburg  of  what  might  be 
exacted  by  a  greater  Henry,  should  success  be  due  to  his 
protection.  It  was  also  thought  that  he  had  too  many 
dangers  about  him  at  home,  the  Poles  especially,  much 
stirred  up  by  emissaries  from  Home,  making  many  trouble- 
some demonstrations  against  the  Duchy  of  Prussia.3 

It  was  nearly  midsummer  before  a  certain  Baron  Donals 
arrived    as    emissary  of   the    Elector.     He    brought  with 
him  many  documents  in  support  of  the  Branden-  junea4f 
burg  claims,  and  was  charged  with  excuses  for  the    1609- 
dilatoriness  of  his  master.4     Much  stress  was  laid  of  course 
on  the  renunciation  made  by  Neuburg  at  the  time  of  his 
marriage,  and  Henry  was  urged  to  grant  his  protection  to 
the  Elector  in  his  good  rights.     But  thus  far  there  were 
few  signs  of  any  vigorous  resolution  for  active  measures  in 
an  affair  which  could  scarcely  fail  to  lead  to  war. 

"I  believe,"  said  Henry  to  the  States'  ambassador,  "that  the 


1  Aerssens  to  Duplessis-Mornay,  15 
May  1609.  (MS.) 

*  ".  .  .  je  suis  encore  assez  verd, 
m'a  dit  S.  M1*,  pour  mener  une  armee 
enCleves.  J'enaurai  bonmarclie.mais 
lea  Allemands  ne  font  quo  dormir  ou 
boire.  Ils  en  auroient  le  profit  et  me 


departeront  la  peine :  touttefois  je  ne 
souffrirai  pas  raccroissement  de  ceux 
d'Autriche,"  &c. — Aerssons  to  Barne- 
veld,  26  July  1609.  (MS.) 

8  Same  to  same,  24  June  1609. 
(MS.) 

*  Ibid. 


72  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  L 

right  of  Brandenburg  is  indubitable,  and  it  is  better  for  you 
and  for  me  that  he  should  be  the  man  rather  than  Neuburg, 
who  has  always  sought  assistance  from  the  House  of  Austria. 
But  he  is  too  lazy  in  demanding  possession.  It  is  the  fault 
of  the  doctors  by  whom  he  is  guided.  This  delay  works  in 
favour  of  the  Emperor,  whose  course  however  is  less  governed 
by  any  determination  of  his  own  than  by  the  irresolution  of 
the  princes." 1 

Then  changing  the  conversation,  Henry  asked  the  Am- 
bassador whether  the  daughter  of  de  Maldere,  a  leading 
statesman  of  Zealand,  was  married  or  of  age  to  be  married, 
and  if  she  was  rich  ;  adding  that  they  must  make  a  match 
between  her  and  Barneveld's  second  son,  then  a  young 
gentleman  in  the  King's  service,  and  very  much  liked  by 
him.2 

Two  months  later  a  regularly  accredited  envoy,  Belin  by 
name,  arrived  from  the  Elector.  His  instructions  were 
general.  He  was  to  thank  the  King  for  his  declarations  in 
favour  of  the  possessory  princes,  and  against  all  usurpation 
on  the  part  of  the  Spanish  party.  Should  the  religious  cord 
be  touched,  he  was  to  give  assurances  that  no  change  would 
be  made  in  this  regard.  He  was  charged  with  loads  of  fine 
presents  in  yellow  amber,  such  as  ewers,  basins,  tables,  cups, 
chessboards,  for  the  King  and  Queen,  the  Dauphin,  the 
Chancellor,  Yilleroy,  Sully,  Bouillon,  and  other  eminent 
personages.3  Beyond  the  distribution  of  these  works  of  art 
and  the  exchange  of  a  few  diplomatic  commonplaces,  no- 
thing serious  in  the  way  of  warlike  business  was  transacted, 
and  Henry  was  a  few  weeks  later  much  amused  by  receiving 
a  letter  from  the  possessory  princes  coolly  thrown  into  the 
post-office,  and  addressed  like  an  ordinary  letter  to  a  private 
person,  in  which  he  was  requested  to  advance  them  a  loan 

1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  24  June  1609.    (MS.)  *  Ibid. 

8  Same  to  same,  27  Aug.  1609.    (MS.) 


1609.         THE  POSSESSORY  PRINCES  EST  THE  DUCHIES.  73 

of  400,000  crowns.1  There  was  a  great  laugh  at  court  at  a 
demand  made  like  a  bill  of  exchange  at  sight  upon  his 
Majesty  as  if  he  had  been  a  banker,  especially  as  there 
happened  to  be  no  funds  of  the  drawers  in  his  hands.2  It 
was  thought  that  a  proper  regard  for  the  King's  quality  and 
the  amount  of  the  sum  demanded  required  that  the  letter 
should  be  brought  at  least  by  an  express  messenger,  and 
Henry  was  both  diverted  and  indignant  at  these  proceedings, 
at  the  months'  long  delay  before  the  princes  had  thought 
proper  to  make  application  for  his  protection,  and  then  for 
this  cool  demand  for  alms  on  a  large  scale  as  a  proper  be- 
ginning of  their  enterprise. 

Such  was  the  languid  and  extremely  nonchalant  manner 
in  which  the  early  preparations  for  a  conflict  which  seemed 
likely  to  set  Europe  in  a  blaze,  and  of  which  possibly  few 
living  men  might  witness  the  termination,  were  set  on  foot 
by  those  most  interested  in  the  immediate  question. 

Chessboards  in  yellow  amber  and  a  post-office  order  for 
400,000  crowns  could  not  go  far  in  settling  the  question  of 
the  duchies  in  which  the  great  problem  dividing  Christen- 
dom as  by  an  abyss  was  involved. 

Meantime,  while  such  were  the  diplomatic  beginnings  of 
the  possessory  princes,  the  League  was  leaving  no  stone 
unturned  to  awaken  Henry  to  a  sense  of  his  true  duty  to  the 
Church  of  which  he  was  Eldest  Son. 

Don  Pedro  de  Toledo's  mission  in  regard  to  the  Spanish 
marriages  had  failed  because  Henry  had  spurned  the  con- 
dition which  was  unequivocally  attached  to  them  on  tho 
part  of  Spain,  the  king's  renunciation  of  his  alliance  with 
the  Dutch  Republic,  which  then  seemed  an  equivalent  to  its 
ruin.  But  the  treaty  of  truce  and  half-independence  had 
been  signed  at  last  by  the  States  and  their  ancient  master, 
and  the  English  and  French  negotiators  had  taken  their 

Aeresens  to  Bamcveld,  18  Sept.  1G09.     (MS.)  *  Ibid. 


74  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.  CHAP.  I. 

departure,  each  receiving  as  a  present  for  concluding  the 
convention  20,000  livres  from  the  Archdukes,  and  30,000 
from  the  States-General.1  Henry,  returning  one  summer's 
morning  from  the  chase  and  holding  the  Count  of  Soissons 
by  one  hand  and  Ambassador  Aerssens  by  the  other,  told 
them  he  had  just  received  letters  from  Spain  by  which  he 
learned  that  people  were  marvellously  rejoiced  at  the  con- 
clusion of  the  truce.  Many  had  regretted  that  its  con- 
ditions were  so  disadvantageous  and  so  little  honourable  to 
the  grandeur  and  dignity  of  Spain,  but  to  these  it  was 
replied  that  there  were  strong  reasons  why  Spain  should 
consent  to  peace  on  these  terms  rather  than  not  have  it  at  all. 
During  the  twelve  years  to  come  the  King  could  repair  his 
disasters  and  accumulate  mountains  of  money  in  order  to 
finish  the  war  by  the  subjugation  of  the  Provinces  by  force 
of  gold.2 

Soissons  here  interrupted  the  King  by  saying  that  the 
States  on  their  part  would  finish  it  by  force  of  iron. 

Aerssens,  like  an  accomplished  courtier,  replied  they  would 
finish  it  by  means  of  his  Majesty's  friendship. 

The  King  continued  by  observing  that  the  clear-sighted 
in  Spain  laughed  at  these  rodomontades,  knowing  well  that 
it  was  pure  exhaustion  that  had  compelled  the  King  to 
such  extremities.  "I  leave  you  to  judge,"  said  Henry, 
"  whether  he  is  likely  to  have  any  courage  at  forty-five  years 
of  age,  having  none  now  at  thirty-two.  Princes  show  what 
they  have  in  them  of  generosity  and  valour  at  the  age  of 
twenty-five  or  never."  He  said  that  orders  had  been  sent 
from  Spain  to  disband  all  troops  in  the  obedient  Nether- 
lands except  Spaniards  and  Italians,  telling  the  Archdukes 
that  they  must  raise  the  money  out  of  the  country  to  content 
them.  They  must  pay  for  a  war  made  for  their  benefit,  said 
Philip.  As  for  him  he  would  not  furnish  one  maravedi.3 

1  Aerssens  to  Duplessis-Mornay,  7  July  1609.     (Archives  MS.) 

2  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  28  May  1603.    (MS.)  3  Ibid. 


1009.         THE  POSSESSORY  PRINCES  EN  THE  DUCHIES.  75 

Aerssens  asked  if  the  Archdukes  would  disband  their 
troops  so  long  as  the  affair  of  Cleve  remained  unsettled. 
"  You  are  very  lucky,"  replied  the  King,  "  that  Europe  is 
governed  by  such  princes  as  you  wot  of.  The  King  of 
Spain  thinks  of  nothing  but  tranquillity.  The  Archdukes 
will  never  move  except  on  compulsion.  The  Emperor,  whom 
every  one  is  so  much  afraid  of  in  this  matter,  is  in  such 
plight  that  one  of  these  days,  and  before  long,  he  will  be 
stripped  of  all  his  possessions.  I  have  news  that  the  Bohe- 
mians are  ready  to  expel  him."  1 

It  was  true  enough  that  Rudolph  hardly  seemed  a  for- 
midable personage.  The  Utraquists  and  Bohemian  Brothers, 
making  up  nearly  the  whole  population  of  the  country, 
were  just  extorting  religious  liberty  from  their  unlucky 
master  in  his  very  palace  and  at  the  point  of  the  knife. 
The  envoy  of  Matthias  was  in  Paris  demanding  recognition 
of  his  master  as  King  of  Hungary,  and  Henry  did  not  suspect 
the  wonderful  schemes  of  Leopold,  the  ferret  in  the  rabbit 
warren  of  the  duchies,  to  come  to  the  succour  of  his  cousin 
ind  to  get  himself  appointed  his  successor  and  guardian. 

Nevertheless,  the  Emperor's  name  had  been  used  to  protest 
solemnly  against  the  entrance  into  Diisseldorf  of  the 
Margrave  Ernest  of  Brandenburg  and  Palatine  Wolfgang 
William  of  Neuburg,  representatives  respectively  of  their 
brother  and  father. 

The  induction  was  nevertheless  solemnly  made  by  the 
Elector-Palatine  and  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  and  joint 
possession  solemnly  taken  by  Brandenburg  and  Neuburg  in 
the  teeth  of  the  protest,  and  expressly  in  order  to  cut  short 
the  dilatory  schemes  and  the  artifices  of  the  Imperial 
court. 

Henry  at  once  sent  a  corps  of  observation  consisting  of 
1500  cavalry  to  the  Luxemburg  frontier  by  way  of  Toul, 
Mezieres,  Verdun,  and  Metz,  to  guard  against  movements  by 
1  Aerssens  to  Barnevcld,  28  May  1G09.  (MS.) 


76  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  I. 

the  disbanded  troops  of  the  Archdukes,  and  against  any 
active  demonstration  against  the  possessory  princes  on  the 
part  of  the  Emperor.1 

The  Condominium  was  formally  established,  and  Henry 
stood  before  the  world  as  its  protector  threatening  any 
power  that  should  attempt  usurpation.  He  sent  his  agent 
Vidomacq  to  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse  with  instructions  to  do 
his  utmost  to  confirm  the  princes  of  the  Union  in  organized 
resistance  to  the  schemes  of  Spain,  and  to  prevent  any  inter- 
ference with  the  Condominium. 

He  wrote  letters  to  the  Archdukes  and  to  the  Elector  of 
Cologne,  sternly  notifying  them  that  he  would  permit  no 
assault  upon  the  princes,  and  meant  to  protect  them  in  their 
lights.  He  sent  one  of  his  most  experienced  diplomatists, 
de  Boississe,  formerly  ambassador  in  England,  to  reside  for 
a  year  or  more  in  the  duchies  as  special  representative  of 
France,  and  directed  him  on  his  way  thither  to  consult 
especially  with  Barneveld  and  the  States-General  as  to 
the  proper  means  of  carrying  out  their  joint  policy 
either  by  diplomacy  or,  if  need  should  be,  by  their  united 
arms.2 

Troops  began  at  once  to  move  towards  the  frontier  to 
counteract  the  plans  of  the  Emperor's  council  and  the 
secret  levies  made  by  Duchess  Sibylla's  husband,  the  Mar- 
grave of  Burgau.  The  King  himself  was  perpetually  at 
Monceaux  watching  the  movements  of  his  cavalry  towards 
the  Luxemburg  frontier,  and  determined  to  protect  the 
princes  in  their  possession  until  some  definite  decision  as  to 
the  sovereignty  of  the  duchies  should  be  made. 

Meantime  great  pressure  was  put  upon  him  by  the  op- 
posite party.  The  Pope  did  his  best  through  the  Nuncius  at 
Paris  directly,  and  through  agents  at  Prague,  Brussels,  and 

1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  2!)  June  1609.    (MS.) 
*  Same  to  same,  9  July  1609.    (MS.) 


1609.       NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  KING  OF  FRANCE. 


77 


Madrid  indirectly,  to  awaken  the   King  to  a  sense  of  the 
enormity  of  his  conduct. 

Being  a  Catholic  prince,  it  was  urged,  he  had  no  right  to 
assist  heretics.  It  was  an  action  entirely  contrary  to  his 
duty  as  a  Christian  and  of  his  reputation  as  Eldest  Son  of 
the  Church.  Even  if  the  right  were  on  the  side  of  the 
princes,  his  Majesty  would  do  better  to  strip  them  of  it  and 
to  clothe  himself  with  it  than  to  suffer  the  Catholic  faith 
and  religion  to  receive  such  notable  detriment  in  an  affair 
likely  to  have  such  important  consequences.1 

Such  was  some  of  the  advice  given  by  the  Pontiff.  The 
suggestions  were  subtle,  for  they  were  directed  to  Henry's 
self-interest  both  as  champion  of  the  ancient  church  and 
as  a  possible  sovereign  of  the  very  territories  in  dispute. 
They  were  also  likely,  and  were  artfully  so  intended,  to 
excite  suspicion  of  Henry's  designs  in  the  breasts  of  the 
Protestants  generally  and  of  the  possessory  princes  especi- 
ally. Allusions  indeed  to  the  rectification  of  the  French 
border  in  Henry  II.'s  time  at  the  expense  of  Lorraine  were 
very  frequent.  They  probably  accounted  for  much  of  the 
apparent  supineness  and  want  of  respect  for  the  King  of 
which  he  complained  every  day  and  with  so  much  bitterness. 

The  Pope's  insinuations,  however,  failed  to  alarm  him,  for 
he  had  made  up  his  mind  as  to  the  great  business  of  what 
might  remain  to  him  of  life ;  to  humble  the  House  of 
Austria  and  in  doing  so  to  uphold  the  Dutch  Kepublic  on 
which  he  relied  for  his  most  efficient  support.  The  situation 
was  a  false  one  viewed  from  the  traditional  maxims  which 
governed  Europe.  How  could  the  Eldest  Son  of  the  Church 
and  the  chief  of  an  unlimited  monarchy  make  common 
cause  with  heretics  and  republicans  against  Spain  and 

1  "  .  .  .  et  quand  bien  le  droict  ser- 
vit  de  leur  cote,  8.  M'*  les  en  devroit 
pluatot  despouiller  pour  s'en  ycstir 
elle-mesmo  sans  souffrir  quo  la  reli- 


et  foy  catholiquo  re^oivo  une  si 
notable  bresche,"  &c. — Aerssens  to 
Barneveld,  8  Aug.  1609.  (MS.) 


78  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  L 

Rome  ?  That  the  position  was  as  dangerous  as  it  was 
illogical,  there  could  be  but  little  doubt.  But  there  was  a 
similarity  of  opinion  between  the  King  and  the  political 
chief  of  the  Republic  on  the  great  principle  which  was 
to  illume  the  distant  future  but  which  had  hardly  then 
dawned  upon  the  present ;  the  principle  of  religious  equality. 
As  he  protected  Protestants  in  France  so  he  meant  to  protect 
Catholics  in  the  duchies.  Apostate  as  he  was  from  the 
Reformed  Church  as  he  had  already  been  from  the  Catholic, 
he  had  at  least  risen  above  the  paltry  and  insolent  maxim 
of  the  princely  Protestantism  of  Germany  :  "  Cujus  regio 
ejus  religio." 

While  refusing  to  tremble  before  the  wrath  of  Rome  or 
to  incline  his  ear  to  its  honeyed  suggestions,  he  sent  Car- 
dinal Joyeuse  with  a  special  mission  to  explain  to  the  Pope 
that  while  the  interests  of  France  would  not  permit  him  to 
allow  the  Spaniard's  obtaining  possession  of  provinces  so 
near  to  her,  he  should  take  care  that  the  Church  received 
no  detriment  and  that  he  should  insist  as  a  price  of  the 
succour  he  intended  for  the  possessory  princes  that  they 
should  give  ample  guarantees  for  the  liberty  of  Catholic 
worship.1 

There  was  no  doubt  in  the  mind  either  of  Henry  or  of 
Barneveld  that  the  secret  blows  attempted  by  Spain  at  the 
princes  were  in  reality  aimed  at  the  Republic  and  at  him- 
self as  her  ally. 

While  the  Nuncins  was  making  these  exhortations  in 
Paris,  his  colleague  from  Spain  was  authorized  to  propound 
a  scheme  of  settlement  which  did  not  seem  deficient  in 
humour.  At  any  rate  Henry  was  much  diverted  with  the 
suggestion,  which  was  nothing  less  than  that  the  decision  as 
to  the  succession  to  the  duchies  should  be  left  to  a  board 
of  arbitration  consisting  of  the  King  of  Spain,  the  Emperor, 
1  Aerssens'  letter,  8  Aug.  1609,  last  cited. 


1609. 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  KING  OF  FRANCE. 


79 


and  the  King  of  France.1  As  Henry  would  thus  be  pain- 
fully placed  by  himself  in  a  hopeless  minority,  the  only 
result  of  the  scheme  would  be  to  compel  him  to  sanction  a 
decision  sure  to  be  directly  the  reverse  of  his  own  resolve. 
He  was  hardly  such  a  schoolboy  in  politics  as  to  listen  to  the 
proposal  except  to  laugh  at  it. 

Meantime  arrived  from  Julich,  without  much  parade,  a 
quiet  but  somewhat  pompous  gentleman  named  Teynagel.2 
He  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  Eeformed  religion,  but 
finding  it  more  to  his  taste  or  advantage  to  become  privy 
councillor  of  the  Emperor,  he  had  returned  to  the  ancient 
church.  He  was  one  of  the  five  who  had  accompanied  the 
Archduke  Leopold  to  Jiilich. 

That  prompt  undertaking  having  thus  far  succeeded  so 
well,  the  warlike  bishop  had  now  despatched  Teynagel  on  a 
roving  diplomatic  mission.  Ostensibly  he  came  to  persuade 
Henry  that,  by  the  usages  and  laws  of  the  Empire,  fiefs  left 
vacant  for  want  of  heirs  male  were  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Emperor.  He  expressed  the  hope  therefore  of  obtaining  the 
King's  approval  of  Leopold's  position  in  Jiilich  as  temporary 
vicegerent  of  his  sovereign  and  cousin.  The  real  motive 
of  his  mission,  however,  was  privately  to  ascertain  whether 
Henry  was  really  ready  to  go  to  war  for  the  protection 
of  the  possessory  princes,  and  then  to  proceed  to  Spain.3 
It  required  an  astute  politician,  however,  to  sound  all  the 
shoals,  quicksands,  and  miseries  through  which  the  French 
government  was  then  steering,  and  to  comprehend  with 
accuracy  the  somewhat  varying  humours  of  the  monarch 
and  the  secret  schemes  of  the  ministers  who  immediately 
surrounded  him. 

People  at  court  laughed  at  Teynagel  and  his  mission,  and 
Henry  treated  him  as  a  crackbrained  adventurer.4  He 


1  Aeresens  to  Baraeveld,  27  July 
1009.    (MS.) 
1  Same  to  same,  8  Aug.  1609.  (MS.) 


3  Letter  of  Aersscns  before  cited. 

4  Aerssens  to  Barnevcld,  10  Aug. 
1609.     (MS.) 


80  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I 

announced  himself  as  envoy  of  the  Emperor,  although  he 
had  instructions  from  Leopold  only.  He  had  interviews 
with  the  Chancellor  and  with  Villeroy,  and  told  them  that 
Rudolf  claimed  the  right  of  judge  between  the  various 
pretenders  to  the  duchies.  The  King  would  not  be  pleased, 
he  observed,  if  the  King  of  Great  Britain  should  constitute 
himself  arbiter  among  claimants  that  might  make  their 
appearance  for  the  crown  of  France  ;  but  Henry  had  set  him- 
self up  as  umpire  without  being  asked  by  any  one  to  act  in 
that  capacity  among  the  princes  of  Germany.  The  Emperor, 
on  the  contrary,  had  been  appealed  to  by  the  Duke  of 
Nevers,  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  the  Margrave  of  Burgau,  and 
other  liege  subjects  of  the  Imperial  crown  as  a  matter  of  course 
and  of  right.  This  policy  of  the  King,  if  persisted  in,  said 
Teynagel,  must  lead  to  war.  Henry  might  begin  such  a  war, 
but  he  would  be  obliged  to  bequeath  it  to  the  Dauphin.  He 
should  remember  that  France  had  always  been  unlucky  when 
waging  war  with  the  Empire  and  with  the  house  of  Austria.1 

The  Chancellor  and  Villeroy,  although  in  their  hearts  not 
much  in  love  with  Henry's  course,  answered  the  emissary 
with  arrogance  equal  to  his  own  that  their  king  could  finish 
the  war  as  well  as  begin  it,  that  he  confided  in  his  strength 
and  the  justice  of  his  cause,  and  that  he  knew  very  well  and 
esteemed  very  little  the  combined  forces  of  Spain  and  the 
Empire.  They  added  that  France  was  bound  by  the  treaty 
of  Vervins  to  protect  the  princes,  but  they  offered  no  proof 
of  that  rather  startling  proposition. 

Meantime  Teynagel  was  busy  in  demonstrating  that  the 
princes  of  Germany  were  in  reality  much  more  afraid  of 
Henry  than  of  the  Emperor.  His  military  movements  and 
deep  designs  excited  more  suspicion  throughout  that  country 
and  all  Europe  than  the  quiet  journey  of  Leopold  and  five 
friends  by  post  to  Julich.2 

1  Aersaens  to  Barneveld,  16  Aug.  1609.    (MS.)  *  Ibid. 


1609.         NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  KING  OF  FRANCE.  81 

He  had  como  provided  with  copies  of  the  King's  private 
letters  to  the  princes,  and  seemed  fully  instructed  as  to  his 
most  secret  thoughts.  For  this  convenient  information  he 
was  supposed  to  be  indebted  to  the  revelations  of  Father 
Cotton,  who  was  then  in  disgrace  ;  having  been  detected  in 
transmitting  to  the  General  of  Jesuits  Henry's  most  sacred 
confidences  and  confessions  as  to  his  political  designs.1 

Fortified  with  this  private  intelligence,  and  having  been 
advised  by  Father  Cotton  to  carry  matters  with  a  high  hand 
in  order  to  inspire  the  French  court  with  a  wholesome  awe, 
he  talked  boldly  about  the  legitimate  functions  of  the 
Emperor.  To  interfere  with  them,  he  assured  the  ministers, 
would  lead  to  a  long  and  bloody  war,  as  neither  the  King 
nor  the  Archduke  Albert  would  permit  the  Emperor  to  be 
trampled  upon. 

Peter  Pecquius,  the  crafty  and  experienced  agent  of  the 
Archduke  at  Paris,  gave  the  bouncing  envoy  more  judicious 
advice,  however,  than  that  of  the  Jesuit,  assuring  him  that 
he  would  spoil  his  whole  case  should  he  attempt  to  hold 
such  language  to  the  King. 

He  was  admitted  to  an  audience  of  Henry  at  Monceaux, 
but  found  him  prepared  to  show  his  teeth  as  Aerssens  had 
predicted.  He  treated  Teynagel  as  a  mere  madcap  and 
adventurer  who  had  no  right  to  be  received  as  a  public 
minister  at  all,  and  cut  short  his  rodomontades  by  assuring 
him  that  his  mind  was  fully  made  up  to  protect  the  posses- 
sory princes.  Jeannin  was  present  at  the  interview,  although, 
as  Aerssens  well  observed,  the  King  required  no  pedagogue 
on  such  an  occasion.2  Teynagel  soon  afterwards  departed 
malcontent  to  Spain,  having  taken  little  by  his  abnormal 
legation  to  Henry,  and  being  destined  to  find  at  the  court  of 
Philip  as  urgent  demands  on  that  monarch  for  assistance  to 

1  Aeresens  to  Barncveld,  24  May  and  8  and  16  Aug.  1609.    (MS.) 
1  Letters  of  Aerssens,  8  and  16  Aug.  last  cited. 

VOL.   I.  G 


82  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

the  League  as  lie  was  to  make  for  Leopold  and  the  House  of 
Austria.1 

For  the  League,  hardly  yet  thoroughly  organized  under 
the  leadership  of  Maximilian  of  Bavaria,  was  rather  a 
Catholic  corrival  than  cordial  ally  of  the  Imperial  house. 
It  was  universally  suspected  that  Henry  meant  to  destroy 
and  discrown  the  Habsburgs,  and  it  lay  not  in  the  schemes 
of  Maximilian  to  suffer  the  whole  Catholic  policy  to  be 
bound  to  the  fortunes  of  that  one  family. 

Whether  or  not  Henry  meant  to  commit  the  anachronism 
and  blunder  of  reproducing  the  part  of  Charlemagne  might 
be  doubtful.  The  supposed  design  of  Maximilian  to  renew 
the  glories  of  the  House  of  Wittelsbach  was  equally  vague. 
It  is  certain,  however,  that  a  belief  in  such  ambitious  schemes 
on  the  part  of  both  had  been  insinuated  into  the  ears  of 
Rudolf,  and  had  sunk  deeply  into  his  unsettled  mind.2 

Scarcely  had  Teynagel  departed  than  the  ancient  Presi- 
dent Eichardot  appeared  upon  the  scene.  "  The  mischievous 
old  monkey,"  as  he  had  irreverently  been  characterized 
during  the  Truce  negotiations,  "  who  showed  his  tail  the 
higher  he  climbed,"  was  now  trembling  at  the  thought  that 
all  the  good  work  he  had  been  so  laboriously  accomplishing 
during  the  past  two  years  should  be  annihilated.  The  Arch- 
dukes, his  masters,  being  sincerely  bent  on  peace,  had  de- 
puted him  to  Henry,  who,  as  they  believed,  was  determined 
to  rekindle  war.  As  frequently  happens  in  such  cases,  they 
were  prepared  to  smooth  over  the  rough  and  almost  im- 
passable path  to  a  cordial  understanding  by  comfortable  and 
cheap  commonplaces  concerning  the  blessings  of  peace, 
and  to  offer  friendly  compromises  by  which  they  might 
secure  the  prizes  of  war  without  the  troubles  and  dangers 
of  making  it. 

1  Letters  of  Aerssens,  8  and  16  Aug.  last  cited.  Compare  A.  Gindely. 
•  Rudolf  II.'  ii.  40,  sgg.  s  Ibid.  30,  42. 


1609. 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  KING  OF  FRANCE. 


83 


They  had  been  solemnly  notified  by  Henry  that  he  would 
go  to  war  rather  than  permit  the  House  of  Austria  to  acquire 
the  succession  to  the  duchies.1  They  now  sent  Bichardot 
to  say  that  neither  the  Archdukes  nor  the  King  of  Spain 
would  interfere  in  the  matter,  and  that  they  hoped  the  King 
of  France  would  not  prevent  the  Emperor  from  exercising 
his  rightful  functions  of  judge. 

Henry,  who  knew  that  Don  Baltasar  de  Cuniga,  Spanish 
ambassador  at  the  Imperial  court,  had  furnished  Leopold, 
the  Emperor's  cousin,  with  50,000  crowns  to  defray  his  first 
expenses  in  the  Jiilich  expedition,  considered  that  the  veteran 
politician  had  come  to  perform  a  school  boy's  task.  He  was 
more  than  ever  convinced  by  this  mission  of  Kichardot  that 
the  Spaniards  had  organized  the  whole  scheme,  and  he  was 
likely  only  to  smile  at  any  propositions  the  President  might 
make. 

At  the  beginning  of  his  interview,  in  which  the  King  was 
quite  alone,  Kichardot  asked  if  he  would  agree  to  maintain 
neutrality  like  the  King  of  Spain  and  the  Archdukes,  and 
allow  the  princes  to  settle  their  business  with  the  Emperor.2 

"  No,"  said  the  King. 

He  then  asked  if  Henry  would  assist  them  in  their  wrong. 

"  No,"  said  the  King. 

He  then  asked  if  the  King  thought  that  the  princes  had 
justice  on  their  side,  and  whether,  if  the  contrary  were  shown, 
he  would  change  his  policy  ? 

Henry  replied  that  the  Emperor  could  not  be  both  judge 
and  party  in  the  suit  and  that  the  King  of  Spain  was 
plotting  to  usurp  the  provinces  through  the  instrumentality 
of  his  brother-in-law  Leopold  and  under  the  name  of  the 
Emperor.  He  would  not  suffer  it,  he  said. 


1  Aerssens  to  Barnoveld,  10  Aujr. 
1609.  (MS.)  Same  to  same,  22  Aug. 
1609.  (MS.)  Same  to  Digart,  10  Aug. 


1609.    (MS.) 

»  Same  to  Barneveld,  2  Sept  1609. 
(MS.) 


84  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

"  Then  there  will  be  a  general  war,"  replied  Richardot, 
"  since  you  are  determined  to  assist  these  princes." 

"  Be  it  so,"  said  the  King. 

"  You  are  right,"  said  the  President,  "  for  you  are  a  great 
and  puissant  monarch,  having  all  the  advantages  that  could 
be  desired,  and  in  case  of  rupture  I  fear  that  all  this  im- 
mense power  will  be  poured  out  over  us  who  are  but  little 
princes." 

"  Cause  Leopold  to  retire  then  and  leave  the  princes  in 
their  right,"  was  the  reply.  "  You  will  then  have  nothing 
to  fear.  Are  you  not  very  unhappy  to  live  under  those  poor 
weak  archdukes  ?  Don't  you  foresee  that  as  soon  as  they 
die  you  will  lose  all  the  little  you  have  acquired  in  the 
obedient  Netherlands  during  the  last  fifty  years  ?  " 1 

The  President  had  nothing  to  reply  to  this  save  that  he 
had  never  approved  of  Leopold's  expedition,  and  that  when 
Spaniards  make  mistakes  they  always  had  recourse  to  their 
servants  to  repair  their  faults.  He  had  accepted  this  mission 
inconsiderately,  he  said,  inspired  by  a  hope  to  conjure  the 
rising  storms  mingled  with  fears  as  to  the  result  which  were 
now  justified.  He  regretted  having  come,  he  said. 

The  King  shrugged  his  shoulders. 

Richardot  then  suggested  that  Leopold  might  be  recog- 
nized in  Julich,  and  the  princes  at  Diisseldorf,  or  that  all 
parties  might  retire  until  the  Emperor  should  give  his 
decision. 

All  these  combinations  were  flatly  refused  by  the  King, 
who  swore  that  no  one  of  the  House  of  Austria  should  ever 
perch  in  any  part  of  those  provinces.  If  Leopold  did  not 
withdraw  at  once,  war  was  inevitable. 

He  declared  that  he  would  break  up  everything  and  dare 
everything,  whether  the  possessory  princes  formally  applied 

1  Aeresens  to  Barneveld,  2  Sept.  1609.    (MS.) 


1609.         NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  KING  OF  FRANCE.  85 

to  him  or  not.  He  would  not  see  his  friends  oppressed  nor 
allow  the  Spaniard  by  this  usurpation  to  put  his  foot  on  the 
throat  of  the  States-General,  for  it  was  against  them  that  this 
whole  scheme  was  directed. 

To  the  President's  complaints  that  the  States-General  had 
been  moving  troops  in  Gelderland,  Henry  replied  at  once  that 
it  was  done  by  his  command,  and  that  they  were  his  troops. 

With  this  answer  Richardot  Avas  fain  to  retire  crestfallen, 
mortified,  and  unhappy.  He  expressed  repentance  and 
astonishment  at  the  result,  and  protested  that  those  peoples 
were  happy  whose  princes  understood  affairs.  His  princes 
were  good,  he  said,  but  did  not  give  themselves  the  trouble 
to  learn  their  business.1 

Richardot  then  took  his  departure  from  Paris,  and  very 
soon  afterwards  from  the  world.  He  died  at  Arras  early 
in  September,  as  many  thought  of  chagrin  at  the  ill  success 
of  his  mission,  while  others  ascribed  it  to  a  surfeit  of 
melons  and  peaches.2 

"  Sencctus  etiam  morbus  est,"  said  Aerssens  with  Seneca. 

Henry  said  he  could  not  sufficiently  wonder  at  these  last 
proceedings  at  his  court,  of  a  man  he  had  deemed  capable 
and  sagacious,  but  who  had  been  committing  an  irreparable 
blunder.  He  had  never  known  two  such  impertinent  ambas- 
sadors as  Don  Pedro  de  Toledo  and  Richardot  on  this  occa- 
sion.3 The  one  had  been  entirely  ignorant  of  the  object  of 
his  mission ;  the  other  had  shown  a  vain  presumption  in 
thinking  he  could  drive  him  from  his  fixed  purpose  by  a 
flood  of  words.  He  had  accordingly  answered  him  on  the 
spot  without  consulting  his  council,  at  which  poor  Richardot 
had  been  much  amazed.4 


1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  2  Sept. 
1609.     (MS.) 
*  Same  to  same,14  Sept.  1609.  (MS.) 


3  Same  to  same,  2  Sept.  1609.  (MS.) 

4  Ibid. 


86 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 


And  now  another  envoy  appeared  upon  the  scene,  an 
ambassador  coming  directly  from  the  Emperor.  Count 
Hohenzollern,  a  young  man,  wild,  fierce,  and  arrogant, 
scarcely  twenty-three  years  of  age,  arrived  in  Paris  on  the 
7th  of  September,  with  a  train  of  forty  horsemen.1 

De  Colly,  agent  of  the  Elector-Palatine,  had  received  an 
outline  of  his  instructions,  which  the  Prince  of  Anhalt  had 
obtained  at  Prague.  He  informed  Henry  that  Hohenzollern 
would  address  him  thus  :  "  You  are  a  king.  You  would  not 
like  that  the  Emperor  should  aid  your  subjects  in  rebellion. 
He  did  not  do  this  in  the  time  of  the  League,  although  often 
solicited  to  do  so.  You  should  not  now  sustain  the  princes 
in  disobeying  the  Imperial  decree.  Kings  should  unite  in 
maintaining  the  authority  and  majesty  of  each  other."  He 
would  then  in  the  Emperor's  name  urge  the  claims  of  the 
House  of  Saxony  to  the  duchies.2 

Henry  was  much  pleased  with  this  opportune  communica- 
tion by  de  Colly  of  the  private  instructions  to  the  Emperor's 
envoy,  by  which  he  was  enabled  to  meet  the  wild  and 
fierce  young  man  with  an  arrogance  at  least  equal  to  his 
own. 

The  interview  was  a  stormy  one.  The  King  was  alone  in 
the  gallery  of  the  Louvre,  not  choosing  that  his  words  and 
gestures  should  be  observed.3  The  Envoy  spoke  much  in  the 
sense  which  de  Colly  had  indicated ;  making  a  long  argu- 
ment in  favour  of  the  Emperor's  exclusive  right  of  arbitra- 
i  tion,  and  assuring  the  King  that  the  Emperor  was  resolved 
on  war  if  interference  between  himself  and  his  subjects  was 
persisted  in.  He  loudly  pronounced  the  proceedings  of  the 
possessory  princes  to  be  utterly  illegal,  and  contrary  to  all 
precedent.  The  Emperor  would  maintain  his  authority  at 


1  "Fier  et  hazard," — Ibid.  Aerssens 
always  calls  this  envoy  "  Hohenzol- 
lern: "  Dr.  Qindely  calls  him  "  Zol- 
lera." 


s  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  18  Sept. 
1609.    (MS.) 
3  Ibid. 


1609.         NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  KING  OF  FRANCE. 


87 


all  hazards,  and  one  spark  of  war  would  set  everything  in  a 
blaze  within  the  Empire  and  without. 

Henry  replied  sternly  but  in  general  terms,  and  referred 
him  for  a  final  answer  to  his  council. 

"  What  will  you  do,"  asked  the  Envoy,  categorically,  at  a 
subsequent  interview  about  a  month  later,  "  to  protect  the 
princes  in  case  the  Emperor  constrains  them  to  leave  the 
provinces  which  they  have  unjustly  occupied  ?  "  i 

"  There  is  none  but  Grod  to  compel  me  to  say  more  than 
I  choose  to  say,"  replied  the  King.  "  It  is  enough  for  you 
to  know  that  I  will  never  abandon  my  friends  in  a  just 
cause.  The  Emperor  can  do  much  for  the  general  peace. 
He  is  not  to  lend  his  name  to  cover  this  usurpation." 

And  so  the  concluding  interview  terminated  in  an  ex- 
change of  threats  rather  than  with  any  hope  of  accom- 
modation.3 

Hohenzollern  used  as  high  language  to  the  ministers  as 
to  the  monarch,  and  received  payment  in  the  same  coin.  He 
rebuked  their  course  not  very  adroitly  as  being  contrary  to 
the  interests  of  Catholicism.  They  were  placing  the  pro- 
vinces in  the  hands  of  Protestants,  he  urged.  It  required 
no  envoy  from  Prague  to  communicate  this  startling  fact. 
Friends  and  foes,  Villeroy  and  Jeannin,  as  well  as  Sully  and 
Duplessis,  knew  well  enough  that  Henry  was  not  taking  up 
arms  for  Home.  "  Sir  !  do  you  look  at  the  matter  in  that 
way  ?  "  cried  Sully,  indignantly.  "  The  Huguenots  are  as 
good  as  the  Catholics.  They  fight  like  the  devil !  " 3 

"  The  Emperor  will  never  permit  the  princes  to  remain 
nor  Leopold  to  withdraw,"  said  the  Envoy  to  Jeannin. 

Jeannin  replied  that  the  King  was  always  ready  to  listen 


1  Aerescns  to  Barneveld,  18  Oct. 
1609.    (MS.) 

*  Ibid. 

*  From  a  despatch  of  Colly,  quoted 
by  Gindely, '  Rudolf  II.'  B.  ii.  p.  8'J, 


note.  "  Monsieur,  la  prenez  vous  par 
la?  Da  ne  valent  pas  moins  pour 
cela,  les  Huguenots  frappent  commo 
le  diable." 


88 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVFLD.  CHAP.  I. 


to  reason,  but  there  was  no  use  in  holding  language  of 
authority  to  him.  It  was  money  he  would  not  accept. 

"  Fiat  justitia  pereat  mundus,"  said  the  haggard  Hohen- 
zollern. 

"  Your  world  may  .perish/'  replied  Jeannin,  "  but  not  ours. 
It  is  much  better  put  together." 1 

A  formal  letter  was  then  written  by  the  King  to  the 
Emperor,  in  which  Henry  expressed  his  desire  to  maintain 
peace  and  fraternal  relations,  but  notified  him  that  if,  under 
any  pretext  whatever,  he  should  trouble  the  princes  in  their 
possession,  he  would  sustain  them  with  all  his  power,  being 
bound  thereto  by  treaties  and  by  reasons  of  state.2 

This  letter  was  committed  to  the  care  of  Hohenzollern, 
who  forthwith  departed,  having  received  a  present  of  4000 
crowns.3  His  fierce,  haggard  face  thus  vanishes  for  the 
present  from  our  history. 

The  King  had  taken  his  ground,  from  which  there  was  no 
receding.  Envoys  or  agents  of  Emperor,  Pope,  King  of  Spain, 
Archduke  at  Brussels,  and  Archduke  at  Julich,  had  failed  to 
shake  his  settled  purpose.  Yet  the  road  was  far  from  smooth. 
He  had  thus  far  no  ally  but  the  States-General.  He  could 
not  trust  James  of  Great  Britain.  Boderie  came  back  late 
in  the  summer  from  his  mission  to  that  monarch,  reporting 
him  as  being  favourably  inclined  to  Brandenburg,  but  hoping 
for  an  amicable  settlement  in  the  duchies.4  No  suggestion 
being  made  even  by  the  sagacious  James  as  to  the  manner 
in  which  the  ferret  and  rabbits  were  to  come  to  a  compro- 
mise, Henry  inferred,  if  it  came  to  fighting,  that  the  English 
government  would  refuse  assistance.  James  had  asked 
Boderie  in  fact  whether  his  sovereign  and  the  States,  being 
the  parties  chiefly  interested,  would  be  willing  to  fight  it 


1  Aeresens  to   Barneveld,  7  Oct. 
1609.    (MS.) 
*  Same  to  same,  18  Oct.  1609.  (MS.) 


3  Same  to  same,  27  Oct.  1609.  (MS.) 

4  Same  to  same,  2  Sept.  1609.  (MS.) 


1609.         NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  KING  OF  FRANCE.  89 

out  without  allies.  He  had  also  sent  Sir  Ralph  Winwood  on 
a  special  mission  to  the  Hague,  to  Dusseldorf,  and  with 
letters  to  the  Emperor,  in  which  he  expressed  confidence 
that  Rudolph  would  approve  the  proceedings  of  the  posses- 
sory princes.1  As  he  could  scarcely  do  that  while  loudly 
claiming  through  his  official  envoy  in  Paris  that  the  princes 
should  instantly  withdraw  on  pain  of  instant  war,  the  value 
of  the  English  suggestion  of  an  amicable  compromise  might 
easily  be  deduced. 

Great  was  the  jealousy  in  France  of  this  mission  from 
England.  That  the  princes  should  ask  the  interference  of 
James  while  neglecting,  despising,  or  fearing  Henry,  excited 
Henry's  wrath.  He  was  ready,  and  avowed  his  readiness,  to 
put  on  armour  at  once  in  behalf  of  the  princes,  and  to  arbi- 
trate on  the  destiny  of  Germany,  but  no  one  seemed  ready 
to  follow  his  standard.  No  one  asked  him  to  arbitrate.  The 
Spanish  faction  wheedled  and  threatened  by  turns,  in  order 
to  divert  him  from  his  purpose,  while  the  Protestant  party 
held  aloof,  and  babbled  of  Charlemagne  and  of  Henry  II. 

He  said  he  did  not  mean  to  assist  the  princes  by  halves, 
but  as  became  a  King  of  France,  and  the  princes  expressed 
suspicion  of  him,  talked  of  the  example  of  Metz,  and  called 
the  Emperor  their  very  clement  lord.2 

It  was  not  strange  that  Henry  was  indignant  and  jealous. 
He  was  holding  the  wolf  by  the  ears,  as  he  himself  observed 
more  than  once.  The  war  could  not  long  be  delayed  ;  yet 
they  in  whose  behalf  it  was  to  be  waged  treated  him  with  a 
disrespect  and  flippancy  almost  amounting  to  scorn. 

They  tried  to  borrow  money  of  him  through  the  post,  and 
neglected  to  send  him  an  ambassador.  This  was  most  de- 
cidedly putting  the  cart  before  the  oxen,  so  Henry  said,  and 
so  thought  all  his  friends.  When  they  had  blockaded  the 

1  Aeresens  to  Barneveld.  6  Sept.  1609.     (MS.) 

*  Same  to  Duplessis-Mornay,  18  and  21  Oct.  1609.   (MS.) 


90 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARN  E VELD.  CHAP.  I. 


road  to  Jiilich,  in  order  to  cut  off  Leopold's  supplies,  they 
sent  to  request  that  the  two  French  regiments  in  the  States' 
service  might  be  ordered  to  their  assistance,  Archduke 
Albert  having  threatened  to  open  the  passage  by  force  of 
arms.  "  This  is  a  fine  stratagem,"  said  Aerssens,  "  to  fling 
the  States-General  headlong  into  the  war,  and,  as  it  were, 
without  knowing  it."  l 

But  the  States-General,  under  the  guidance  of  Barneveld, 
were  not  likely  to  be  driven  headlong  by  Brandenburg  and 
Neuburg.  They  managed  with  caution,  but  with  perfect 
courage,  to  move  side  by  side  with  Henry,  and  to  leave  the 
initiative  to  him,  while  showing  an  unfaltering  front  to  the 
enemy.  That  the  princes  were  lost,  Spain  and  the  Emperor 
triumphant,  unless  Henry  and  the  States  should  protect 
them  with  all  their  strength,  was  as  plain  as  a  mathematical 
demonstration. 

Yet  firm  as  were  the  attitude  and  the  language  of  Henry, 
he  was  thought  to  be  hoping  to  accomplish  much  by  bluster. 
It  was  certain  that  the  bold  and  unexpected  stroke  of  Leo- 
pold had  produced  much  effect  upon  his  mind,  and  for  a 
time  those  admitted  to  his  intimacy  saw,  or  thought  they 
saw,  a  decided  change  in  his  demeanour.2  To  the  world  at 
large  his  language  and  his  demonstrations  were  even  more 
vehement  than  they  had  been  at  the  outset  of  the  contro- 
versy ;  but  it  was  believed  that  there  was  now  a  disposition 
to  substitute  threats  for  action.  The  military  movements  set 
on  foot  were  thought  to  be  like  the  ringing  of  bells  and  firing 
of  cannon  to  dissipate  a  thunderstorm.3  Yet  it  was  treason 
at  court  to  doubt  the  certainty  of  war.  The  King  ordered 
new  suits  of  armour,  bought  splendid  chargers,4  and  gave 
himself  all  the  airs  of  a  champion  rushing  to  a  tournament 


1  Aerssens  to  Vosbergen,  19  Oct. 
1609.     (MS.) 
*  Same  to  Barneveld,  29  July  1609. 


(MS.) 

3  Same  to  same,  2  Aug.  1609.  (MS.) 

4  Ibid. 


HENRY  BECOMES  THE  ALLY  OF  THE  STATES-GENERAL.  91 

as  gaily  as  in  the  earliest  days  of  his  king-errantry.  He 
spoke  of  his  eager  desire  to  break  a  lance  with  Spinola,  and 
give  a  lesson  to  the  young  volunteer  who  had  sprung  into 
so  splendid  a  military  reputation,  while  he  had  been  rusting, 
as  he  thought,  in  pacific  indolence,  and  envying  the  laurels 
of  the  comparatively  youthful  Maurice.  Yet  those  most 
likely  to  be  well  informed  believed  that  nothing  would  come 
of  all  this  fire  and  fury. 

The  critics  were  wrong.  There  was  really  no  doubt  of 
Henry's  sincerity,  but  his  isolation  was  terrible.  There  was 
none  true  to  him  at  home  but  Sully.  Abroad,  the  States- 
General  alone  were  really  friendly,  so  far  as  positive  agree- 
ments existed.  Above  all,  the  intolerable  tergiversations 
and  suspicions  of  those  most  interested,  the  princes  in  pos- 
session, and  their  bickerings  among  themselves,  hampered 
his  movements. 

Treason  and  malice  in  his  cabinet  and  household,  jealousy 
and  fear  abroad,  were  working  upon  and  undermining  him 
like  a  slow  fever.  His  position  was  most  pathetic,  but  his 
purpose  was  fixed. 

James  of  England,  who  admired,  envied,  and  hated  Henry, 
was  wont  to  moralize  on  his  character  and  his  general  un- 
popularity, while  engaged  in  negotiations  with  him.  He 
complained  that  in  the  whole  affair  of  the  truce  he  had 
sought  only  his  particular  advantage.  "  This  is  not  to  be 
wondered  at  in  one  of  his  nature,"  said  the  King,  "  who  only 
careth  to  provide  for  the  felicities  of  his  present  life,  with- 
out any  respect  for  his  life  to  come.  Indeed,  the  considera- 
tion of  his  own  age  and  the  youth  of  his  children,  the  doubt 
of  their  legitimation,  the  strength  of  competitioners,  and  the 
universal  hatred  borne  unto  him,  makes  him  seek  all  means 
of  security  for  preventing  of  all  dangers."  ] 

1  King  to  CecU  (probably  in  1608).    (MS.  in  the  Cecil  Archives  at  Hatfield.) 

See  Appendix. 


92  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

There  were  changes  from  day  to  day ;  hot  and  cold  fits 
necessarily  resulting  from  the  situation.  As  a  rule,  no  emi- 
nent general  who  has  had  much  experience  wishes  to  go  into 
a  new  war  inconsiderately  and  for  the  mere  love  of  war. 
The  impatience  is  often  on  the  part  of  the  non-combatants. 
Henry  was  no  exception  to  the  rule.  He  felt  that  the 
complications  then  existing,  the  religious,  political,  and 
dynastic  elements  arrayed  against  each  other,  were  almost 
certain  to  be  brought  to  a  crisis  and  explosion  by  the  in- 
cident of  the  duchies.  He  felt  that  the  impending  struggle 
was  probably  to  be  a  desperate  and  a  general  one,  but  there 
was  no  inconsistency  in  hoping  that  the  show  of  a  vigorous 
and  menacing  attitude  might  suspend,  defer,  or  entirely  dis- 
sipate the  impending  storm. 

The  appearance  of  vacillation  on  his  part  from  day  to 
day  was  hardly  deserving  of  the  grave  censure  which  it 
received,  and  was  certainly  in  the  interests  of  humanity. 

His  conferences  with  Sully  were  almost  daily  and  marked 
by  intense  anxiety.  He  longed  for  Barneveld,  and  repeat- 
edly urged  that  the  Advocate,  laying  aside  all  other  busi- 
ness, would  come  to  Paris,  that  they  might  advise  together 
thoroughly  and  face  to  face.1  It  was  most  important  that 
the  combination  of  alliances  should  be  correctly  arranged 
before  hostilities  began,  and  herein  lay  the  precise  difficulty. 
The  princes  applied  formally  and  freely  to  the  States-General 
for  assistance.  They  applied  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain. 
The  agents  of  the  opposite  party  besieged  Henry  with  en- 
treaties, and,  failing  in  those,  with  threats  ;  going  off  after- 
wards to  Spain,  to  the  Archdukes,  and  to  other  Catholic 
powers  in  search  of  assistance. 

The  States-General  professed  their  readiness  to  put  an 
army  of  15,000  foot  and  3000  horse  in  the  field  for  the 

1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  6  Oct.  1609  (MS.),  and  many  other  letters  in  the 

Archives. 


HENRY  BECOMES  THE  ALLY  OF  THE  STATES-GENERAL.    93 

spring  campaign,  so  soon  as  they  were  assured  of  Henry's 
determination  for  a  rupture. 

"  I  am  fresh  enough  still,"  said  he  to  their  ambassador, 
"  to  lead  an  army  into  Cleve.  I  shall  have  a  cheap  bargain 
enough  of  the  provinces.  But  these  Germans  do  nothing 
but  eat  and  sleep.  They  will  get  the  profit  and  assign  to  me 
the  trouble.  No  matter,  I  will  never  suffer  the  aggrandize- 
ment of  the  House  of  Austria.  The  States-General  must 
disband  no  troops,  but  hold  themselves  in  readiness."  * 

Secretary  of  State  Villeroy  held  the  same  language,  but 
it  was  easy  to  trace  beneath  his  plausible  exterior  a  secret 
determination  to  traverse  the  plans  of  his  sovereign.  "  The 
Cleve  affair  must  lead  to  war,"  he  said.  "  The  Spaniard, 
considering  how  necessary  it  is  for  him  to  have  a  prince 
there  at  his  devotion,  can  never  quietly  suffer  Brandenburg 
and  Neuburg  to  establish  themselves  in  those  territories. 
The  support  thus  gained  by  the  States-General  would  cause 
the  loss  of  the  Spanish  Netherlands." 2 

This  was  the  view  of  Henry,  too,  but  the  Secretary  of 
State,  secretly  devoted  to  the  cause  of  Spain,  looked  upon 
the  impending  war  with  much  aversion. 

"  All  that  can  come  to  his  Majesty  from  war,"  he  said, 
"  is  the  glory  of  having  protected  the  right.  Counterbalance 
this  with  the  fatigue,  the  expense,  and  the  peril  of  a  great 
conflict,  after  our  long  repose,  and  you  will  find  this  to  be 
buying  glory  too  dearly." 3 

When  a  Frenchman  talked  of  buying  glory  too  dearly,  it 
seemed  probable  that  the  particular  kind  of  glory  was  not  to 
his  taste. 

Henry  had  already  ordered  the  officers,  then  in  France, 
of  the  4000  French  infantry  kept  in  the  States'  service  at 
his  expense  to  depart  at  once  to  Holland,  and  he  privately 

1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  29  July  1000.    (MS.)  *  Ibid. 

8  Ibid. 


94 


THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD. 


CHAP.  I. 


announced  his  intention  of  moving  to  the  frontier  at  the  head 
of  30,000  men.1 

Yet  not  only  Villeroy,  but  the  Chancellor  and  the  Con- 
stable, while  professing  opposition  to  the  designs  of  Austria 
and  friendliness  to  those  of  Brandenburg  and  Neuburg, 
deprecated  this  precipitate  plunge  into  war.  "  Those  most 
interested,"  they  said,  "  refuse  to  move ;  fearing  Austria, 
distrusting  France.  They  leave  us  the  burden  and  danger, 
and  hope  for  the  spoils  themselves.  We  cannot  play 
cat  to  their  monkey.  The  King  must  hold  himself  in 
readiness  to  join  in  the  game  when  the  real  players  have 
shuffled  and  dealt  the  cards.  It  is  no  matter  to  us 
whether  the  Spaniard  or  Brandenburg  or  anyone  else  gets 
the  duchies.  The  States-General  require  a  friendly  sovereign 
there,  and  ought  to  say  how  much  they  will  do  for  that 
result."2 

The  Constable  laughed  at  the  whole  business.  Coming 
straight  from  the  Louvre,  he  said  "  there  would  be  no 
serious  military  movement,  and  that  all  those  fine  freaks 
would  evaporate  in  air." 3 

But  Sully  never  laughed.  He  was  quietly  preparing  the 
ways  and  means  for  the  war,  and  he  did  not  intend,  so  far 
as  he  had  influence,  that  France  should  content  herself 
with  freaks  and  let  Spain  win  the  game.  Alone  in  the 
council  he  maintained  that  "France  had  gone  too  far  to 
recede  without  sacrifice  of  reputation."  "  The  King's  word 
is  engaged  both  within  and  without,"  he  said.  "Not  to 
follow  it  with  deeds  would  be  dangerous  to  the  kingdom. 
The  Spaniard  will  think  France  afraid  of  war.  We  must 
strike  a  sudden  blow,  either  to  drive  the  enemy  away  or 
to  crush  him  at  once.  There  is  no  time  for  delay.  The 


1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  29  July 
1609.    (MS.) 
*  Ibid. ;  also  same  to  same,  28  Sept. 


1609.    (MS.)    Aerssens  to  Duplessis- 
Mornay,  15  Nov.  1609.    (MS.) 
*  Ibid. 


HENRY  BECOMES  THE  ALLY  OF  THE  STATES-GENERAL.     95 

Netherlands  must  prevent  the  aggrandizement  of  Austria 
or  consent  to  their  own  ruin."  1 

Thus  stood  the  game  therefore.  The  brother  of  Branden- 
burg and  son  of  Neuburg  had  taken  possession  of  Diissel- 
dorf. 

The  Emperor,  informed  of  this,  ordered  them  forthwith  to 
decamp.  He  further  summoned  all  pretenders  to  the  duchies 
to  appear  before  him,  in  person  or  by  proxy,  to  make  good 
their  claims.  They  refused  and  appealed  for  advice  and 
assistance  to  the  States-General.  Barneveld,  aware  of  the 
intrigues  of  Spain,  who  disguised  herself  in  the  drapery  of 
the  Emperor,  recommended  that  the  Estates  of  Cleve, 
Jiilich,  Berg,  Mark,  Kavensberg,  and  Eavenstein,  should  be 
summoned  in  Diisseldorf.  This  was  done  and  a  resolution 
taken  to  resist  any  usurpation.2 

The  King  of  France  wrote  to  the  Elector  of  Cologne,  who, 
by  directions  of  Home  and  by  means  of  the  Jesuits,  had  been 
active  in  the  intrigue,  that  he  would  not  permit  the  princes 
to  be  disturbed. 

The  Archduke  Leopold  suddenly  jumped  into  the  chief 
citadel  of  the  country  and  published  an  edict  of  the  Em- 
peror. All  the  proceedings  were  thereby  nullified  as  illegal 
and  against  the  dignity  of  the  realm  and  the  princes  pro- 
claimed under  ban. 

A  herald  brought  the  edict  and  ban  to  the  princes  in  full 
assembly.  The  princes  tore  it  to  pieces  on  the  spot.3 
Nevertheless  they  were  much  frightened,  and  many  mem- 
bers of  the  Estates  took  themselves  off;  others  showing  an 
inclination  to  follow. 

The  princes  sent  forthwith  a  deputation  to  the  Hague  to 
consult  My  Lords  the  States-General.  The  States-General 
sent  an  express  messenger  to  Paris.  Their  ambassador 

'  Aeresens  to  Barneveld,  2  Aup:.  1609.    (MS.) 

*  Same  to  Duplessis-Mornay,  7  Aug.  1609.  (MS.)  3  Ibid. 


96  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

there  sent  him  back  a  week  later,  with  notice  of  the  King's 
determination  to  risk  everything  against  everything  to  pre- 
serve the  rights  of  the  princes.  It  was  added  that  Henry 
required  to  be  solicited  by  them,  in  order  not  by  volunteer 
succour  to  give  cause  for  distrust  as  to  his  intentions.1 
Thq  States-General  were  further  apprised  by  the  King  that 
his  interests  and  theirs  were  so  considerable  in  the  matter 
that  they  would  probably  be  obliged  to  go  into  a  brisk  and 
open  war,  in  order  to  prevent  the  Spaniard  from  establishing 
himself  in  the  duchies.  He  advised  them  to  notify  the 
Archdukes  in  Brussels  that  they  would  regard  the  truce  as 
broken  if,  under  pretext  of  maintaining  the  Emperor's 
rights,  they  should  molest  the  princes.  He  desired  them 
further  to  send  their  forces  at  once  to  the  frontier  of  Gelder- 
land  under  Prince  Maurice,  without  committing  any  overt 
act  of  hostility,  but  in  order  to  show  that  both  the  King  and 
the  States  were  thoroughly  in  earnest. 
•  The  King  then  sent  to  Archduke  Albert,  as  well  as  to  the 
Elector  of  Cologne,  and  despatched  a  special  envoy  to  the 
King  of  Great  Britain. 

Immediately  afterwards  came  communications  from  Barne- 
veld  to  Henry,  with  complete  adhesion  to  the  King's  plans. 
The  States  would  move  in  exact  harmony  with  him,  neither 
before  him  nor  after  him,  which  was  precisely  what  he 
wished.  He  complained  bitterly  to  Aerssens,  when  he  com- 
municated the  Advocate's  despatches,  of  the  slothful  and 
timid  course  of  the  princes.  He  ascribed  it  to  the  arts  of 
Leopold,  who  had  written  and  inspired  many  letters  against 
him  insinuating  that  he  was  secretly  in  league  and  cor- 
respondence with  the  Emperor ;  that  he  was  going  to  the 
duchies  simply  in  the  interest  of  the  Catholics  ;  that  he  was 
like  Henry  II.  only  seeking  to  extend  the  French  frontier ; 

1  Aerssens  to  Duplessis-Mornay,  7  Aug.  1609.    (MS.)    Same  to  Digart, 
10  Aug.  1609.  (MS.) 


1609.        HENRY  THE  ALLY  OF  THE  STATES-GENERAL.          97 

and  Leopold,  by  these  intrigues  and  falsehoods,  had  suc- 
ceeded in  filling  the  princes  with  distrust,  and  they  had 
taken  umbrage  at  the  advance  of  his  cavalry.1 

Henry  professed  himself  incapable  of  self-seeking  or  am- 
bition. He  meant  to  prevent  the  aggrandizement  of  Austria, 
and  was  impatient  at  the  dilatoriness  and  distrust  of  the 
princes. 

"  All  their  enemies  are  rushing  to  the  King  of  Spain.  Let 
them  address  themselves  to  the  King  of  France,"  he  said, 
"  for  it  is  we  two  that  must  play  this  game." 

And  when  at  last  they  did  send  an  embassy,  they  prefaced 
it  by  a  post  letter  demanding  an  instant  loan,  and  Septi  U) 
with  an  intimation  that  they  would  rather  have  his     1609- 
money  than  his  presence  ! 

Was  it  surprising  that  the  King's  course  should  seem 
occasionally  wavering  when  he  found  it  so  difficult  to  stir  up 
such  stagnant  waters  into  honourable  action?  Was  it  strange 
that  the  rude  and  stern  Sully  should  sometimes  lose  his 
patience,  knowing  so  much  and  suspecting  more  of  the  foul 
designs  by  which  his  master  was  encompassed,  of  the  web 
of  conspiracy  against  his  throne,  his  life,  and  his  honour, 
which  was  daily  and  hourly  spinning  ? 

"  We  do  nothing  and  you  do  nothing,"  he  said  one  day  to 
Aerssens.  "  You  are  too  soft,  and  we  are  too  cowardly.  I 
believe  that  we  shall  spoil  everything,  after  all.  I  always 
suspect  these  sudden  determinations  of  ours.  They  are  of 
bad  augury.  We  usually  founder  at  last  when  we  set  off  so 
fiercely  at  first.  There  are  words  enough  on  every  side,  but 
there  will  be  few  deeds.  There  is  nothing  to  be  got  out  of 
the  King  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  King  of  Spain  will  end 
by  securing  these  provinces  for  himself  by  a  treaty." 2 


1  Aerssens  to  Duplesais-Mornay,  7 
Aug.  1609.  (MS.)  Same  to  Digart, 
10  Aug.  1609.  (MS.) 

VOL.  I. 


*  Same    to   Barneveld,    14   Nov. 
1609.    (MS.) 


98  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  L 

Sully  knew  better  than  this,  but  he  did  not  care  to  let 
even  the  Dutch  envoy  know,  as  yet,  the  immense  prepara- 
tions he  had  been  making  for  the  coming  campaign. 

The  envoys  of  the  possessory  princes,  the  Counts  Solms, 
Colonel  Pallandt,  and  Dr.  Steyntgen,  took  their  departure, 
after  it  had  been  arranged  that  final  measures  should  be 
concerted  at  the  general  congress  of  the  German  Protestants 
to  be  held  early  in  the  ensuing  year  at  Hall,  in  Suabia. 

At  that  convention  de  Boississe  would  make  himself 
heard  on  the  part  of  France,  and  the  representatives  of  the 
States-General,  of  Venice,  and  Savoy,  would  also  be  present.1 

Meantime  the  secret  conferences  between  Henry  and  his 
superintendent  of  finances  and  virtual  prime  minister  were 
held  almost  every  day.  Scarcely  an  afternoon  passed  that 
the  King  did  not  make  his  appearance  at  the  Arsenal, 
Sully 's  residence,  and  walk  up  and  down  the  garden  with 
him  for  hours,  discussing  the  great  project  of  which  his 
brain  was  full.  This  great  project  was  to  crush  for  ever  the 
power  of  the  Austrian  house  ;  to  drive  Spain  back  into  her 
own  limits,  putting  an  end  to  her  projects  for  universal 
monarchy  ;  and  taking  the  Imperial  crown  from  the  House 
of  Habsburg.  By  thus  breaking  up  the  mighty  cousinship 
which,  with  the  aid  of  Eome,  overshadowed  Germany  and 
the  two  peninsulas,  besides  governing  the  greater  part  of 
both  the  Indies,  he  meant  to  bring  France  into  the  pre- 
ponderant position  over  Christendom  which  he  believed  to 
be  her  due. 

It  was  necessary,  he  thought,  for  the  continued  existence 
of  the  Dutch  commonwealth  that  the  opportunity  should 
be  taken  once  for  all,  now  that  a  glorious  captain  com- 
manded its  armies  and  a  statesman  unrivalled  for  experi- 
ence, insight,  and  patriotism  controlled  its  politics  and  its 
diplomacy,  to  drive  the  Spaniard  out  of  the  Netherlands, 
1  '  Memoires  de  Sully,'  vii.  337,  sqq. 


1610.  HENRY'S  PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR.  99 

The  Cleve  question,  properly  and  vigorously  handled,  pre- 
sented exactly  the  long  desired  opportunity  for  carrying  out 
these  vast  designs. 

The  plan  of  assault  upon  Spanish  power  was  to  be  three- 
fold. The  King  himself  at  the  head  of  35,000  men,  supported 
by  Prince  Maurice  and  the  States'  forces  amounting  to  at 
least  14,000,  would  move  to  the  Khine  and  seize  the  duchies. 
The  Duke  de  la  Force  would  command  the  army  of  the 
Pyrenees  and  act  in  concert  with  the  Moors  of  Spain,  who 
roused  to  frenzy  by  their  expulsion  from  the  kingdom  could 
be  relied  on  for  a  revolt  or  at  least  a  most  vigorous  diversion.1 
Thirdly,  a  treaty  with  the  Duke  of  Savoy  by  which  Henry 
accorded  his  daughter  to  the  Duke's  eldest  son,  the  Prince 
of  Piedmont,  a  gift  of  100,000  crowns,  and  a  monthly  pension 
during  the  war  of  50,000  crowns  a  month,  was  secretly 
concluded. 

Early  in  the  spring  the  Duke  was  to  take  the  field  with 
at  least  10,000  foot  and  1200  horse,  supported  by  a  French 
army  of  12,000  to  15,000  men  under  the  experienced  Marshal 
de  Lesdiguieres.  These  forces  were  to  operate  against  the 
Duchy  of  Milan  with  the  intention  of  driving  the  Spaniards 
out  of  that  rich  possession,  which  the  Duke  of  Savoy  claimed 
for  himself,  and  of  assuring  to  Henry  the  dictatorship  of 
Italy.  With  the  cordial  alliance  of  Venice,  and  by  playing 
off  the  mutual  jealousies  of  the  petty  Italian  princes,  like 
Florence,  Mantua,  Montserrat,  and  others,  against  each  other 
and  against  the  Pope,  it  did  not  seem  doubtful  to  Sully  that 
the  result  would  be  easily  accomplished.  He  distinctly 
urged  the  wish  that  the  King  should  content  himself  with 
political  influence,  with  the  splendid  position  of  holding 
all  Italy  dependent  upon  his  will  and  guidance,  but  with- 
out annexing  a  particle  of  territory  to  his  own  crown 

'Memoires  de  Sullv,'  t.  vii.  liv.  rxvii.  passim.  Letters  of  Acrsscns  to 
Barneveld,  1609  and  1610  (MS.),  passim,  especially  letter  of  25  Dec.  1609. 


100 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  I 


It  was  Henry's  intention,  however,  to  help  himself  to  the 
Duchy  of  Savoy,  and  to  the  magnificent  city  and  port  of 
Genoa1  as  a  reward  to  himself  for  the  assistance,  matrimonial 
alliance,  and  aggrandizement  which  he  was  about  to  bestow 
upon  Charles  Emmanuel.  Sully  strenuously  opposed  these 
self-seeking  views  on  the  part  of  his  sovereign,  however,  con- 
stantly placing  before  him  the  far  nobler  aim  of  controlling 
the  destinies  of  Christendom,  of  curbing  what  tended  to 
become  omnipotent,  of  raising  up  and  protecting  that  which 
had  been  abased,  of  holding  the  balance  of  empire  with  just 
and  steady  hand  in  preference  to  the  more  vulgar  and  com- 
monplace ambition  of  annexing  a  province  or  two  to  the 
realms  of  France.2 

It  is  true  that  these  virtuous  homilies,  so  often  preached 
by  him  against  territorial  aggrandizement  in  one  direction, 
did  not  prevent  him  from  indulging  in  very  extensive  visions 
of  it  in  another.  But  the  dreams  pointed  to  the  east  rather 
than  to  the  south.  It  was  Sully's  policy  to  swallow  a  portion 
not  of  Italy  but  of  Germany.  He  persuaded  his  master  that 
the  possessory  princes,  if  placed  by  the  help  of  France  in  the 
heritage  which  they  claimed,  would  hardly  be  able  to  main- 
tain themselves  against  the  dangers  which  surrounded  them 
except  by  a  direct  dependence  upon  France.  In  the  end 
the  position  would  become  an  impossible  one,  and  it  would 
be  easy  after  the  war  was  over  to  indemnify  Brandenburg 
with  money  and  with  private  property  in  the  heart  of  France 
^for  example,  and  obtain  the  cession  of  those  most  coveted 


1  "...  pour  engager  le  due  de  Sa- 
voie  de  rompre  avec  1'Espagne,  on  luy 
a  accorde  quasi  tout  ce  qu'il  a  de- 
mande — il  semble  que  desormais  on 
veut  commencer  a  faire  de  la  part  du 
Roi  n'estant  pas  raisonnable  que  le 
Roi  face  ceste  grande  depense  sans 
en  espereraucune  utilite— et  pourtant 
propose  on  de  demander  au  Due  le 
ducuc  de  Savoje  en  contrechange  du 
secoure  du  Roi  et  de  la  cession  de 


ses  titres  en  outre  la  ville  de  Gennes 
avec  plein  pied  en  Italic ;  je  ne  scais 
pas  si  on  fera  ces  demandes  au  Due 
comme  il  se  dispute  encore ;  mais  les 
faisant  veil  a  notre  dessin  en  Italie 
a  vau  1'eau.  .  .  .  On  leve  ici  jusqu'a 
quarante  mille  fantassins  sans  conter 
les  6000  Suisses." — Aerssens  to  Barne- 
veld,  20^  Feb.  1610.  (MS.) 

2  '  Memoires  de  Sully,'  ubi  sup. 


1610.  flENRT'S  PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR.  101 

provinces  between  the  Meuse  and  the  Weser  to  the  King. 
"  What  an  advantage  for  France,"  whispered  Sully,  "  to  unite 
to  its  power  so  important  a  part  of  Germany.  For  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  by  accepting  the  succour  given  by  the  King 
now  those  princes  oblige  themselves  to  ask  for  help  in  the 
future  in  order  to  preserve  their  new  acquisition.  Thus  your 
Majesty  will  make  them  pay  for  it  very  dearly." 1 

Thus  the  very  virtuous  self-denial  in  regard  to  the  Duke 
of  Savoy  did  not  prevent  a  secret  but  well  developed  ambi- 
tion at  the  expense  of  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg.  For  after 
all  it  was  well  enough  known  that  the  Elector  was  the  really 
important  and  serious  candidate.  Henry  knew  full  well  that 
Neuburg  was  depending  on  the  Austrians  and  the  Catholics, 
and  that  the  claims  of  Saxony  were  only  put  forward  by  the 
Emperor  in  order  to  confuse  the  princes  and  excite  mutual 
distrust. 

The  King's  conferences  with  the  great  financier  were  most 
confidential,  and  Sully  was  as  secret  as  the  grave.  But 
Henry  never  could  keep  a  secret  even  when  it  concerned  his 
most  important  interests,  and  nothing  would  serve  him  but 
he  must  often  babble  of  his  great  projects  even  to  their 
minutest  details  in  presence  of  courtiers  and  counsellors 
whom  in  his  heart  he  knew  to  be  devoted  to  Spain  and  in 
receipt  of  pensions  from  her  king.2  He  would  boast  to  them 
of  the  blows  by  which  he  meant  to  demolish  Spain  and  the 
whole  house  of  Austria,  so  that  there  should  be  no  longer 
danger  to  be  feared  from  that  source  to  the  tranquillity  and 
happiness  of  Europe,  and  he  would  do  this  so  openly  and  in 
presence  of  those  who,  as  he  knew,  were  perpetually  setting 
traps  for  him  and  endeavouring  to  discover  his  deepest 
secrets  as  to  make  Sully's  hair  stand  on  end.  The  faithful 
minister  would  pluck  his  master  by  the  cloak  at  times,3  and 

1  '  M£moires  do  Sully,'  t.  vii.  p.  324. 

»  Ibid.  p.  362.  "Ibid. 


102  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.  CHAP.  I 

the  King,  with  the  adroitness  which  never  forsook  him  when 
he  chose  to  employ  it,  would  contrive  to  extricate  himself 
from  a  dilemma  and  pause  at  the  brink  of  tremendous  dis- 
closures. But  Sully  could  not  be  always  at  his  side,  nor 
were  the  Nuncius  or  Don  Inigo  de  Cardenas  or  their  con- 
fidential agents  and  spies  always  absent.  Enough  was  known 
of  the  general  plan,  while  as  to  the  probability  of  its  coming 
into  immediate  execution,  perhaps  the  enemies  of  the  King 
were  often  not  more  puzzled  than  his  friends. 

But  what  the  Spanish  ambassador  did  not  know,  nor  the 
Nuncius,  nor  even  the  friendly  Aerssens,  was  the  vast  amount 
of  supplies  which  had  been  prepared  for  the  coming  conflict 
by  the  finance  minister.  Henry  did  not  know  it  himself. 
"The  war  will  turn  on  France  as  on  a  pivot,"  said  Sully; 
"it  remains  to  be  seen  if  we  have  supplies  and  money 
enough.  I  will  engage  if  the  war  is  not  to  last  more  than 
three  years  and  you  require  no  more  than  40,000  men  at 
a  time  that  I  will  show  you  munitions  and  ammunition  and 
artillery  and  the  like  to  such  an  extent  that  you  will  say, 
'  It  is  enough.' 

"  As  to  money " 

"  How  much  money  have  I  got  ?  "  asked  the  King  ;  "  a 
dozen  millions  ?  " 

"  A  little  more  than  that,"  answered  the  Minister. 

"  Fourteen  millions  ?  " 

"More  still." 

"  Sixteen  ?  "  continued  the  King. 

"  More  yet,"  said  Sully. 

And  so  the  King  went  on  adding  two  millions  at  each 
question  until  thirty  millions  were  reached,  and  when  the 
question  as  to  this  sum  was  likewise  answered  in  the  affirma- 
tive, he  jumped  from  his  chair,  hugged  his  minister  around 
the  neck,  and  kissed  him  on  both  cheeks. 

"  I  want  no  more  than  that,"  he  cried. 


1610. 


HENRY'S  PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAE. 


103 


Sully  answered  by  assuring  him  that  he  had  prepared  a 
report  showing  a  reserve  of  forty  millions  on  which  he  might 
draw  for  his  war  expenses,  without  in  the  least  degree  in- 
fringing on  the  regular  budget  for  ordinary  expenses.1 

The  King  was  in  a  transport  of  delight,  and  would  have 
been  capable  of  telling  the  story  on  the  spot  to  the  Nuncius 
had  he  met  him  that  afternoon,  which  fortunately  did  not 
occur. 

But  of  all  men  in  Europe  after  the  faithful  Sully,  Henry 
most  desired  to  see  and  confer  daily  and  secretly  with 
Barneveld.  He  insisted  vehemently  that,  neglecting  all 
other  business,  he  should  come  forthwith  to  Paris  at  the  head 
of  the  special  embassy  which  it  had  been  agreed  that  the 
States  should  send.  No  living  statesman,  he  said,  could  com- 
pare to  Holland's  Advocate  in  sagacity,  insight,  breadth  of 
view,  knowledge  of  mankind  and  of  great  affairs,  and  none  he 
knew  was  more  sincerely  attached  to  his  person  or  felt  more 
keenly  the  value  of  the  French  alliance. 

With  him  he  indeed  communicated  almost  daily  through 
the  medium  of  Aerssens,  who  was  in  constant  receipt  of  most 
elaborate  instructions  from  Barneveld,  but  he  wished  to 
confer  with  him  face  to  face,  so  that  there  would  be  no 
necessity  of  delay  in  sending  back  for  instructions,  limita- 
tions, and  explanation.  No  man  knew  better  than  the  King 
did  that  so  far  as  foreign  affairs  were  concerned  the  States- 
General  were  simply  Barneveld. 

On  the  22nd  January  the  States'  ambassador  had  a  long 
and  secret  interview  with  the  King.2  He  informed  him  that 
the  Prince  of  Anhalt  had  been  assured  by  Barneveld  that 
the  possessory  princes  would  be  fully  supported  in  their 
position  by  the  States,  and  that  the  special  deputies  of 


1  '  Memoires  de  Sully,'  t.  vii.  pp. 
340-342. 

1  Aerseens  to  Barneveld,  24  Jan. 
1010.  (MS.)  Many  citations  will  be 


given  from  this  very  remarkable  des- 
patch, which,  so  far  as  I  know,  has 
never  been  printed  or  even  alluded  to. 


104  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAKNEVELD.          CHAP.  I. 

Archduke  Albert,  whose  presence  at  the  Hague  made  Henry 
uneasy,  as  he  regarded  them  as  perpetual  spies,  had  been 
dismissed.  Henry  expressed  his  gratification.  They  are 
there,  he  said,  entirely  in  the  interest  of  Leopold,  who 
has  just  received  500,000  crowns  from  the  King  of  Spain, 
and  is  to  have  that  sum  annually,  and  they  are  only  sent  to 
watch  all  your  proceedings  in  regard  to  Cleve. 

The  King  then  fervently  pressed  the  Ambassador  to  urge 
Barneveld's  coming  to  Paris  with  the  least  possible  delay. 
He  signified  his  delight  with  Barneveld's  answer  to  Anhalt, 
who  thus  fortified  would  be  able  to  do  good  service  at  the 
assembly  at  Hall.  He  had  expected  nothing  else  from 
Barneveld's  sagacity,  from  his  appreciation  of  the  needs  of 
Christendom,  and  from  his  affection  for  himself.  He  told 
the  Ambassador  that  he  was  anxiously  waiting  for  the 
Advocate  in  order  to  consult  with  him  as  to  all  the  details 
of  the  war.  The  affair  of  Cleve,  he  said,  was  too  special  a 
cause.  A  more  universal  one  was  wanted.  The  King  pre- 
ferred to  begin  with  Luxemburg,  attacking  Charlemont  or 
Namur,  while  the  States  ought  at  the  same  time  to  besiege 
Venlo,  with  the  intention  afterwards  of  uniting  with  the 
King  in  laying  siege  to  Maestricht. 

He  was  strong  enough,  he  said,  against  all  the  world,  but 
he  still  preferred  to  invite  all  princes  interested  to  join  him 
in  putting  down  the  ambitious  and  growing  power  of  Spam. 
Cleve  was  a  plausible  pretext,  but  the  true  cause,  he  said, 
should  be  found  in  the  general  safety  of  Christendom. 

Boississe  had  been  sent  to  the  German  princes  to  ascertain 
whether  and  to  what  extent  they  would  assist  the  King. 
He  supposed  that  once  they  found  him  engaged  in  actual 
warfare  in  Luxemburg,  they  would  get  rid  of  their  jealousy 
and  panic  fears  of  him  and  his  designs.  He  expected  them 
to  furnish  at  least  as  large  a  force  as  he  would  supply  as  a 
contingent. 


1610. 


HENRY'S  PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR. 


105 


For  it  was  understood  that  Anhalt  as  generalissimo  of  the 
German  forces  would  command  a  certain  contingent  of 
French  troops,  while  the  main  army  of  the  King  would  be 
led  by  himself  in  person. 

Henry  expressed  the  conviction  that  the  King  of  Spain 
would  be  taken  by  surprise  finding  himself  attacked  in  three 
places  and  by  three  armies  at  once,  he  believing  that  the 
King  of  France  was  entirely  devoted  to  his  pleasures  and 
altogether  too  old  for  warlike  pursuits,  while  the  States,  just 
emerging  from  the  misery  of  their  long  and  cruel  conflict, 
would  be  surely  unwilling  to  plunge  headlong  into  a  great 
and  bloody  war.1 

Henry  inferred  this,  he  said,  from  observing  the  rude  and 
brutal  manner  in  which  the  soldiers  in  the  Spanish  Nether- 
lands were  now  treated.  It  seemed,  he  said,  as  if  the  Arch- 
dukes thought  they  had  no  further  need  of  them,  or  as  if 
a  stamp  of  the  foot  could  raise  new  armies  out  of  the  earth. 
"  My  design,"  continued  the  King,  "  is  the  more  likely  to 
succeed  as  the  King  of  Spain,  being  a  mere  gosling  and  a 
valet  of  the  Duke  of  Lerma,  will  find  himself  stripped  of  all 
his  resources  and  at  his  wits'  end  ; 2  unexpectedly  embarrassed 
as  he  will  be  on  the  Italian  side,  where  we  shall  be  threaten- 
ing to  cut  the  jugular  vein  of  his  pretended  universal 
monarchy."  3 

He  intimated  that  there  was  no  great  cause  for  anxiety  in 
regard  to  the  Catholic  League  just  formed  at  Wiirzburg. 
He  doubted  whether  the  King  of  Spain  would  join  it,  and  he 
had  learned  that  the  Elector  of  Cologne  was  making  very 
little  progress  in  obtaining  the  Emperor's  adhesion.  As  to 
this  point  the  King  had  probably  not  yet  thoroughly  under- 
stood that  the  Bavarian  League  wag  intended  to  keep  clear 


1  Aeresens  to  Barneveld,  24  Jan. 
1610.  (MS.) 

4  "  .  .  .  et  pourra  reussircedessein 
de  S.  M.  plus  facilement  que  Jo  roi 


d'Espajjne,  n'tHant  qu'un  oyson  et 
valet  du  due  de  Lerma,  so  trouvcdea- 
nue  de  tous  moyens,"  &c. — Ibid. 
»  Ibid. 


106  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  L 

of  the  House  of  Habsburg,  Maximilian  not  being  willing  to 
identify  the  success  of  German  Catholicism  with  the  fortunes 
of  that  family. 

Henry  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  King  of  Spain,  that 
is  to  say,  his  counsellors,  meant  to  make  use  of  the  Emperor's 
name  while  securing  all  the  profit,  and  that  Kudolph  quite 
understood  their  game,  while  Matthias  was  sure  to  make 
use  of  this  opportunity,  supported  by  the  Protestants  of 
Bohemia,  Austria,  and  Moravia,  to  strip  the  Emperor  of  the 
last  shred  of  Empire. 

The  King  was  anxious  that  the  States  should  send  a  special 
embassy  at  once  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain.  His  ambas- 
sador, de  la  Boderie,  gave  little  encouragement  of  assistance 
from  that  quarter,  but  it  was  at  least  desirable  to  secure  his 
neutrality.  "'Tis  a  prince  too  much  devoted  to  repose," 
said  Henry,  "  to  be  likely  to  help  in  this  war,  but  at  least  he 
must  not  be  allowed  to  traverse  our  great  designs.  He  will 
probably  refuse  the  league  offensive  and  defensive  which  I 
have  proposed  to  him,  but  he  must  be  got,  if  possible,  to 
pledge  himself  to  the  defensive.  I  mean  to  assemble  my 
army  on  the  frontier,  as  if  to  move  upon  Jiilich,  and  then 
suddenly  sweep  down  on  the  Meuse,  where,  sustained  by  the 
States'  army  and  that  of  the  princes,  I  will  strike  my  blows 
and  finish  my  enterprise  before  our  adversary  has  got  wind 
of  what  is  coming.  We  must  embark  James  in  the  enter- 
prise if  we  can,  but  at  any  rate  we  must  take  measures  to 
prevent  his  spoiling  it."  * 

Henry  assured  the  Envoy  that  no  one  would  know  any- 
thing of  the  great  undertaking  but  by  its  effect ;  that  no 
one  could  possibly  talk  about  it  with  any  knowledge  except 
himself,  Sully,  Villcroy,  Barneveld,  and  Aerssens.2  With 
them  alone  he  conferred  confidentially,  and  he  doubted  not 

1  Aeresens  to  Barneveld,  24  Jan.  1610.    (MS.) 
8  Ibid. 


1610.  HENRY'S  PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR.  107 

that  the  States  would  embrace  this  opportunity  to  have 
done  for  ever  with  the  Spaniards.  He  should  take  the  field 
in  person,  he  said,  and  with  several  powerful  armies 
would  sweep  the  enemy  away  from  the  Meuse,  and  after 
obtaining  control  of  that  river  would  quietly  take  possession 
of  the  sea-coast  of  Flanders,  shut  up  Archduke  Albert  be- 
tween the  States  and  the  French,  who  would  thus  join  hands 
and  unite  their  frontiers. 

Again  the  King  expressed  his  anxiety  for  Barneveld's 
coming,  and  directed  the  Ambassador  to  urge  it,  and  to  com- 
municate to  him  the  conversation  which  had  just  taken 
place.  He  much  preferred,  he  said,  a  general  war.  He 
expressed  doubts  as  to  the  Prince  of  Anhalt's  capacity  as 
chief  hi  the  Cleve  expedition,  and  confessed  that  being 
jealous  of  his  own  reputation  he  did  not  like  to  commit  his 
contingent  of  troops  to  the  care  of  a  stranger  and  one  so 
new  to  his  trade.  The  shame  would  fall  on  himself,  not  on 
Anhalt  in  case  of  any  disaster.  Therefore,  to  avoid  all 
petty  jealousies  and  inconveniences  of  that  nature  by  which 
the  enterprise  might  be  ruined,  it  was  best  to  make  out  of 
this  small  affair  a  great  one,  and  the  King  signified  his  hope 
that  the  Advocate  would  take  this  view  of  the  case  and  give 
him  his  support.  He  had  plenty  of  grounds  of  war  himself, 
and  the  States  had  as  good  cause  of  hostilities  in  the  rupture 
of  the  trace  by  the  usurpation  attempted  by  Leopold  with 
the  assistance  of  Spain  and  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor. 
He  hoped,  he  said,  that  the  States  would  receive  no  more 
deputations  from  Archduke  Albert,  but  decide  to  settle 
everything  at  the  point  of  the  sword.  The  moment  was 
propitious,  and,  if  neglected,  might  never  return.  Marquis 
Spinola  was  about  to  make  a  journey  to  Spain  on  various 
matters  of  business.  On  his  return,  Henry  said,  he  meant  to 
make  him  prisoner  as  a  hostage  for  the  Prince  of  Conde, 
whom  the  Archdukes  were  harbouring  and  detaining  Thid 


108  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  I. 

would  be  the  pretext,  lie  said,  but  the  object  would  be  to 
deprive  the  Archdukes  of  any  military  chief,  and  thus  to 
throw  them  into  utter  confusion.  Count  van  den  Berg 
would  never  submit  to  the  authority  of  Don  Luis  de  Velasco, 
nor  Velasco  to  his,  and  not  a  man  could  come  from  Spain 
or  Italy,  for  the  passages  would  all  be  controlled  by 
France.1 

Fortunately  for  the  King's  reputation,  Spinola's  journey 
was  deferred,  so  that  this  notable  plan  for  disposing  of  the 
great  captain  fell  to  the  ground. 

Henry  agreed  to-  leave  the  two  French  regiments  and 
the  two  companies  of  cavalry  in  the  States'  service  as  usual, 
but  stipulated  in  certain  contingencies  for  their  use. 

Passing  to  another  matter  concerning  which  there  had 
been  so  much  jealousy  on  the  part  of  the  States,  the  for- 
mation of  the  French  East  India  Company — to  organize 
which  undertaking  Le  Koy  and  Isaac  Le  Maire  of  Amsterdam 
had  been  living  disguised  in  the  house  of  Henry's  famous 
companion,  the  financier  Zamet  at  Paris — the  King  said  that 
Barneveld  ought  not  to  envy  him  a  participation  in  the  great 
profits  of  this  business.2 

Nothing  would  be  done  without  consulting  him  after  his 
arrival  in  Paris.  He  would  discuss  the  matter  privately 
with  him,  he  said,  knowing  that  Barneveld  was  a  great 
personage,  but  however  obstinate  he  might  be,  he  felt  sure 
that  he  would  always  yield  to  reason.  On  the  other  h;md  the 
King  expressed  his  willingness  to  submit  to  the  Advocate's 
opinions  if  they  should  seem  the  more  just.3 

On  leaving  the  Kins;  the  Ambassador  had  an  interview 


1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  24  Jan. 
1610.  (MS.) 

8  Same  to  same,  21  Dec.  1609 ;  2 
Dec.  1609  ;  16  Dec.  1609 ;  24  Jan. 
1610.  (MSS.) 

.  qu'il  en  disputera  particu- 


etes  un  graiivl  personnage,  mais  quel- 
que  opiniatre  que  puissiez  etre,  elle 
salt  que  cederiez  toujours,  et  en  tout 
a  la  raison,  comme  elle  se  soubmettra 
aussi  a  la  votre  sy  la  lui  presenteriez 
plus  forte." — Letter  of  Aerssens,  24 


idrement  avec  vous,  sachant  que  vous  I  Jan.  1610.    (MS.  before  cited.) 


1610.  HENRY'S  PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR.  109 

with  Sully,  who  again  expressed  his  great  anxiety  for  the 
arrival  of  Barneveld,  and  his  hopes  that  he  might  come  with 
unlimited  powers,  so  that  the  great  secret  might  not  leak 
out  through  constant  referring  of  matters  back  to  the 
Provinces. 

After  rendering  to  the  Advocate  a  detailed  account  of  this 
remarkable  conversation,  Aerssens  concluded  with  an  inti- 
mation that  perhaps  his  own  opinion-  might  be  desired  as  to 
the  meaning  of  all  those  movements  developing  themselves 
so  suddenly  and  on  so  many  sides. 

"  I  will  say,"  he  observed,  "  exactly  what  the  poet  sings  of 
the  army  of  ants — 

'  Hi  motus  animorum  atque  haec  certamina  tanta 
Pulveris  exigui  jactu  contacta  quiescunt.' 

If  the  Prince  of  Conde  comes  back,  we  shall  be  more  plau- 
sible than  ever.  If  he  does  not  come  back,  perhaps  the 
consideration  of  the  future  will  sweep  us  onwards.  All  have 
their  special  views,  and  M.  de  Villeroy  more  warmly  than 
all  the  rest." 1 

1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  24  Jan.  1610.    (MS.) 


110  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  II 


CHAPTEE    II. 

Passion  of  Henry  IV.  for  Margaret  de  Montmorency  —  Her  Marriage  witb 
the  Prince  of  Conde  —  Their  Departure  for  the  Country  —  Their  Flight 
to  the  Netherlands —  Rage  of  the  King  —  Intrigues  of  Spain  —  Reception 
of  the  Prince  and  Princess  of  Conde  by  the  Archdukes  at  Brussels  — 
Splendid  Entertainments  by  Spinola  —  Attempts  of  the  King  to  bring 
the  Fugitives  back  —  Mission  of  De  Coeuvres  to  Brussels  —  Difficult 
Position  of  the  Republic  —  Vast  but  secret  Preparations  for  War. 

"  IF  the  Prince  of  Conde  comes  back."  What  had  the  Prince 
of  Conde,  his  comings  and  his  goings,  to  do  with  this  vast 
enterprise  ? 

It  is  time  to  point  to  the  golden  thread  of  most  fantastic 
passion  which  runs  throughout  this  dark  and  eventful 
history. 

One  evening  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  which  had  just 
come  to  its  close  there  was  to  be  a  splendid  fancy  ball  at 
the  Louvre  in  the  course  of  which  several  young  ladies  of 
highest  rank  were  to  perform  a  dance  in  mythological 
costume. 

The  King,  on  ill  terms  with  the  Queen,  who  harassed 
him  with  scenes  of  affected  jealousy,  while  engaged  in 
permanent  plots  with  her  paramour  and  master,  the 
Italian  Concini,  against  his  policy  and  his  life ;  on  still 
worse  terms  with  his  latest  mistress  in  chief,  the  Marquise 
de  Verneuil,  who  hated  him  and  revenged  herself  for  en- 
during his  caresses  by  making  him  the  butt  of  her  venomous 
wit,  had  taken  the  festivities  of  a  court  in  dudgeon  where 
he  possessed  hosts  of  enemies  and  flatterers  but  scarcely  a 
single  friend. 


HENRY'S  PASSION  FOR  MARGARET  DE  MONTMORENCY.  Ill 

He  refused  to  attend  any  of  the  rehearsals  of  the  ballet, 
but  one  day  a  group  of  Diana  and  her  nymphs  passed  him 
in  the  great  gallery  of  the  palace.1  One  of  the  nymphs 
as  she  went  by  turned  and  aimed  her  gilded  javelin  at 
his  heart.  Henry  looked  and  saw  the  most  beautiful 
young  creature,  so  he  thought,  that  mortal  eye  had 
ever  gazed  upon,  and  according  to  his  wont  fell  instantly 
over  head  and  ears  in  love.  He  said  afterwards  that  he 
felt  himself  pierced  to  the  heart  and  was  ready  to  faint 
away.2 

The  lady  was  just  fifteen  years  of  age.  The  King  was 
turned  of  fifty-five.  The  disparity  of  age  seemed  to  make 
the  royal  passion  ridiculous.  To  Henry  the  situation  seemed 
poetical  and  pathetic.  After  this  first  interview  he  never 
missed  a  single  rehearsal.  In  the  intervals  he  called  per- 
petually for  the  services  of  the  court  poet  Malherbe, 
who  certainly  contrived  to  perpetrate  in  his  behalf  some 
of  the  most  detestable  verses  that  even  he  had  ever 
composed. 

The  nymph  was  Marguerite  de  Montmorency,  daughter  of 
the  Constable  of  France,  and  destined  one  day  to  become 
the  mother  of  the  great  Conde,  hero  of  Kocroy.  There  can 
be  no  doubt  that  she  was  exquisitely  beautiful.  Fair- 
haired,  with  a  complexion  of  dazzling  purity,  large  expres- 
sive eyes,  delicate  but  commanding  features,  she  had  a 
singular  fascination  of  look  and  gesture,  and  a  winning, 
almost  childlike,  simplicity  of  manner.  Without  feminine 
artifice  or  commonplace  coquetry,  she  seemed  to  bewitch 
and  subdue  at  a  glance  men  of  all  ranks,  ages,  and  pursuits  ; 
kings  and  cardinals,  great  generals,  ambassadors  and  states- 
men, as  well  as  humbler  mortals  whether  Spanish,  Italian, 


1  Tallomant  des  Reaux  (ed.  1854), 
i.  170.  Bontivoprlio, '  Relnzione  dclla 
Fuga  di  Frrinna  d'Henrico  di  Bon>on« 
Principe  do  Condc'  ('  Opere,'  Parigi, 


17481,  p.  153.     Michelet,  '  Hist,  dc  la 
France  au   17«™«  SiOclc:    Henri   IV 
et  Richelieu,'  pp.  161,  162. 
2  Tallemant  dea  Reaux,  i.  171. 


112  THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.  CHAP.  II. 

French,  or  Flemish.1  The  Constable,  an  ignorant  man  who, 
as  the  King  averred,  could  neither  write  nor  read,  understood 
as  well  as  more  learned  sages  the  manners  and  humours  of 
the  court.  He  had  destined  his  daughter  for  the  young  and 
brilliant  Bassompierre,  the  most  dazzling  of  all  the  cavaliers 
of  the  day.  The  two  were  betrothed. 

But  the  love-stricken  Henry,  then  confined  to  his  bed  with 
the  gout,  sent  for  the  chosen  husband  of  the  beautiful 
Margaret.2 

"  Bassompierre,  my  friend,"  said  the  aged  king,  as  the 
youthful  lover  knelt  before  him  at  the  bedside,  "I  have 
become  not  in  love,  but  mad,  out  of  my  senses,  furious  for 
Mademoiselle  de  Montmorency.  If  she  should  love  you,  I 
should  hate  you.  If  she  should  love  me,  you  would  hate  me. 
'Tis  better  that  this  should  not  be  the  cause  of  breaking 
up  our  good  intelligence,  for  I  love  you  with  affection  and 
inclination.  I  am  resolved  to  marry  her  to  my  nephew  the 
Prince  of  Conde,  and  to  keep  her  near  my  family.  She  will 
be  the  consolation  and  support  of  my  old  age  into  which  I 
am  now  about  to  enter.  I  shall  give  my  nephew,  who  loves 
the  chace  a  thousand  times  better  than  he  does  ladies, 
100,000  livres  a  year,  and  I  wish  no  other  favour  from  her 
than  her  affection  without  making  further  pretensions." 3 

It  was  eight  o'clock  of  a  black  winter's  morning,  and  the 
tears  as  he  spoke  ran  down  the  cheeks  of  the  hero  of  Ivry 
and  bedewed  the  face  of  the  kneeling  Bassompierre.4 

The  courtly  lover  sighed  and — obeyed.     He  renounced 


1  "  Haveva,  la  principessa  di  Conde 
alhora  sedici  anni  xxx  la  sua  belJezza 
corrispondera  alia  relazione  che  ne 
haveva  portata  inanzi  la  fama,"  says 
Cardinal  Bentivoglio,  who  was  Papal 
nuncio  at  Brussels  during  this  period, 
and  was  himself  much  in  love  with 
the  Princess,  as  she  related  long  after- 
wards to  ^  Lenet  at  Chantilly  (P. 
Lenet, '  Memoires,'  ed.  Petitot,  p.  ). 
"  Era  bianchissima,  plena  di  gratia 


negli  occhi  e  nel  volto ;  piena  di  vezzi 
nel  parlareed  in  ogni  suo  gesto;  tutta 
naturalmente  si  commendava  per  se 
medesima  la  sua  bellezza  perche  non 
1'  ajutava  alcun  donnesco  artificio."— 
'  Rel.  della  Fuga,'  155. 

2  '  Memoires  de  Bassompierre/  ed. 
Petitot,  i.  p.  387,  sag. 

3  Ibid. 

4  Ibid.  pp.  386-388. 


HENRY'S  PASSION  FOR  MARGARET  DE  MONTMORSNCT.  113 

the  hand  of  the  beautiful  Margaret,  and  came  daily  to  play 
at  dice  with  the  King  at  his  bedside  with  one  or  two  other 
companions. 

And  every  day  the  Duchess  of  Angouleme,  sister  of  the 
Constable,  brought  her  fair  niece  to  visit  and  converse  with 
the  royal  invalid.  But  for  the  dark  and  tragic  clouds 
which  were  gradually  closing  around  that  eventful  and 
heroic  existence  there  would  be  something  almost  comic  in 
the  spectacle  of  the  sufferer  making  the  palace  and  all 
France  ring  with  the  howlings  of  his  grotesque  passion  for 
a  child  of  fifteen  as  he  lay  helpless  and  crippled  with  the 
gout. 

One  day  as  the  Duchess  of  Angouleme  led  her  niece  away 
from  their  morning  visit  to  the  King,  Margaret  as  she  passed 
by  Bassompierre  shrugged  her  shoulders  with  a  scornful 
glance.  Stung  by  this  expression  of  contempt,  the  lover 
who  had  renounced  her  sprang  from  the  dice  table,  buried 
his  face  in  his  hat,  pretending  that  his  nose  was  bleeding, 
and  rushed  frantically  from  the  palace.1 

Two  days  long  he  spent  in  solitude,  unable  to  eat,  drink, 
or  sleep,  abandoned  to  despair  and  bewailing  his  wretched 
fate,  and  it  was  long  before  he  could  recover  sufficient 
equanimity  to  face  his  lost  Margaret  and  resume  his  place 
at  the  King's  dicing  table.  When  he  made  his  appearance, 
he  was  according  to  his  own  account  so  pale,  changed,  and 
emaciated  that  his  friends  could  not  recognise  him.2 

The  marriage  with  Conde,  first  prince  of  the  blood,  took 
place  early  in  the  spring.  The  bride  received  magnificent 
presents,  and  the  husband  a  pension  of  100,000  March  10, 
livres  a  year.  The  attentions  of  the  King  be-  1G09> 
came  soon  outrageous  and  the  reigning  scandal  of  the 
hour.  Henry,  discarding  the  grey  jacket  and  simple  cos- 

1  '  M6moires  de  Bassompierre,'  ed  Petitot,  i.  p.  389. 
*  Ibid. 

VOL.  I.  I 


114  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  II. 

tume  on  which  he  was  wont  to  pride  himself,  paraded 
himself  about  in  perfumed  ruffs  and  glittering  doublet, 
an  ancient  fop,  very  little  heroic,  and  much  ridiculed. 
The  Princess  made  merry  with  the  antics  of  her  royal 
adorer,  while  her  vanity  at  least,  if  not  her  affection, 
was  really  touched,  and  there  was  one  great  round  of 
court  festivities  in  her  honour,  at  which  the  King  and 
herself  were  ever  the  central  figures.  But  Conde  was  not 
at  all  amused.  Not  liking  the  part  assigned  to  him  in 
the  comedy  thus  skilfully  arranged  by  his  cousin  king, 
never  much  enamoured  of  his  bride,  while  highly  ap- 
preciating the  100,000  livres  of  pension,  he  remonstrated 
violently  with  his  wife,  bitterly  reproached  the  King,  and 
made  himself  generally  offensive.  "  The  Prince  is  here," 
wrote  Henry  to  Sully,  "and  is  playing  the  very  devil. 
You  would  be  in  a  rage  and  be  ashamed  of  the  things 
he  says  of  me.  But  at  last  I  am  losing  patience,  and  am 
resolved  to  give  him  a  bit  of  my  mind." 1  He  wrote  in 
the  same  terms  to  Montmorency.2  The  Constable,  whose 
conduct  throughout  the  affair  was  odious  and  pitiable,  pro- 
mised to  do  his  best  to  induce  the  Prince,  instead  of  playing 
the  devil,  to  listen  to  reason,  as  he  and  the  Duchess  of 
Angouleme  understood  reason. 

Henry  had  even  the  ineffable  folly  to  appeal  to  the  Queen 
to  use  her  influence  with  the  refractory  Conde.  Mary  de' 
Medici  replied  that  there  were  already  thirty  go-betweens 
at  work,  and  she  had  no  idea  of  being  the  thirty-first.3 

Conde,  surrounded  by  a  conspiracy  against  his  honour  and 
happiness,  suddenly  carried  off  his  wife  to  the  country,  much 
to  the  amazement  and  rage  of  Henry. 

In  the  autumn  he  entertained  a  hunting  party  at  a  seat  of 
his,  the  Abbey  of  Verneuille,  on  the  borders  of  Picardy.  De 

1  '  Mem.  de  Sully,'  vii.  247. 

9  Henrard, '  Henri  IV  et  la  Princesse  de  Conde,'  Bruxelles,  1870,  p.  27. 

s  Henrard,  30. 


1609.       HEB  MARRIAGE  WITH  THE  PRIXCE  OF  CONDE.        115 

Traigny,  governor  of  Amiens,  invited  the  Prince,  Princess, 
and  the  Dowager-Princess  to  a  banquet  at  his  chateau  not  far 
from  the  Abbey.  On  their  road  thither  they  passed  a  group 
of  huntsmen  and  grooms  in  the  royal  livery.  Among  them 
was  an  aged  lackey  with  a  plaister  over  one  eye,  holding  a 
couple  of  hounds  in  leash.  The  Princess  recognized  at  a 
glance  under  that  ridiculous  disguise  the  King.1 

"  What  a  madman ! "  she  murmured  as  she  passed  him,  "  I 
will  never  forgive  you ; "  out  as  she  confessed  many  years 
afterwards,  this  act  of  gallantry  did  not  displease  her.2 

In  truth,  even  in  mythological  fable,  Love  has  scarcely 
ever  reduced  demi-god  or  hero  to  more  fantastic  plight  than 
was  this  travesty  of  the  great  Henry.  After  dinner  Madame 
de  Traigny  led  her  fair  guest  about  the  castle  to  show  her 
the  various  points  of  view.  At  one  window  she  paused,  say- 
ing that  it  commanded  a  particularly  fine  prospect.  The 
Princess  looked  from  it  across  a  courtyard,  and  saw  at  an 
opposite  window  an  old  gentleman  holding  his  left  hand 
tightly  upon  his  heart  to  show  that  it  was  wounded,  and 
blowing  kisses  to  her  with  the  other.  "  My  God  !  it  is  the 
King  himself,"  she  cried  to  her  hostess.  The  princess  with 
this  exclamation  rushed  from  the  window,  feeling  or  affecting 
much  indignation,  ordered  horses  to  her  carriage  instantly, 
and  overwhelmed  Madame  de  Traigny  with  reproaches. 
The  King  himself,  hastening  to  the  scene,  was  received  with 
passionate  invectives,  and  in  vain  attempted  to  assuage  the 
Princess's  wrath  and  induce  her  to  remain.3 

They  left  the  chateau  at  once,  both  Prince  and  Princess. 
One  night,  not  many  weeks  afterwards,  the  Due  de  Sully, 
in  the  Arsenal  at  Paris,  had  just  got  into  bed  NOV.  30, 
at  past  eleven  o'clock  when  he  received  a  visit      1609- 
from  Captain  de  Praslin,  who  walked  straight  into  his  bed- 

1  '  Memoircs  do  Pierre  Lenet '  (ed.  Petitot),  i.  140.    Tallemant  des  Rcaux 
i.  172.  »  Ibid.  »  Ibid.  141. 


116  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  11. 

chamber,  informing  him  that  the  King  instantly  required 
his  presence. 

Sully  remonstrated.  He  was  obliged  to  rise  at  three  the 
next  morning,  he  said,  enumerating  pressing  and  most 
important  work  which  Henry  required  to  be  completed  with 
all  possible  haste.  "  The  King  said  you  would  be  very  angry," 
replied  Praslin ;  "but  there  is  no  help  for  it.  Come  you 
must,  for  the  man  you  know  of  has  gone  out  of  the  country, 
as  you  said  he  would,  and  has  carried  away  the  lady  on  the 
crupper  behind  him." 

"  Ho,  ho,"  said  the  Duke,  "  I  am  wanted  for  that  affair, 
am  I  ?  "  And  the  two  proceeded  straightway  to  the  Louvre, 
and  were  ushered,  of  all  apartments  in  the  world,  into  the 
Queen's  bedchamber.  Mary  de'  Medici  had  given  birth  only 
four  days  before  to  an  infant,  Henrietta  Maria,  future  queen 
of  Charles  I.  of  England.  The  room  was  crowded  with 
ministers  and  courtiers ;  Villeroy,  the  Chancellor,  Bassom- 
pierre,  and  others,  being  stuck  against  the  wall  at  small 
intervals  like  statues,  dumb,  motionless,  scarcely  daring  to 
breathe.  The  King,  with  his  hands  behind  him  and  his  grey 
beard  sunk  on  his  breast,  was  pacing  up  and  down  the  room 
in  a  paroxysm  of  rage  and  despair 

"Well,"  said  he,  turning  to  Sully  as  he  entered,  "our  man 
has  gone  off  and  carried  everything  with  him.  What  do 
you  say  to  that  ?  " 

The  Duke  beyond  the  boding  "  I  told  you  so  "  phrase  of 
consolation  which  he  was  entitled  to  use,  having  repeatedly 
warned  his  sovereign  that  precisely  this  catastrophe  was 
impending,  declined  that  night  to  offer  advice.  He  insisted 
on  sleeping  on  it.  The  manner  in  which  the  proceedings 
of  the  King  at  this  juncture  would  be  regarded  by  the 
Archdukes  Albert  and  Isabella — for  there  could  be  no 
doubt  that  Conde  had  escaped  to  their  territory — and  by 
the  King  of  Spain,  in  complicity  with  whom  the  step  had 


1609.  THEIR  FLIGHT  TO  THE  NETHERLANDS.  117 

unquestionably  been  taken — was  of  gravest  political  im- 
portance.1 

Henry  had  heard  the  intelligence  but  an  hour  before. 
He  was  at  cards  in  his  cabinet  with  Bassompierre  and  others 
when  d'Elbene  entered  and  made  a  private  communication  to 
him.  "  Bassompierre,  my  friend,"  whispered  the  King  im- 
mediately in  that  courtier's  ear,  "  I  am  lost.  This  man  has 
carried  his  wife  off  into  a  wood.  I  don't  know  if  it  is  to  kill 
her  or  to  take  her  out  of  France.  Take  care  of  my  money 
and  keep  up  the  game." 2 

Bassompierre  followed  the  King  shortly  afterwards  and 
brought  him  his  money.  He  said  that  he  had  never  seen  a 
man  so  desperate,  so  transported. 

The  matter  was  indeed  one  of  deepest  and  universal 
import.  The  reader  has  seen  by  the  preceding  narrative 
how  absurd  is  the  legend  often  believed  in  even  to  our  own 
days  that  war  was  made  by  France  upon  the  Archdukes 
and  upon  Spain  to  recover  the  Princess  of  Conde  from 
captivity  in  Brussels. 

From  contemporary  sources  both  printed  and  unpublished ; 
from  most  confidential  conversations  and  revelations,  we  have 
seen  how  broad,  deliberate,  and  deeply  considered  were  the 
warlike  and  political  combinations  in  the  King's  ever  restless 
brain.  But  although  the  abduction  of  the  new  Helen  by 
her  own  Menelaus  was  not  the  cause  of  the  impending  Iliad, 
there  is  no  doubt  whatever  that  the  incident  had  much  to 
do  with  the  crisis,  was  the  turning  point  in  a  great  tragedy, 
and  that  but  for  the  vehement  passion  of  the  King  for 
this  youthful  princess  events  might  have  developed  them- 
selves on  a  far  different  scale  from  that  which  they  were 
destined  to  assume.  For  this  reason  a  court  intrigue, 
which  history  under  other  conditions  might  justly  disdain, 

1  '  M£m.  de  BaBsompierro,'  i.  420, 421,  sqq.    '  Mem.  de  Sully/  vii.  255,  sqq. 
»  Ibid.    Ibid. 


118  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  II. 

assumes  vast  proportions  and  is  taken  quite  away  from  the 
scandalous  chronicle  which  rarely  busies  itself  with  grave 
affairs  of  state. 

"The  flight  of  Conde,"  wrote  Aerssens,  "is  the  catas- 
trophe to  the  comedy  which  has  been  long  enacting.  Tis  to 
be  hoped  that  the  sequel  may  not  prove  tragical." 1 

"  The  Prince,"  for  simply  by  that  title  he  was  usually 
called  to  distinguish  him  from  all  other  princes  in  France, 
was  next  of  blood.  Had  Henry  no  sons,  he  would  have  suc- 
ceeded him  on  the  throne.  It  was  a  favourite  scheme  of  the 
Spanish  party  to  invalidate  Henry's  divorce  from  Margaret 
of  Yalois,  and  thus  to  cast  doubts  on  the  legitimacy  of 
the  Dauphin  and  the  other  children  of  Mary  de'  Medici. 

The  Prince  in  the  hands  of  the  Spanish  government 
might  prove  a  docile  and  most  dangerous  instrument  to 
the  internal  repose  of  France  not  only  after  Henry's  death 
but  in  his  life-time.  Conde's  character  was  frivolous,  un- 
stable, excitable,  weak,  easy  to  be  played  upon  by  design- 
ing politicians,  and  he  had  now  the  deepest  cause  for  anger 
and  for  indulging  in  ambitious  dreams. 

He  had  been  wont  during  this  unhappy  first  year  of  his 
marriage  to  loudly  accuse  Henry  of  tyranny,  and  was  now 
likely  by  public  declaration  to  assign  that  as  the  motive  of 
his  flight.  Henry  had  protested  in  reply  that  he  had  never 
been  guilty  of  tyranny  but  once  in  his  life,  and  that  was 
when  he  allowed  this  youth  to  take  the  name  and  title  of 
1  Conde.2 

For  the  Princess-Dowager  his  mother  had  lain  for  years  in 
prison,  under  the  terrible  accusation  of  having  murdered  her 
husband,  in  complicity  with  her  paramour,  a  Gascon  page, 
named  Belcastel.  The  present  prince  had  been  born  several 
months  after  his  reputed  father's  death.  Henry,  out  of 

1  Aeresens  to  Carew,  30  Nov.  1609.     (MS.) 

2  Sully,  ubi  sup. 


1609.  THEIR  FLIGHT  TO  THE  NETHERLANDS.  119 

good  nature,  or  perhaps  for  less  creditable  reasons,  had  come 
to  the  rescue  of  the  accused  princess,  and  had  caused  the 
process  to  be  stopped,  further  enquiry  to  be  quashed,  and 
the  son  to  be  recognized  as  legitimate  Prince  of  Conde. 
The  Dowager  had  subsequently  done  her  best  to  further 
the  King's  suit  to  her  son's  wife,  for  which  the  Prince  bit- 
terly reproached  her  to  her  face,  heaping  on  her  epithets 
which  she  well  deserved.1 

Henry  at  once  began  to  threaten  a  revival  of  the  criminal 
suit,  with  a  view  of  bastardizing  him  again,  although  the 
Dowager  had  acted  on  all  occasions  with  great  docility  in 
Henry's  interests. 

The  flight  of  the  Prince  and  Princess  was  thus  not  only 
an  incident  of  great  importance  to  the  internal  politics  of 
France,  but  had  a  direct  and  important  bearing  on  the  im- 
pending hostilities.  Its  intimate  connection  with  the  affairs  of 
the  Netherland  commonwealth  was  obvious.  It  was  probable 
that  the  fugitives  would  make  their  way  towards  the  Arch- 
dukes' territory,  and  that  afterwards  their  first  point  of  des- 
tination would  be  Breda,  of  which  Philip  William  of  Orange, 
eldest  brother  of  Prince  Maurice,  was  the  titular  proprietor. 
Since  the  truce  recently  concluded  the  brothers,  divided  so 
entirely  by  politics  and  religion,  could  meet  on  fraternal  and 
friendly  terms,  and  Breda,  although  a  city  of  the  Common- 
wealth, received  its  feudal  lord.  The  Princess  of  Orange 
was  the  sister  of  Conde.  The  morning  after  the  flight  the 
King,  before  daybreak,  sent  for  the  Dutch  ambassador.2  Ha 
directed  him  to  despatch  a  courier  forthwith  to  Barneveld, 
notifying  him  that  the  Prince  had  left  the  kingdom  without 
the  permission  or  knowledge  of  his  sovereign,  and  stating 
the  King's  belief  that  he  had  fled  to  the  territory  of  the 
Archdukes.  If  he  should  come  to  Breda  or  to  any  other  place 


.  '  L'Estoile,  'Registres  journaux 
sur  lo  R£gne  dc  Henry  IV '  (cd.  Peti- 
tot),  vol.  iii.  2G8. 


9  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  30  Nov. 
1609.    (MS.) 


120 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN   OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  U 


within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  States,  they  were  requested  to 
make  sure  of  his  person  at  once,  and  not  to  permit  him  to 
retire  until  further  instructions  should  be  received  from  the 
King.  De  Praslin,  captain  of  the  body-guards  and  lieu- 
tenant of  Champagne,  it  was  further  mentioned,  was  to  be 
sent  immediately  on  secret  mission  concerning  this  affair  to 
the  States  and  to  the  Archdukes. 

The  King  suspected  Conde  of  crime,  so  the  Advocate  was 
to  be  informed.  He  believed  him  to  be  implicated  in  the 
conspiracy  of  Poitou  ;  the  six  who  had  been  taken  prisoners 
having  confessed  that  they  had  thrice  conferred  with  a 
prince  at  Paris,  and  that  the  motive  of  the  plot  was  to  free 
themselves  and  France  from  the  tyranny  of  Henry  IV. 
The  King  insisted  peremptorily,  despite  of  any  objections 
from  Aerssens,  that  the  thing  must  be  done  and  his  in- 
structions carried  out  to  the  letter.  So  much  he  expected 
of  the  States,  and  they  should  care  no  more  for  ulterior  con- 
sequences, he  said,  than  he  had  done  for  the  wrath  of  Spain 
when  he  frankly  undertook  their  cause.  Conde  was  im- 
portant only  because  his  relative,  and  he  declared  that  if  the 
Prince  should  escape,  having  once  entered  the  territory  of 
the  Republic,  he  should  lay  the  blame  on  its  government. 

"  If  you  proceed  languidly  in  the  affair,"  wrote  Aerssens  to 
Barneveld,  "  our  affairs  will  suffer  for  ever." 1 

Nobody  at  court  believed  in  the  Poitou  conspiracy,  or 
that  Conde  had  any  knowledge  of  it.  The  reason  of  his 
flight  was  a  mystery  to  none,  but  as  it  was  immediately 
followed  by  an  intrigue  with  Spain,  it  seemed  ingenious  to 
Henry  to  make  use  of  a  transparent  pretext  to  conceal  the 
ugliness  of  the  whole  affair.2 


1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  30  Nov. 
1609.  (MS.) 

*  "  .  .  .  et  luy  pent  etre  se  voudra 
couvrir  de  quelque  aultre  raison  quy 
sera  heureuse  sy  creue  au  dyhors.  Je 


crains  qu'on  a  fait  crevcr  1'apostmne 
a  la  trop  presser.  Vous  scaviez  trop 
bienceste  histoiresansq  u'il  soitbesoin 
de  vous  en  entretenir  davantage." — 
Aerssens  to  Carew,  before  cited. 


1609.  THEIR  FLIGHT  TO   THE  NETHERLANDS.  121 

He  hoped  that  the  Prince  would  be  arrested  at  Breda  and 
sent  back  by  the  States.  Villeroy  said  that  if  it  was  not 
done,  they  would  be  guilty  of  black  ingratitude.  It  would 
be  an  awkward  undertaking,  however,  and  the  States 
devoutly  prayed  that  they  might  not  be  put  to  the  test. 
The  crafty  Aerssens  suggested  to  Barneveld  that  if  Conde 
was  not  within  their  territory  it  would  be  well  to  assure  the 
King  that,  had  he  been  there,  he  would  have  been  delivered 
up  at  once.  "  By  this  means,"  said  the  Ambassador,  "  you 
will  give  no  cause  of  offence  to  the  Prince,  and  will  at  the 
same  time  satisfy  the  King.  It  is  important  that  he  should 
think  that  you  depend  immediately  upon  him.  If  you  see 
that  after  his  arrest  they  take  severe  measures  against  him, 
you  will  have  a  thousand  ways  of  parrying  the  blame  which 
posterity  might  throw  upon  you.  History  teaches  you 
plenty  of  them."  1 

He  added  that  neither  Sully  nor  anyone  else  thought 
much  of  the  Poitou  conspiracy.  Those  implicated  asserted 
that  they  had  intended  to  raise  troops  there  to  assist  the 
King  in  the  Cleve  expedition.  Some  people  said  that  Henry 
had  invented  this  plot  against  his  throne  and  life.  The 
Ambassador,  in  a  spirit  of  prophecy,  quoted  the  saying 
of  Domitian  :  "  Misera  conditio  imperantium  quibus  dc  con- 
spiratione  non  credifur  nisi  occisis." 

Meantime  the  fugitives  continued  their  journey.  The 
Prince  was  accompanied  by  one  of  his  dependants,  a  rude 
officer,  de  Rochefort,  who  carried  the  Princess  on  a  pillion 
behind  him.  She  had  with  her  a  lady-in-waiting  named 
du  Certeau  and  a  lady's  maid  named  Philippote.  She  had 
no  clothes  but  those  on  her  back,  not  even  a  change  of 
linen.  Thus  the  young  and  delicate  lady  made  the  wintry 
journey  through  the  forests.  They  crossed  the  frontier  at 

1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  8  Dec.  1609.    (MS.) 


122 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  II. 


Landrecies,1  then  in  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  intending  to 
traverse  the  Archduke's  territory  in  order  to  reach  Breda, 
where  Conde  meant  to  leave  his  wife  in  charge  of  his  sister, 
the  Princess  of  Orange,  and  then  to  proceed  to  Brussels. 

He  wrote  from  the  little  inn  at  Landrecies  to  notify  the 
Archduke  of  his  project.  He  was  subsequently  informed 
that  Albert  would  not  prevent  his  passing  through  his 
territories,  but  should  object  to  his  making  a  fixed  residence 
within  them.2  The  Prince  also  wrote  subsequently  to  the 
King  of  Spain  and  to  the  King  of  France. 

To  Henry  he  expressed  his  great  regret  at  being  obliged 
to  leave  the  kingdom  in  order  to  save  his  honour  and  his 
life,  but  that  he  had  no  intention  of  being  anything  else 
than  his  very  humble  and  faithful  cousin,  subject,  and 
servant.  He  would  do  nothing  against  his  service,  he  said, 
unless  forced  thereto,  and  he  begged  the  King  not  to  take  it 
amiss  if  he  refused  to  receive  letters  from  any  one  whomsoever 
at  court,  saving  only  such  letters  as  his  Majesty  himself 
might  honour  him  by  writing.3 


1  Bentivoglio,  'Rel.  della  Fuga,' 
153,  154.  Le  Pere  G.  Daniel,  '  His- 
toire  de  France,'  Paris,  1756,  t.  xii. 
p.  541,  sqq.  Magistrals  de  Lan- 
drecies a  1'Archiduc  Albert,  1  Dec. 
1609. 

I  desire  to  express  my  obliga- 
tions to  tlie  excellent  work  of  Cap- 
tain Paul  Henrard,  '  Henri  IV  et  la 
Princesse  de  Conde/  Brussels,  1870, 
•who  has  narrated  this  singular  epi- 
sode with  succinctness  and  elegance, 
enriching  his  volumes  with  an  ap- 
pendix containing  the  diplomatic  cor- 
respondence of  Pecquius,  so  far  as  it 
relates  to  this  subject,  besides  other 

Freviously  unpublished  documents, 
have  read  much  of  the  original 
manuscript  of  the  Archdukes  and  of 
Pecquius,  both  for  this  and  some  sub- 
sequent epochs,  in  the  Royal  Archives 
at  Brussels.  My  citations,  however, 
of  these  letters  are  from  M.  Henrard's 
printed  collection,  as  careful  compa- 


rison with  the  originals  has  shown 
me  their  perfect  accuracy. 

Many  of  these  papers,  as  well  as 
additional  ones  from  the  Archives 
of  Simancas,  are  likewise  printed  in 
the  second  volume  of  the  instructive 
work  of  H.  R.  H.  the  Due  d'Aumale, 
'  Histoire  des  Princes  de  Conde  pen- 
dant les  xvi"  et  xvii8  Siecles,'  from 
which  I  have  derived  much  infor- 
mation. 

s  "  .  .  .  mais  qu'il  pouvoit  asscurer 
le  diet  Seigneur  Roy  quo  nous  ne 
souffrirons  qu'il  face  sejouret  moins 
sa  demeure  fixe  rifire  les  pais  de  notre 
obeissance  et  que  nous  avion  s  faict 
dire  mesme  responce  au  dit  Sieur  de 
Praslain,"  &c.  &c. — Archdukes  to  P. 
Pecquius,  4  Dec.  1609,  in  Henrard. 
Archdukes  to  Ortemberg,  agent  at 
Rome,  same  date. 

3 '  Mem.  de  Sully,'  vii.  264,  note  30. 
'Mem.  pour  1'Hist.  de  France,'  arm. 
1610. 


1609.  RAGE  OF  THE  KIXG.  123 

The  result  of  this  communication  to  the  King  was  of 
course  to  enrage  that  monarch  to  the  utmost,  and  his  first 
impulse  on  finding  that  the  Prince  was  out  of  his  reach  was 
to  march  to  Brussels  at  once  and  take  possession  of  him  and 
the  Princess  by  main  force.  More  moderate  counsels  pre- 
vailed for  the  moment  however,  and  negotiations  were 
attempted. 

Praslin  did  not  contrive  to  intercept  the  fugitives,  but  the 
States-General,  under  the  advice  of  Barneveld,  absolutely 
forbade  their  coming  to  Breda  or  entering  any  part  of  their 
jurisdiction.  The  result  of  Conde's  application  to  the  King 
of  Spain  was  an  ultimate  offer  of  assistance  and  asylum, 
through  a  special  emissary,  one  Anover ;  for  the  politicians 
of  Madrid  were  astute  enough  to  see  what  a  card  the  Prince 
might  prove  in  their  hands. 

Henry  instructed  his  ambassador  in  Spain  *  to  use  strong 
and  threatening  language  in  regard  to  the  harbouring  a 
rebel  and  a  conspirator  against  the  throne  of  France  ;  while 
on  the  other  hand  he  expressed  his  satisfaction  with  the 
States  for  having  prohibited  the  Prince  from  entering  their 
territory.2  He  would  have  preferred,  he  said,  if  they  had 
allowed  him  entrance  and  forbidden  his  departure,  but  on 
the  whole  he  was  content.  It  was  thought  in  Paris  that  the 
Netherland  government  had  acted  with  much  adroitness  in 
thus  abstaining  both  from  a  violation  of  the  law  of  nations 
and  from  giving  offence  to  the  King. 

A  valet  of  Conde  was  taken  with  some  papers  of  the 
Prince  about  him,  which  proved  a  determination  on  his  part 
never  to  return  to  France  during  the  lifetime  of  Henry.3 
They  made  no  statement  of  the  cause  of  his  flight,  except  to 
intimate  that  it  might  be  left  to  the  judgment  of  every  one, 
as  it  was  unfortunately  but  too  well  known  to  all. 


1  '  Recueil  des  Lettrea  missives  de 
Henri  IV.'  t.  v. 
1  Aerssens  to  Bamevold,  10  Dec. 


1609.    (HajErues  Archives  MS.) 
8  Same  to  same,  8  Dec.  1609.  (MS.) 


124 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  II. 


Kefused  entrance  into  the  Dutch  territory,  the  Prince  was 
obliged  to  renounce  his  project  in  regard  to  Breda,  and 
brought  his  wife  to  Brussels.  He  gave  Bentivoglio,  the 
Papal  nuncio,  two  letters  to  forward  to  Italy,  one  to  the 
Pope,  the  other  to  his  nephew,  Cardinal  Borghese.  En- 
couraged by  the  advices  which  he  had  received  from  Spain, 
he  justified  his  flight  from  France  both  by  the  danger  to  his 
honour  and  to  his  life,  recommending  both  to  the  protection  of 
his  Holiness  and  his  Eminence.  Bentivoglio  sent  the  letters, 
but  while  admitting  the  invincible  reasons  for  his  departure 
growing  out  of  the  King's  pursuit  of  the  Princess,  he 
refused  all  credence  to  the  pretended  violence  against  Conde 
himself.1  Conde  informed  de  Praslin  that  he  would  not 
consent  to  return  to  France.  Subsequently  he  imposed  as 
conditions  of  return  that  the  King  should  assign  to  him 
certain  cities  and  strongholds  in  Guienne,  of  which  province 
he  was  governor,  far  from  Paris  and  very  near  the  Spanish 
frontier ;  a  measure  dictated  by  Spain  and  which  inflamed 
Henry's  wrath  almost  to  madness.2  The  King  insisted  on 
his  instant  return,  placing  himself  and  of  course  the  Princess 
entirely  in  his  hands  and  receiving  a  full  pardon  for  this 
effort  to  save  his  honour.3  The  Prince  and  Princess  of 
Orange  came  from  Breda  to  Brussels  to  visit  their  brother 
and  his  wife.  Here  they  established  them  in  the  Palace  of 
Nassau,  once  the  residence  in  his  brilliant  youth  of  William 
the  Silent ;  a  magnificent  mansion,  surrounded  by  park  and 
garden,  built  on  the  brow  of  the  almost  precipitous  hill, 
beneath  which  is  spread  out  so  picturesquely  the  antique  and 
beautiful  capital  of  Brabant. 

The  Archdukes  received  them  with  stately  courtesy  at 
their  own  palace.  On  their  first  ceremonious  visit  to  the 


1  Bent.  '  Bel.  della  Fuga,'  156. 
*  Ibid.     Daniel, '  Hist,  de  France,' 
sii.  544,  sqq. 


8  Bent.  'Rel.  della  Fujra,'  157. 
Aerssens  to  Barneveld.  (H.  Arch. 
MS.) 


THEIR  RECEPTION  BY  THE  ARCHDUKES  AT  BRUSSELS.  125 

sovereigns  of  the  land,  the  formal  Archduke,  coldest  and 
chastest  of  mankind,  scarcely  lifted  his  eyes  to  gaze  on  the 
wondrous  beauty  of  the  Princess,  yet  assured  her  after  he 
had  led  her  through  a  portrait  gallery  of  fair  women  that 
formerly  these  had  been  accounted  beauties,  but  that  hence- 
forth it  was  impossible  to  speak  of  any  beauty  but  her  own.1 
The  great  Spinola  fell  in  love  with  her  at  once,  sent  for 
the  illustrious  Rubens  from  Antwerp  to  paint  her  portrait,2 
and  offered  Mademoiselle  de  Chateau  Vert  10,000  crowns 
in  gold  if  she  would  do  her  best  to  further  his  suit 
with  her  mistress.3  The  Genoese  banker-soldier  made  love, 
war,  and  finance  on  a  grand  scale.4  He  gave  a  magnificent 
banquet  and  ball  in  her  honour  on  Twelfth  Night,  and  the 
festival  was  the  wonder  of  the  town.  Nothing  like  it  had 
been  seen  in  Brussels  for  years.  At  six  in  the  evening 
Spinola  in  splendid  costume,  accompanied  by  Don  Luis 
Velasco,  Count  Ottavio  Visconti,  Count  Bucquoy,  with  other 
nobles  of  lesser  note,  drove  to  the  Nassau  Palace  to  bring  the 
Prince  and  Princess  and  their  suite  to  the  Marquis's  mansion. 
Here  a  guard  of  honour  of  thirty  musketeers  was  standing 
before  the  door,  and  they  were  conducted  from  their  coaches 
by  Spinola  preceded  by  twenty-four  torch-bearers  up  the 
grand  staircase  to  a  hall,  where  they  were  received  by 
the  Princesses  of  Mansfeld,  Velasco,  and  other  distinguished 
dames.  Thence  they  were  led  through  several  apartments 
rich  with  tapestry  and  blazing  with  crystal  and  silver  plate 
to  a  splendid  saloon  where  was  a  silken  canopy,  under  which 
the  Princess  of  Conde  and  the  Princess  of  Orange  seated 
themselves,  the  Nuncius  Bentivoglio  to  his  delight  being 
placed  next  the  beautiful  Margaret.  After  reposing  for  a 
little  while  they  were  led  to  the  ball-room,  brilliantly  lighted 


'  Hcnrard,  47.  «  Ibid.  50. 

*  Pecquius  to  Archduke  Albert,  3  March  1610,  in  Henrard. 

4  Henrard,  p.  70. 


126  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELJX  CHAP.  II. 

with  innumerable  torches  of  perfumed  wax  and  hung  with 
tapestry  of  gold  and  silk,  representing  in  fourteen  em- 
broidered designs  the  chief  military  exploits  of  Spinola. 
Here  the  banquet,  a  cold  collation,  was  already  spread  on 
a  table  decked  and  lighted  with  regal  splendour.  As  soon 
as  the  guests  were  seated,  an  admirable  concert  of  instru- 
mental music  began.  Spinola  walked  up  and  down  providing 
for  the  comforts  of  his  company,  the  Duke  of  Aumale  stood 
behind  the  two  princesses  to  entertain  them  with  conver- 
sation, Don  Luis  Velasco  served  the  Princess  of  Conde  with 
plates,  handed  her  the  dishes,  the  wine,  the  napkins,  while 
Bucquoy  and  Yiseonti  in  like  manner  waited  upon  the 
Princess  of  Orange ;  other  nobles  attending  to  the  other 
ladies.  Forty-eight  pages  in  white,  yellow,  and  red  scarves 
brought  and  removed  the  dishes.  The  dinner,  of  courses 
innumerable,  lasted  two  hours  and  a  half,  and  the  ladies, 
being  thus  fortified  for  the  more  serious  business  of  the 
evening,  were  led  to  the  tiring-rooms  while  the  hall  was 
made  ready  for  dancing.  The  ball  was  opened  by  the 
Princess  of  Conde  and  Spinola,  and  lasted  until  two  in  the 
morning.  As  the  apartment  grew  warm,  two  of  the  pages 
went  about  with  long  staves  and  broke  all  the  windows  until 
not  a  single  pane  of  glass  remained.  The  festival  was 
estimated  by  the  thrifty  chronicler  of  Antwerp  to  have 
cost  from  3000  to  4000  crowns.  It  was,  he  says,  "an 
earthly  paradise  of  which  soon  not  a  vapour  remained."  He 
added  that  he  gave  a  detailed  account  of  it  "  not  because  he 
took  pleasure  in  such  voluptuous  pomp  and  extravagance, 
but  that  one  might  thus  learn  the  vanity  of  the  world." 1 
These  courtesies  and  assiduities  on  the  part  of  the  great "  shop- 
keeper," as  the  Constable  called  him,  had  so  much  effect, 
if  not  on  the  Princess,  at  least  on  Conde  himself,  that  he 
threatened  to  throw  his  wife  out  of  window  if  she  refused  to 

1  Van  Meteren, '  Ned.  Hist.'  b.  xxxi.  p.  687. 


1610. 


SPLENDID  ENTERTAINMENTS  BY  SPINOLA. 


127 


caress  Spinola.1  These  and  similar  accusations  were  made 
by  the  father  and  aunt  when  attempting  to  bring  about  a 
divorce  of  the  Princess  from  her  husband.2  The  Nuncius 
Bentivoglio,  too,  fell  in  love  with  her,  devoting  himself  to 
her  service,  and  his  facile  and  eloquent  pen  to  chronicling 
her  story.  Even  poor  little  Philip  of  Spain  in  the  depths 
of  the  Escurial  heard  of  her  charms,3  and  tried  to  imagine 
himself  in  love  with  her  by  proxy. 

Thenceforth  there  was  a  succession  of  brilliant  festivals  in 
honour  of  the  Princess.  The  Spanish  party  was  radiant  with 
triumph,  the  French  maddened  with  rage.  Henry  in  Paris 
was  chafing  like  a  lion  at  bay.  A  petty  sovereign  whom  he 
could  crush  at  one  vigorous  bound  was  protecting  the  lady 
for  whose  love  he  was  dying.  He  had  secured  Conde's 
exclusion  from  Holland,  but  here  were  the  fugitives 
splendidly  established  in  Brussels  ;  the  Princess  surrounded 
by  most  formidable  suitors,  the  Prince  encouraged  in  his 
rebellious  and  dangerous  schemes  by  the  power  which  the 
King  most  hated  on  earth,  and  whose  eternal  downfall  he 
had  long  since  sworn  to  accomplish. 

For  the  weak  and  frivolous  Conde  began  to  prattle  publicly 
of  his  deep  projects  of  revenge.  Aided  by  Spanish  money 
and  Spanish  troops  he  would  show  one  day  who  was  the 
real  heir  to  the  throne  of  France — the  illegitimately  born 
Dauphin  or  himself. 

The  King  sent  for  the  first  president  of  Parliament^ 
Harlay,  and  consulted  with  him  as  to  the  proper  means  of 
reviving  the  suppressed  process  against  the  Dowager  and 
of  publicly  degrading  Condu  from  his  position  of  first  prince 
of  the  blood  which  he  had  been  permitted  to  usurp.4  He 
likewise  procured  a  decree  accusing  him  of  high-treason  and 


1  Pecquius  to  Archduko  Albert,  8 
March  1610,  in  Henrard. 
*  Ibid. 
8  Same  to  same,  31  March  1610, 


in  Henrard. 

4  Aerssena  to  Bameveld,   8  Doc 
1609.    (MS.) 


128 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  IL 


ordering  him  to  be  punished  at  his  Majesty's  pleasure,  to  be 
prepared  by  the  Parliament  of  Paris ;  going  down  to  the 
court  himself  in  his  impatience  and  seating  himself  in  every- 
day costume  on  the  bench  of  judges  to  see  that  it  was  im- 
mediately proclaimed.1 

Instead  of  at  once  attacking  the  Archdukes  in  force  as  he 
intended  in  the  first  ebullition  of  his  wrath,  he  resolved  to 
send  de  Boutteville-Montmorency,  a  relative  of  the  Con- 
stable, on  special  and  urgent  mission  to  Brussels.  He  was 
to  propose  that  Conde  and  his  wife  should  return  with  the 
Prince  and  Princess  of  Orange  to  Breda,  the  King  pledging 
himself  that  for  three  or  four  months  nothing  should  be 
undertaken  against  him.2  Here  was  a  sudden  change  of 
determination  fit  to  surprise  the  States-G-eneral,  but  the 
King's  resolution  veered  and  whirled  about  hourly  in 
the  tempests  of  his  wrath  and  love. 

That  excellent  old  couple,  the  Constable  and  the  Duchess 
of  Angouleme,  did  their  best  to  assist  their  sovereign  in 
his  fierce  attempts  to  get  their  daughter  and  niece  into  his 
power. 

The  Constable  procured  a  piteous  letter  to  be  written 3  to 
Archduke  Albert,  signed  "Montmorency  his  mark,"  imploring 
him  not  to  "suffer  that  his  daughter,  since  the  Prince 
refused  to  return  to  France,  should  leave  Brussels  to  be  a 
wanderer  about  the  world  following  a  young  prince  who  had 
no  fixed  purpose  in  his  mind.4 

Archduke  Albert,  through  his  ambassador  in  Paris,  Peter 
Pecquius,  suggested  the  possibility  of  a  reconciliation  be- 
tween Henry  and  his  kinsman,  and  offered  himself  as  inter- 
mediary. He  enquired  whether  the  King  would  find  it 


1  '  Mem.  de  Sully,'  vii.  270,  note. 

*  Aerssens  to  Barneveld.  16  Dec. 
1609.  (MS.) 

3  Henry  said  that  with  his  Chan- 
cellor (Sillery),  who  knew  no  Latin, 
and  his  Constable,  who  could  neither 


write  nor  read,  he  could  get  through 
the  most  difficult  affairs.  '  Memoires 
de  Sully,'  vii.  227,  note  22. 

4  Montmorency  to  Archduke  Albert, 
16  Jan.  1610,  in  Henrard. 


1610.         ATTEMPTS  TO  BRING  THE  FUGITIVES  BACK. 

agreeable  that  he  should  ask  for  pardon  in  name  of  the 
Prince.  Henry  replied  that  he  was  willing  that  the  Archduke 
should  accord  to  Conde  secure  residence  for  the  time  within 
his  dominions  on  three  inexorable  conditions  : — Firstly, 
that  the  Prince  should  ask  for  pardon  without  any  stipula- 
tions, the  King  refusing  to  listen  to  any  treaty  or  to  assign 
him  towns  or  places  of  security  as  had  been  vaguely  sug- 
gested, and  holding  it  utterly  unreasonable  that  a  man 
sueing  for  pardon  should,  instead  of  deserved  punishment, 
talk  of  terms  and  acquisitions  ;  secondly,  that,  if  Conde 
should  reject  the  proposition,  Albert  should  immediately 
turn  him  out  of  his  country,  showing  himself  justly  irritated 
at  finding  his  advice  disregarded  ;  thirdly,  that,  sending 
away  the  Prince,  the  Archduke  should  forthwith  restore  the 
Princess  to  her  father  the  Constable  and  her  aunt  Angou- 
leme,  who  had  already  made  their  petitions  to  Albert  and 
Isabella  for  that  end,  to  which  the  King  now  added  his  own 
most  particular  prayers. 

If  the  Archduke  should  refuse  consent  to  these  three  con- 
ditions, Henry  begged  that  he  would  abstain  from  any 
farther  attempt  to  effect  a  reconciliation  and  not  suffer 
Conde  to  remain  any  longer  within  his  territories. 

Pccquius  replied  that  he  thought  his  master  might  agree 
to  the  two  first  propositions  while  demurring  to  the  third, 
as  it  would  probably  not  seem  honourable  to  him  to  se- 
parate man  and  wife,  and  as  it  was  doubtful  whether  the 
Princess  would  return  of  her  own  accord.1 

The  King,  in  reporting  the  substance  of  this  conversation 
to  Aerssens,  intimated  his  conviction  that  they  were  only 
wishing  in  Brussels  to  gain  time  ;  that  they  were  waiting 
for  letters  from  Spain,  which  they  were  expecting  ever 
Bince  the  return  of  Condc's  secretary  from  Milan,  whither  he 

1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  22  Dor.  1609.   (MS.)    Same  to  Caron,  27  Dec. 
1609.    (MS.) 

VOL.   I.  K 


130  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  IL 

had  been  sent  to  confer  with  the  Governor,  Count  Fuentes.1 
He  said  farther  that  he  doubted  whether  the  Princess 
would  go  to  Breda,  which  he  should  now  like,  but  which 
Coiide  would  not  now  permit.  This  he  imputed  in  part 
to  the  Princess  of  Orange,  who  had  written  a  letter  full 
of  invectives  against  himself  to  the  Dowager-Princess 
of  Conde  which  she  had  at  once  sent  to  him.  Henry 
expressed  at  the  same  time  his  great  satisfaction  with  the 
States-General  and  with  Barneveld  in  this  affair,  repeating 
his  assurances  that  they  were  the  truest  and  best  friends  he 
had. 

The  news  of  Condi's  ceremonious  visit  to  Leopold  in 
Jiilich  could  not  fail  to  exasperate  the  King  almost  as  much 
as  the  pompous  manner  in  which  he  was  subsequently  re- 
ceived at  Brussels ;  Spinola  and  the  Spanish  Ambassador 
going  forth  to  meet  him.2  At  the  same  moment  the  secre- 
tary of  Vaucelles,  Henry's  ambassador  in  Madrid,  arrived 
in  Paris,  confirming  the  King's  suspicions  that  Conde's 
flight  had  been  concerted  with  Don  Inigo  de  Cardenas,  and 
was  part  of  a  general  plot  of  Spain  against  the  peace  of  the 
kingdom.  The  Due  d'Epernon,  one  of  the  most  dangerous 
plotters  at  the  court,  and  deep  in  the  intimacy  of  the  Queen 
and  of  all  the  secret  adherents  of  the  Spanish  policy,  had 
been  sojourning  a  long  time  at  Metz,  under  pretence  of 
attending  to  his  health,  had  sent  his  children  to  Spain, 
as  hostages  according  to  Henry's  belief,  had  made  himself 
master  of  the  citadel,  and  was  turning  a  deaf  ear  to  all  the 
commands  of  the  King.3 

The  supporters  of  Conde  in  France  were  openly  changing 
their  note  and  proclaiming  by  the  Prince's  command  that 
he  had  left  the  kingdom  in  order  to  preserve  his  quality  of 
first  prince  of  the  blood,  and  that  he  meant  to  make  good 

1  Aerssens  to  Caron,  27  Dec.  1609.    (MS.) 
*  Same  to  Barneveld,  29  Dec.  1609.    (MS.)  8  Ibid. 


1610.        ATTEMPTS  TO  BEING    THE  FUGITIVES  BACK.        131 


his  right  of  primogeniture  against  the  Dauphin  and  sll 
competitors.1 

Such  bold  language  and  such  open  reliance  on  the  support 
of  Spain  in  disputing  the  primogeniture  of  the  Dauphin 
were  fast  driving  the  most  pacifically  inclined  in  France 
into  enthusiasm  for  the  war. 

The  States,  too,  saw  their  opportunity  more  vividly  every 
day.  "What  could  we  desire  more,"  wrote  Aerssens  to 
Barneveld,  "  than  open  war  between  France  and  Spain  ? 
Posterity  will  for  ever  blame  us  if  we  reject  this  great 
occasion." 2 

Peter  Pecquius,  smoothest  and  sliest  of  diplomatists,  did 
his  best  to  make  things  comfortable,  for  there  could  be  little 
doubt  that  his  masters  most  sincerely  deprecated  war.  On 
their  heads  would  come  the  first  blows,  to  their  provinces 
would  return  the  great  desolation  out  of  which  they  had 
hardly  emerged.  Still  the  Archduke,  while  racking  his 
brains  for  the  means  of  accommodation,  refused,  to  his 
honour,  to  wink  at  any  violation  of  the  law  of  nations,  gave 
a  secret  promise,  in  which  the  Infanta  joined,  that  the 
Princess  should  not  be  allowed  to  leave  Brussels  without  her 
husband's  permission,3  and  resolutely  declined  separating 
the  pair  except  with  the  full  consent  of  both.  In  order  to 
protect  himself  from  the  King's  threats,  he  suggested  send- 
ing Conde  to  some  neutral  place  for  six  or  eight  months,  to 
Prague,  to  Breda,  or  anywhere  else  ;  but  Henry  knew  that 
Conde  would  never  allow  this  unless  he  had  the  means  by 
Spanish  gold  of  bribing  the  garrison  there,  and  so  of  hold- 
ing the  place  in  pretended  neutrality,  but  in  reality  at  the 
devotion  of  the  King  c  f  Spain.4 

Meantime  Henry  had  despatched  the  Marquis  de  Coeuvres, 


1  Aeresene  to  van  derWarcke,  6  Jan. 
1610.  (MS.) 

*  Same  to  Barneveld,  6  Jan.  1G10. 
(MS.) 


8  Bent.  'Rel.  della  Fuga,'  159. 
4  Aereseus  to  Barneveld,  24  Jan. 
1610.    (MS.) 


132 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAENEVELD.          CHAP.  IL 


brother  of  the  beautiful  Gabrielle,  Duchess  de  Beaufort,  and 
one  of  the  most  audacious  and  unscrupulous  of  courtiers,  on 
a  special  mission  to  Brussels.1  De  Coeuvres  saw  Conde 
before  presenting  his  credentials  to  the  Archduke,  and  found 
him  quite  impracticable.  Acting  under  the  advice  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  he  expressed  his  willingness  to  retire  to 
some  neutral  city  of  Germany  or  Italy,  drawing  meanwhile 
from  Henry  a  pension  of  40,000  crowns  a  year.  But 
de  Coeuvres  firmly  replied  that  the  King  would  make  no 
terms  with  his  vassal  nor  allow  Conde  to  prescribe  con- 
ditions to  him.  To  leave  him  in  Germany  or  Italy,  he  said, 
was  to  leave  him  in  the  dependence  of  Spain.  The  King 
would  not  have  this  constant  apprehension  of  her  intrigues 
while  living,  nor  leave  such  matter  in  dying  for  turbulence 
in  his  kingdom.  If  it  appeared  that  the  Spaniards  wished 
to  make  use  of  the  Prince  for  such  purposes,  he  would  be 
beforehand  with  them,  and  show  them  how  much  more 
injury  he  could  inflict  on  Spain  than  they  on  France.2 
Obviously  committed  to  Spain,  Conde  replied  to  the  en- 
treaties of  the  emissary  that  if  the  King  would  give  him 
half  his  kingdom  he  would  not  accept  the  offer  nor  return 
to  France  ;  at  least  before  the  8th  of  February,  by  which 
date  he  expected  advices  from  Spain.  He  had  given  his 
word,  he  said,  to  lend  his  ear  to  no  overtures  before  that 
time.3  He  made  use  of  many  threats,  and  swore  that  he 
would  throw  himself  entirely  into  the  arras  of  the  Spanish 
'king  if  Henry  would  not  accord  him  the  terms  which  he 
had  proposed.4 

To  do  this  was  an  impossibility.  To  grant  him  places  of 
security  would,  as  the  King  said,  be  to  plant  a  standard  for 
all  the  malcontents  of  France  to  rally  around.  Conde  had 


1  Bent.  'Rel.  della  Fuga,'157,  158. 
Daniel, '  Hist,  de  France,'  t.  xii.  546. 
547. 

1  Bent.  •  Rel.  della  Fuga,'  158. 


3  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  24  Jan. 
1610.    (MS.) 

4  Peter  Pecquius  to  Archduke  Al 
bert,  4  Feb.  1610.     Hearard,  205. 


1610.  MISSION  OF  DE  COETJVRES  TO  BRUSSELS.  133 

evidently  renounced  all  hopes  of  a  reconciliation,  however 
painfully  his  host  the  Archduke  might  intercede  for  it.  He 
meant  to  go  to  Spain.  Spinola  was  urging  this  daily  and 
hourly,  said  Henry,  for  he  had  fallen  in  love  with  the 
Princess,  who  complained  of  all  these  persecutions  in  her 
letters  to  her  father,  and  said  that  she  would  rather  die 
than  go  to  Spain. 

The  King's  advices  from  de  Coeuvres  were  however  to 
the  effect  that  the  step  would  probably  be  taken,  that  the 
arrangements  were  making,  and  that  Spiuola  had  been  shut 
up  with  Conde  six  hours  long  with  nobody  present  but 
Rochefort  and  a  certain  counsellor  of  the  Prince  of  Orange 
named  Keeremans.1 

Henry  was  taking  measures  to  intercept  them  on  their 
flight  by  land,  but  there  was  some  thought  of  their  proceed- 
ing to  -Spain  by  sea.  He  therefore  requested  the  States  to 
send  two  ships  of  war,  swift  sailers,  well  equipped,  one  to 
watch  in  the  roads  of  St.  Jean  and  the  other  on  the  English 
coast.  These  ships  were  to  receive  their  instructions  from 
Admiral  de  Vicq,  who  would  be  well  informed  of  all  the 
movements  of  the  Prince  and  give  warning  to  the  captains 
of  the  Dutch  vessels  by  a  preconcerted  signal.  The  King 
begged  that  Barneveld  would  do  him  this  favour,  if  he 
loved  him,  and  that  none  might  have  knowledge  of  it 
but  the  Advocate  and  Prince  Maurice.  The  ships  would 
be  required  for  two  or  three  months  only,  but  should  be 
equipped  and  sent  forth  as  soon  as  possible.2 

The  States  had  no  objection  to  performing  this  service, 
although  it  subsequently  proved  to  be  unnecessary,  and  they 
were  quite  ready  at  that  moment  to  go  openly  into  the  war 
to  settle  the  affairs  of  Cleve,  and  once  for  all  to  drive  the 
Spaniards  out  of  the  Netherlands  and  beyond  seas  and 

1  Letter  of  Aerssens,  24  Jan.  1610.  (MS.  before  cited.)  Aerssens  to  Bar- 
neveld, 31  Jan.  1610.  (MS.)  *  Letter  of  Aerssens,  24  Jan.  1010. 


134  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAKNEVELD.  CHAP.  II. 

mountains.  Yet  strange  to  say,  those  most  conversant  with 
the  state  of  affairs  could  not  yet  quite  persuade  themselves 
that  matters  were  serious,  and  that  the  King's  mind  was 
fixed.  Should  Conde  return,  renounce  his  Spanish  strata- 
gems, and  bring  back  the  Princess  to  court,  it  was  felt  by 
the  King's  best  and  most  confidential  friends  that  all  might 
grow  languid  again,  the  Spanish  faction  get  the  upper  hand 
in  the  King's  councils,  and  the  States  find  themselves  in  a 
terrible  embarrassment.1 

On  the  other  hand,  the  most  prying  and  adroit  of  politi- 
cians were  puzzled  to  read  the  signs  of  the  times.  Despite 
Henry's  garrulity,  or  perhaps  in  consequence  of  it,  the  envoys 
of  Spain,  the  Empire,  and  of  Archduke  Albert  were  ignorant 
whether  peace  were  likely  to  be  broken  or  not,  in  spite  of 
rumours  which  filled  the  air.  So  well  had  the  secrets 
been  kept  which  the  reader  has  seen  discussed  in  con- 
fidential conversations — the  record  of  which  has  always 
remained  unpublished  —  between  the  King  and  those 
admitted  to  his  intimacy  that  very  late  in  the  winter 
Pecquius,  while  sadly  admitting  'to  his  masters  that  the 
King  was  likely  to  take  part  against  the  Emperor  in  the 
affair  of  the  duchies,  expressed  the  decided  opinion  that 
it  would  be  limited  to  the  secret  sending  of  succour  to 
Brandenburg  and  Neuburg  as  formerly  to  the  United 
Provinces,  but  that  he  would  never  send  troops  into  Cleve, 
or  march  thither  himself.2 

It  is  important,  therefore,  to  follow  closely  the  develop- 
ment of  these  political  and  amorous  intrigues,  for  they 
furnish  one  of  the  most  curious  and  instructive  lessons  of 
history  ;  there  being  not  the  slightest  doubt  that  upon  their 
issue  chiefly  depended  the  question  of  a  great  and  general 
war. 

1  Aerssens  to  Duplessis-Mornay,  29  Jan.  1610.    (MS.) 

8  Pecquius  to  Archduke  Albert,  10  Feb.  1610,  in  Henrard,  216. 


1610.      VAST  BUT  SECRET  PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR.        135 

Pecquius,  not  yet  despairing  that  his  master  would  effect 
a  reconciliation  between  the  King  and  Conde,  proposed 
again  that  the  Prince  should  be  permitted  to  reside  for  a 
time  in  some  place  not  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Spain  or  of 
the  Archdukes,  being  allowed  meantime  to  draw  his  annual 
pension  of  100,000  livres.  Henry  ridiculed  the  idea  of 
Conde's  drawing  money  from  him  while  occupying  his  time 
abroad  with  intrigues  against  his  throne  and  his  children's 
succession.  He  scoffed  at  the  Envoy's  pretences  that  Conde 
was  not  in  receipt  of  money  from  Spain,  as  if  a  man  so 
needy  and  in  so  embarrassing  a  position  could  live  without 
money  from  some  source  ;  and  as  if  he  were  not  aware,  from 
his  correspondents  in  Spain,  that  funds  were  both  promised 
and  furnished  to  the  Prince. 

He  repeated  his  determination  not  to  accord  him  pardon 
unless  he  returned  to  France,  which  he  had  no  cause  to 
leave,  and,  turning  suddenly  on  Pecquius,  demanded  why, 
the  subject  of  reconciliation  having  failed,  the  Archduke 
did  not  immediately  fulfil  his  promise  of  turning  Conde 
out  of  his  dominions.1 

Upon  this  Albert's  minister  drew  back  with  the  air  of  one 
amazed,  asking  how  and  when  the  Archduke  had  ever  made 
such  a  promise. 

"  To  the  Marquis  de  Coeuvres,"  replied  Henry. 

Pecquius  asked  if  his  ears  had  not  deceived  him,  and  if 
the  King  had  really  said  that  de  Coeuvres  had  made  such 
a  statement. 

Henry  repeated  and  confirmed  the  story. 

Upon  the  Minister's  reply  that  he  had  himself  received 
no  such  intelligence  from  the  Archduke,  the  King  suddenly 
changed  his  tone,  and  said, 

"  No,  I  was  mistaken — I  was  confused — the  Marquis  never 
wrote  me  this  ;  but  did  you  not  say  yourself  that  I  might 

1  Pecquius  to  Archduke  Albert,  4  Feb.  1610,  in  Henrard. 


136 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAKNEVELD.         CHAP.  H. 


be  assured  that  there  would  be  no  difficulty  about  it  if  the 
Prince  remained  obstinate." 1 

Pecquius  replied  that  he  had  made  such  a  proposition  to 
his  masters  by  his  Majesty's  request ;  but  there  had  been 
no  answer  received,  nor  time  for  one,  as  the  hope  of  recon- 
ciliation had  not  yet  been  renounced.  He  begged  Henry  to 
consider  whether,  without  instructions  from  his  master,  he 
could  have  thus  engaged  his  word. 

"  Well,"  said  the  King,  "  since  you  disavow  it,  I  see  very 
well  that  the  Archduke  has  no  wish  to  give  me  pleasure, 
and  that  these  are  nothing  but  tricks  that  you  have  been 
amusing  me  with  all  this  time.  Very  good  ;  each  of  us  will 
know  what  we  have  to  do." 

Pecquius  considered  that  the  King  had  tried  to  get  him 
into  a  net,  and  to  entrap  him  into  the  avowal  of  a  promise 
which  he  had  never  made.  Henry  remained  obstinate  in  his 
assertions,  notwithstanding  all  the  envoy's  protestations.2 

"  A  fine  trick,  indeed,  and  unworthy  of  a  king,  i  Si  dicere 
fas  est,'  "  he  wrote  to  Secretary  of  State  Praets.3  "  But  the 
force  of  truth  is  such  that  he  who  spreads  the  snare  always 
tumbles  into  the  ditch  himself." 

Henry  concluded  the  subject  of  Conde  at  this  interview 
by  saying  that  he  could  have  his  pardon  on  the  conditions 
already  named,  and  not  otherwise. 

He  also  made  some  complaints  about  Archduke  Leopold, 
who,  he  said,  notwithstanding  his  demonstrations  of  wishing 
a  treaty  of  compromise,  was  taking  towns  by  surprise  which 
he  could  not  hold,  and  was  getting  his  troops  massacred  on 
credit. 

Pecquius  expressed  the  opinion  that  it  would  be  better  to 
leave  the  Germans  to  make  their  own  arrangements  among 


1  Pecqtuus  to  Archduke  Albert,  4 
Feb.  1610,  in  Henrard. 
•  Ibid. 


3  Same  to  Praets,  4  Feb.  1610,  in 
Henrard,  208,  209. 


1610.       VAST  BUT   SECRET  PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR.        137 


themselves,  adding  that  neither  his  masters  nor  the  King 
of  Spain  meant  to  mix  themselves  up  in  the  matter. 

"  Let  them  mix  themselves  in  it  or  keep  out  of  it,  as  they 
like/'  said  Henry,  "  I  shall  not  fail  to  mix  myself  up  in  it."  * 
The  King  was  marvellously  out  of  humour. 

Before  finishing  the  interview,  he  asked  Pecquius  whether 
Marquis  Spinola  was  going  to  Spain  very  soon,  as  he  had  per- 
mission from  his  Majesty  to  do  so,  and  as  he  had  information 
that  he  would  be  on  the  road  early  in  Lent.  The  Minister  re- 
plied that  this  would  depend  on  the  will  of  the  Archduke,  and 
upon  various  circumstances.  The  answer  seemed  to  displease 
the  King,  and  Pecquius  was  puzzled  to  know  why.2  He  was 
not  aware,  of  course,  of  Henry's  project  to  kidnap  the  Marquis 
on  the  road,  and  keep  him  as  a  surety  for  Conde. 

The  Envoy  saw  Villeroy  after  the  audience,  who  told  him 
not  to  mind  the  King's  ill-temper,  but  to  bear  it  as  patiently 
as  he  could.  His  Majesty  could  not  digest,  he  said,  his 
infinite  displeasure  at  the  obstinacy  of  the  Prince  ;  but  they 
must  nevertheless  strive  for  a  reconciliation.  The  King 
was  quick  in  words,  but  slow  in  deeds,  as  the  Ambassador 
might  have  observed  before,  and  they  must  all  try  to  main- 
tain peace,  to  which  he  would  himself  lend  his  best  efforts.3 

As  the  Secretary  of  State  was  thoroughly  aware  that  the 
King  was  making  vast  preparations  for  war,  and  had  given 
in  his  own  adhesion  to  the  project,  it  is  refreshing  to  observe 
the  candour  with  which  he  assured  the  representative  of  the 
adverse  party  of  his  determination  that  friendliest  relations 
should  be  preserved. 

It  is  still  more  refreshing  to  find  Villeroy,  the  same  after- 
noon, warmly  uniting  with  Sully,  Lesdiguieres,  and  the 
Chancellor,  in  the  decision  that  war  should  begin  forthwith.4 


1  Pecquius  to  Archduke  Albert, 
letter  last  cited. 

9  "...  responce  qui  sembloit  luy 
deplaire,  jo  no  scay  pourquoi." — 


Pecquius  to  Praets,  last  cited. 

8  Ibid. 

4  Aeresens   to  Barneveld,  7   Feb. 
1610.    (MS.) 


138 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARJSTEVELD.        CHAP.  II. 


For  the  King  held  a  council  at  the  Arsenal  immediately 
after  this  interview  with  Pecquius,  in  which  he  had  become 
convinced  that  Conde  would  never  return.  He  took  the 
Queen  with  him,  and  there  was  not  a  dissentient  voice  as  to 
the  necessity  of  beginning  hostilities  at  once.1 

Sully,  however,  was  alone  in  urging  that  the  main  force  of 
the  attack  should  be  in  the  north,  upon  the  Khine  and  Meuse. 
Villeroy  and  those  who  were  secretly  in  the  Spanish  interest 
were  for  beginning  it  with  the  southern  combination  and 
against  Milan.  Sully  believed  the  Duke  of  Savoy  to  be 
variable  and  attached  in  his  heart  to  Spain,  and  he  thought 
it  contrary  to  the  interests  of  France  to  permit  an  Italian 
prince  to  grow  so  great  on  her  frontier.  He  therefore 
thoroughly  disapproved  the  plan,  and  explained  to  the 
Dutch  ambassador  that  all  this  urgency  to  carry  on  the 
war  in  the  south  came  from  hatred  to  the  United  Provinces, 
jealousy  of  their  aggrandizement,  detestation  of  the  Reformed 
religion,  and  hope  to  engage  Henry  in  a  campaign  which  he 
could  not  carry  on  successfully.  But  he  assured  Aerssens 
that  he  had  the  means  of  counteracting  these  designs  and 
of  bringing  on  an  invasion  for  obtaining  possession  of  the 
Meuse.  If  the  possessory  princes  found  Henry  making  war 
in  the  Milanese  only,  they  would  feel  themselves  ruined, 
and  might  throw  up  the  game.  He  begged  that  Barneveld 
would  come  on  to  Paris  at  once,  as  now  or  never  was  the 
moment  to  assure  the  Republic  for  all  time.2 

The  King  had  acted  with  malicious  adroitness  in  turning 
the  tables  upon  the  Prince  and  treating  him  as  a  rebel  and 


1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  7  Feb. 
1610.  (MS.)  Compare  Pecquius  to 
Archduke  Albert,  10  Feb.  1610,  Hen- 
rard,  215. 

8  Letter  of  Aerssens  last  cited.  A 
comparison  of  the  famous  'Economies 
royales,'  or  'Memoirs  of  Sully,'  com- 
piled from  recollection,  and  dictated 


to  secretaries,  and  the  letters  of 
Aerssens,  written  at  the  moment  and 
on  the  spot,  shows  in  general  extra- 
ordinary accuracy  on  the  part  of  the 
great  soldier  and  statesman,  while 
at  the  same  time  exhibiting  an  oc- 
casional discrepancy  and  default  of 
memory. 


1610.      VAST  BUT  SECRET  PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR.        139 

a  traitor  because,  to  save  his  own  and  his  wife's  honour,  he 
had  fled  from  a  kingdom  where  he  had  but  too  good  reason 
to  suppose  that  neither  was  safe.  The  Prince,  with  infinite 
want  of  tact,  had  played  into  the  King's  hands.  He  had 
bragged  of  his  connection  with  Spain  and  of  his  deep 
designs,  and  had  shown  to  all  the  world  that  he  was  thence- 
forth but  an  instrument  in  the  hands  of  the  Spanish  cabinet, 
while  all  the  world  knew  the  single  reason  for  which  he  had 
fled. 

The  King,  hopeless  now  of  compelling  the  return  of 
Conde,  had  become  most  anxious  to  separate  him  from  his 
wife.  Already  the  subject  of  divorce  between  the  two  had 
been  broached,  and  it  being  obvious  that  the  Prince  would 
immediately  betake  himself  into  the  Spanish  dominions, 
the  King  was  determined  that  the  Princess  should  not  follow 
him  thither. 

He  had  the  incredible  effrontery  and  folly  to  request  the 
Queen  to  address  a  letter  to  her  at  Brussels,  urging  her  to 
return  to  France.  But  Mary  de'  Medici  assured  her  husband 
that  she  had  no  intention  of  becoming  his  assistant,  using, 
to  express  her  thought,  the  plainest  and  most  vigorous  word 
that  the  Italian  language  could  supply.1  Henry  had  then 
recourse  once  more  to  the  father  and  aunt. 

That  venerable  couple  being  about  to  wait  upon  the  Arch- 
duke's envoy,  in  compliance  with  the  royal  request,  Pecquius, 
out  of  respect  to  their  advanced  age,  went  to  the  Constable's 
residence.  Here  both  the  Duchess  and  Constable,  with 
tears  in  their  eyes,  besought  that  diplomatist  to  do  his 
utmost  to  prevent  the  Princess  from  the  sad  fate  of  any 
longer  sharing  her  husband's  fortunes. 

The  father  protested  that  he  would  never  have  consented 
to  her  marriage,  preferring  infinitely  that  she  should  have 
espoused  any  honest  gentleman  with  2000  crowns  a  year 

1  Henrard,  102,  citing  Sir», '  Mem.  rec.'  partie  x.  p.  84 


140  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  II. 

than  this  first  prince  of  the  blood,  with  a  character  such  as 
it  had  proved  to  be  ;  but  that  he  had  not  dared  to  disobey 
the  King.1 

He  spoke  of  the  indignities  and  cruelties  to  which  she 
was  subjected,  said  that  Rochefort,  whom  Conde  had  em- 
ployed to  assist  him  in  their  flight  from  France,  and  on 
the  crupper  of  whose  horse  the  Princess  had  performed  the 
journey,  was  constantly  guilty  of  acts  of  rudeness  and  in- 
civility towards  her  ;  that  but  a  few  days  past  he  had  fired 
off  pistols  in  her  apartment  where  she  was  sitting  alone  with 
the  Princess  of  Orange,  exclaiming  that  this  was  the  way  he 
would  treat  anyone  who  interfered  with  the  commands  of  his 
master,  Conde  ;  that  the  Prince  was  incessantly  railing  at 
her  for  refusing  to  caress  the  Marquis  of  Spinola  ;  and  that, 
in  short,  he  would  rather  she  were  safe  in  the  palace  of 
the  Archduchess  Isabella,  even  in  the  humblest  position 
among  her  gentlewomen,  than  to  know  her  vagabondizing 
miserably  about  the  world  with  her  husband.2 

This,  he  said,  was  the  greatest  fear  he  had,  and  he  would 
rather  see  her  dead  than  condemned  to  such  a  fate.3 

He  trusted  that  the  Archdukes  were  incapable  of  be- 
lieving the  stories  that  he  and  the  Duchess  of  Angouleme 
were  influenced  in  the  appeals  they  made  for  the  separation 
of  the  Prince  and  Princess  by  a  desire  to  serve  the  purposes 
of  the  King.4  Those  were  fables  put  about  by  Conde.  All 
that  the  Constable  and  liis  sister  desired  was  that  the  Arch- 
duchess would  receive  the  Princess  kindly  when  she  should 
throw  herself  at  her  feet,  and  not  allow  her  to  be  torn  away 
against  her  will.  The  Constable  spoke  with  great  gravity 
and  simplicity,  and  with  all  the  signs  of  genuine  emotion, 
and  Peter  Pecquius  was  much  moved.  He  assured  the  aged 
pair  that  he  would  do  his  best  to  comply  with  their  wishes, 

1  Pecquius  to  Archduke  Albert,  10  Feb.  1610,  in  Henrard. 

2  Ibid.  s  Ibid-  4 


1610.        ATTEMPTS   TO  BRING  THE  FUGITIVES  BACK.         141 

and  should  immediately  apprise  the  Archdukes  of  the 
interview  which  had  just  taken  place.  Most  certainly  they 
were  entirely  disposed  to  gratify  the  Constable  and  the 
Duchess  as  well  as  the  Princess  herself,  whose  virtues,  quali- 
ties, and  graces  had  inspired  them  with  affection,  but  it 
must  be  remembered  that  the  law  both  human  and  divine 
required  wives  to  submit  themselves  to  the  commands  of 
their  husbands  and  to  be  the  companions  of  their  good  and 
evil  fortunes.  Nevertheless,  he  hoped  that  the  Lord  would 
so  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  Prince  of  Conde  that  the  Most 
Christian  King  and  the  Archdukes  would  all  be  satisfied.1 

These  pious  and  consolatory  commonplaces  on  the  part  of 
Peter  Pecquius  deeply  affected  the  Constable.  He  fell  upon 
the  Envoy's  neck,  embraced  him  repeatedly,  and  again  wept 
plentifully. 

1  Pecquius  to  Archduke  Albert,  10  Feb.  1610,  in  Henrard. 


142  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAENEVELD.       CHAP.  III. 


CHAPTER    III. 

Strange  Scene  at  the  Archduke's  Palace  —  Henry's  Plot  frustrated — His 
Triumph  changed  to  Despair  —  Conversation  of  the  Dutch  Ambassador 
with  the  King  —  The  War  determined  upon. 

IT  was  in  the  latter  part  of  the  Carnival,  the  Saturday 
night  preceding  Shrove  Tuesday,  1610.  The  winter  had  "been 
'  Feb.  is  a  rigorous  one  in  Brussels,  and  the  snow  lay  in 

I6io.  drifts  three  feet  deep  in  the  streets.  Within  and 
about  the  splendid  palace  of  Nassau  there  was  much  com- 
motion. Lights  and  flambeaux  were  glancing,  loud  voices, 
martial  music,  discharge  of  pistols  and  even  of  artillery1 
were  heard  together  with  the  trampling  of  many  feet,  but 
there  was  nothing  much  resembling  the  wild  revelry  or 
cheerful  mummery  of  that  holiday  season.  A  throng  of  the 
great  nobles  of  Belgium  with  drawn  swords  and  menacing 
aspect  were  assembled  in  the  chief  apartments,  a  detach- 
ment of  the  Archduke's  mounted  body-guard  was  stationed 
in  the  courtyard,  and  five  hundred  halberdiers  of  the  burgher 
guilds  kept  watch  and  ward  about  the  palace. 

The  Prince  of  Conde,  a  square-built,  athletic  young  man 
of  middle  stature,  with  regular  features,  but  a  sulky  expres- 
sion, deepened  at  this  moment  into  ferocity,  was  seen  chasing 
the  secretary  of  the  French  resident  minister  out  of  the 
courtyard,  thwacking  him  lustily  about  the  shoulders  with 
his  drawn  sword,  and  threatening  to  kill  him  or  any  other 
Frenchman  on  the  spot,  should  he  show  himself  in  that 
palace.2  He  was  heard  shouting  rather  than  speaking,  in 

1  Archduke  Albert  to  Pecquius,  18  Feb.  1610,  in  Henrard. 
*  Ibid. 


1610.     STRANGE  SCENE  AT  THE  ARCHDUKE'S  PALACE.      143 

furious  language  against  the  King,  against  Coeuvres,  against 
Berny,  and  bitterly  bewailing  his  misfortunes,  as  if  his  wife 
were  already  in  Paris  instead  of  Brussels.1 

Upstairs  in  her  own  apartment  which  she  had  kept  for 
some  days  on  pretext  of  illness  sat  the  Princess  Mar- 
garet, in  company2  of  Madame  de  Berny,  wife  of  the 
French  minister,  and  of  the  Marquis  de  Coeuvres,  Henry's 
special  envoy,  and  a  few  other  Frenchmen.  She  was  pas- 
sionately fond  of  dancing.  The  adoring  cardinal  described 
her  as  marvellously  graceful  and  perfect  in  that  accomplish- 
ment. She  had  begged  her  other  adorer,  the  Marquis 
Spinola,  "  with  sweetest  words,"  that  she  might  remain  a  few 
days  longer  in  the  Nassau  Palace  before  removing  to  the 
Archduke's  residence,  and  that  the  great  general,  according 
to  the  custom  in  France  and  Flanders,  would  be  the  one 
to  present  her  with  the  violins.  But  Spinola,  knowing  the 
artifice  concealed  beneath  these  "  sweetest  words,"  had  sum- 
moned up  valour  enough  to  resist  her  blandishments,  and 
had  refused  a  second  entertainment.3 

It  was  not,  therefore,  the  disappointment  at  losing  her  ball 
that  now  made  the  Princess  sad.  She  and  her  companions 
saw  that  there  had  been  a  catastrophe ;  a  plot  discovered. 
There  was  bitter  disappointment  and  deep  dismay  upon  their 
faces.  The  plot  had  been  an  excellent  one.  De  Coeuvres  had 
arranged  it  all,  especially  instigated  thereto  by  the  father 
of  the  Princess  acting  in  concurrence  with  the  King.4  That 
night  when  all  was  expected  to  be  in  accustomed  quiet,  the 
Princess,  wrapped  in  her  mantilla,  was  to  have  stolen  down 
into  the  garden,  accompanied  only  by  her  maid  the  adven- 
turous and  faithful  Philipotte,  to  have  gone  through  a 
breach  which  led  through  a  garden  wall  to  the  city 
ramparts,5  thence  across  the  foss  to  the  counterscarp,  where 

1  Bent. '  Rcl.  dclla  Fuga,'  100. 
•  Ibid. 
»  Ibid. 


4  Daniel,  xii.  547. 

5  Daniel,  ubi  sup- 


144 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  III. 


a  number  of  horsemen  under  trustworthy  commanders  were 
waiting.  Mounting  on  the  crupper  behind  one  of  the  officers 
of  the  escort,  she  was  then  to  fly  to  the  frontier,  relays  of 
horses  having  been  provided  at  every  stage  until  she  should 
reach  Bocroy,  the  first  pausing  place  within  French  ter- 
ritory ; 1  a  perilous  adventure  for  the  young  and  delicate 
Princess  in  a  winter  of  almost  unexampled  severity.2 

On  the  very  morning  of  the  day  assigned  for  the  adven- 
ture, despatches  brought  by  special  couriers  from  the 
Nuncius  and  the  Spanish  ambassador  at  Paris  gave  notice 
of  the  plot  to  the  Archdukes  and  to  Conde,  although  up  to 
that  moment  none  knew  of  it  in  Brussels.  Albert,  having 
been  apprised  that  many  Frenchmen  had  been  arriving 
during  the  past  few  days,  and  swarming  about  the  hostelries 
of  the  city  and  suburbs,  was  at  once  disposed  to  believe  in 
the  story.  When  Conde  came  to  him,  therefore,  with  con- 
firmation from  his  own  letters,  and  demanding  a  detachment 
of  the  body-guard  in  addition  to  the  burgher  militiamen 
already  granted  by  the  magistrates,  he  made  no  difficulty 
in  granting  the  request.3  It  was  as  if  there  had  been  a 
threatened  assault  of  the  city,  rather  than  the  attempted 
elopement  of  a  young  lady  escorted  by  a  handful  of  cavaliers. 

The  courtyard  of  the  Nassau  Palace  was  filled  with 
cavalry  sent  by  the  Archduke,  while  five  hundred  burgher 
guards  sent  by  the  magistrates  were  drawn  up  around  the 
gate.  The  noise  and  uproar,  gaining  at  every  moment 
more  mysterious  meaning  by  the  darkness  of  night,  soon 
spread  through  the  city.  The  whole  population  was  awake, 
and  swarming  through  the  streets.  Such  a  tumult  had  not 
for  years  been  witnessed  in  Brussels,  and  the  rumour  flew 


1  Daniel,  xii.  547.  It  is  singular 
that  this  proposed  first  resting-place 
in  the  flight  of  the  Princess  should 
be  the  spot  made  so  memorable  after- 
wards by  the  victory  of  her  son,  the 


great  Prince  of  Conde. 

2  L'Estoile,  iii.  378. 

3  Archdukes  to  Pecquius,  13  Feb. 
1610,  in  Henrard. 


1610.  HENRY'S  PLOT  FRUSTRATED.  145 

about  and  was  generally  believed  that  the  King  of  France  at 
the  head  of  an  army  was  at  the  gates  of  the  city  determined  to 
carry  off  the  Princess  by  force.1  But  although  the  superfluous 
and  very  scandalous  explosion  might  have  been  prevented, 
there  could  be  no  doubt  that  the  stratagem  had  been  defeated. 

Nevertheless,  the  effrontery  and  ingenuity  of  de  Coeuvres 
became  now  sublime.  Accompanied  by  his  colleague,  the 
resident  minister,  de  Berny,  who  was  sure  not  to  betray  the 
secret  because  he  had  never  known  it2 — his  wife  alone 
having  been  in  the  confidence  of  the  Princess — he  proceeded 
straightway  to  the  Archduke's  palace,  and,  late  in  the  night 
as  it  was,  insisted  on  an  audience. 

Here  putting  on  his  boldest  face  when  admitted  to  the 
presence,  he  complained  loudly  of  the  plot,  of  which  he  had 
just  become  aware,  contrived  by  the  Prince  of  Conde  to 
carry  off  his  wife  to  Spain  against  her  will,  by  main  force, 
and  by  assistance  of  Flemish  nobles,  archiducal  body-guard, 
and  burgher  militia. 

It  was  all  a  plot  of  Conde,  he  said,  to  palliate  still  more 
his  flight  from  France.  Every  one  knew  that  the  Princess 
could  not  fly  back  to  Paris  through  the  air.  To  take  her 
out  of  a  house  filled  with  people,  to  pierce  or  scale  the  walls 
of  the  city,  to  arrange  her  journey  by  ordinary  means,  and 
to  protect  the  whole  route  by  stations  of  cavalry,  reaching 
from  Brussels  to  the  frontier,  and  to  do  all  this  in  profound 
secrecy,  was  equally  impossible.  Such  a  scheme  had  never 
been  arranged  nor  even  imagined,  he  said.  The  true  plotter 
was  Conde,  aided  by  ministers  in  Flanders  hostile  to  France, 
and  as  the  honour  of  the  King  and  the  reputation  of  the 
Princess  had  been  injured  by  this  scandal,  the  Ambassador 
loudly  demanded  a  thorough  investigation  of  the  affair  in 
order  that  vengeance  might  fall  where  it  was  due.3 

1  Bent.  'Rel.  della  Fuga,'  161.  »  Daniel  xii.  548. 

1  Bent.  161. 
VOL.  I.  L 


146  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  IIL 

The  prudent  Albert  was  equal  to  the  occasion.  Not  wish- 
ing to  state  the  full  knowledge  which  he  possessed  of  de 
Coeuvres'  agency  and  the  King's  complicity  in  the  scheme 
of  abduction  to  France,  he  reasoned  calmly  with  the  excited 
marquis,  while  his  colleague  looked  and  listened  in  dumb 
amazement,  having  previously  been  more  vociferous  and 
infinitely  more  sincere  than  his  colleague  in  expressions  of 
indignation. 

The  Archduke  said  that  he  had  not  thought  the  plot 
imputed  to  the  King  and  his  ambassador  very  probable. 
Nevertheless,  the  assertions  of  the  Prince  had  been  so  posi- 
tive as  to  make  it  impossible  to  refuse  the  guards  requested 
by  him.  He  trusted,  however,  that  the  truth  would  soon  be 
known,  and  that  it  would  leave  no  stain  on  the  Princess,  nor 
give  any  offence  to  the  King.1 

Surprised  and  indignant  at  the  turn  given  to  the  ad- 
venture by  the  French  envoys,  he  nevertheless  took  care  to 
conceal  these  sentiments,  to  abstain  from  accusation,  and 
calmly  to  inform  them  that  the  Princess  next  morning 
would  be  established  under  his  own  roof,  and  enjoy  the 
protection  of  the  Archduchess. 

For  it  had  been  arranged  several  days  before  that  Mar- 
garet should  leave  the  palace  of  Nassau  for  that  of  Albert 
and  Isabella  on  the  14th,  and  the  abduction  had  been  fixed 
for  the  night  of  the  13th  precisely  because  the  conspirators 
wished  to  profit  by  the  confusion  incident  on  a  change  of 
domicile. 

The  irrepressible  de  Coeuvres,  even  then  hardly  willing 
to  give  up  the  whole  stratagem  as  lost,  was  at  least  deter- 
mined to  discover  how  and  by  whom  the  plot  had  been 
revealed.  In  a  cemetery  piled  three  feet  deep  with  snow 
on  the  evening  following  that  mid-winter's  night  which 
had  been  fixed  for  the  Princess's  flight,  the  unfortunate 

1  Bentivoglio,  ubi  sup. 


1610. 


HENRY'S  PLOT  FRUSTRATED. 


147 


ambassador  waited  until  a  certain  Vallobre,  a  gentleman  of 
Spinola's,  who  was  the  go-between  of  the  enamoured  Genoese 
and  the  Princess,  but  whom  de  Coeuvres  had  gained  over, 
came  at  last  to  meet  him  by  appointment;1  When  he  arrived, 
it  was  only  to  inform  him  of  the  manner  in  which  he  had 
been  baffled,  to  convince  him  that  the  game  was  up,  and 
that  nothing  was  left  him  but  to  retreat  utterly  foiled  in 
his  attempt,  and  to  be  stigmatized  as  a  blockhead  by  his 
enraged  sovereign. 

Next  day  the  Princess  removed  her  residence  to  the 
palace  of  the  Archdukes,2  where  she  was  treated  with  dis- 
tinguished honour  by  Isabella,  and  installed  ceremoniously 
in  the  most  stately,  the  most  virtuous,  and  the  most  dismal  of 
courts.  Her  father  and  aunt  professed  themselves  as  highly 
pleased  with  the  result,  and  Pecquius  wrote  that  "  they  were 
glad  to  know  her  safe  from  the  importunities  of  the  old  fop 
who  seemed  as  mad  as  if  he  had  been  stung  by  a  tarantula."  3 

And  how  had  the  plot  been  revealed  ?  Simply  through  the 
incorrigible  garrulity  of  the  King  himself.  Apprised  of  the 
arrangement  in  all  its  details  by  the  Constable,4  who  had 
first  received  the  special  couriers  of  de  Coeuvres,  he  could 
not  keep  the  secret  to  himself  for  a  moment,  and  the  person 
of  all  others  in  the  world  to  whom  he  thought  good  to  con- 
fide it  was  the  Queen  herself.5  She  received  the  information 
with  a  smile,  but  straightway  sent  for  the  Nuncius  Ubaldini, 
who  at  her  desire  instantly  despatched  a  special  courier  to 
Spinola  with  full  particulars  of  the  time  and  mode  of  the 
proposed  abduction.*5 

Nevertheless  the  ingenuous  Henry,  confiding  in  the 
capacity  of  his  deeply  offended  queen  to  keep  the  secret 
which  he  had  himself  divulged,  could  scarcely  contain 


1  Daniel,  xii.  549. 
*  Archdukes  to  Pecquiaa,  15  Feb. 
1610,  in  Henrard. 
J  Pecquius  to  Praets.  18  Feb.  1010, 


in  TTonrard. 
4  Daniel,  xii.  547. 
8  Ibid. 


«  Ibid.  548. 


148  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.  CHAP.  IIL 

himself  for  joy.  Off  he  went  to  Saint-Germain  with  a  train 
of  coaches,  impatient  to  get  the  first  news  from  de  Coeuvres 
after  the  scheme  should  have  been  carried  into  effect,  and 
intending  to  travel  post  towards  Flanders  to  meet  and 
welcome  the  Princess. 

"  Pleasant  farce  for  Shrove  Tuesday/'  wrote  the  secretary 
of  Pecquius,  "is  that  which  the  Frenchmen  have  been 
arranging  down  there  !  He  in  whose  favour  the  abduction 
is  to  be  made  was  seen  going  out  the  same  day  spangled 
and  smart,  contrary  to  his  usual  fashion,  making  a  gambado 
towards  Saint-Germain-en-Laye  with  four  carriages  and  four 
to  meet  the  nymph."  * 

Great  was  the  King's  wrath  and  mortification  at  this 
ridiculous  exposure  of  his  detestable  scheme.  Vociferous 
were  Villeroy's  expressions  of  Henry's  indignation  at  being 
supposed  to  have  had  any  knowledge  of  or  complicity  in  the 
affair.  "  His  Majesty  cannot  approve  of  the  means  one  has 
taken  to  guard  against  a  pretended  plot  for  carrying  off  the 
Princess,"  said  the  Secretary  of  State  ;  "  a  fear  which  was 
simulated  by  the  Prince  in  order  to  defame  the  King."  He 
added  that  there  was  no  reason  to  suspect  the  King,  as  he 
had  never  attempted  anything  of  the  sort  in  his  life,  and 
that  the  Archduke  might  have  removed  the  Princess  to  his 
palace  without  sending  an  army  to  the  hotel  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  and  causing  such  an  alarm  in  the  city,  firing 
artillery  on  the  rampart  as  if  the  town  had  been  full  of 
Frenchmen  in  arms,  whereas  one  was  ashamed  next  morning 
to  find  that  there  had  been  but  fifteen  in  all.  "  But  it  was 
all  Marquis  Spinola's  fault,"  he  said,  "  who  wished  to  show 
himself  off  as  a  warrior." 2 

The  King,  having  thus  through  the  mouth  of  his  secretary 


1  J.  Simon  to  Praets,  20  Feb.  1610, 
in  Henrard.  Comp.  Pecquius  to  Arcli- 
dnke  Albert,  18  Feb.  1610. 

*  Pecquius  to  Archduke  Albert,  18 


Feb.  1610,  in  Henrard.  Same  to 
same,  23  Feb.  1610.  Same  to  Praets, 
same  date. 


1610. 


HENRY'S  TRIUMPH  CHANGED  TO  DESPAIR. 


149 


of  state  warmly  protested  against  his  supposed  implication 
in  the  attempted  abduction,  began  as  furiously  to  rail  at 
de  Coeuvres  for  its  failure ;  telling  the  Due  de  Vendome 1 
that  his  uncle  was  an  idiot,2  and  writing  that  unlucky 
envoy  most  abusive  letters  for  blundering  in  the  scheme 
which  had  been  so  well  concerted  between  them.  Then  he 
sent  for  Malherbe,  who  straightway  perpetrated  more  poems 
to  express  the  King's  despair,  in  which  Henry  was  made  to 
liken  himself  to  a  skeleton  with  a  dried  skin,  and  likewise 
to  a  violet  turned  up  by  the  ploughshare  and  left  to  wither.3 

He  kept  up  through  Madame  de  Berny  a  correspondence 
with  "  his  beautiful  angel,"  as  he  called  the  Princess,  whom 
he  chose  to  consider  a  prisoner  and  a  victim ;  while  she, 
wearied  to  death  with  the  frigid  monotony  and  sepulchral 
gaieties  of  the  archiducal  court,  which  she  openly  called  her 
dungeon,4  diverted  herself  with  the  freaks  and  fantasies  of 
her  royal  adorer,  called  him  in  very  ill-spelled  letters  "  her 
chevalier,  her  heart,  her  all  the  world," 5  and  frequently  wrote 
to  beg  him,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  intriguing  Chateau  Vert, 
to  devise  some  means  of  rescuing  her  from  prison.6 

The  Constable  and  Duchess  meanwhile  affected  to  be 
sufficiently  satisfied  with  the  state  of  things.  Conde,  how- 
ever, received  a  letter  from  the  King,  formally  summoning 
him  to  return  to  France,  and,  in  case  of  refusal,  declaring 
him  guilty  of  high- treason  for  leaving  the  kingdom  without 
the  leave  and  against  the  express  commands  of  the  King. 
To  this  letter  brought  to  him  by  de  Coeuvres,  the  Prince 


1  Son  of  Henry  IV.  by  Gabrielle, 
Duchesse  de  Beaufort,  sister  of  de 
Coeuvres. 

*  Pecquius  to  Praets,  1  March  1610, 
in  Henrard. 

3  '(Euvres  de  Francois  de  Malherbe' 
(ed.  1723),  t.  i.  146. 

"  Anxni  (>nls  jc  an  pquclctte 

Et  la  viofette 
Qu'uu  froid  bore  do  salson 


On  le  BOC  a  touchfio 

De  ma  peau  p6chec 

Est  la  comparaison." 

4  Bent.    'Rel.   della    Fujrn,'    168. 
Pecquius  to    Archduke    Albert,   19 
March  1610. 

5  Tallemant  des  Reaux,  i.  180. 

•  Archdukes  to  Pecquius,  9  March 
1610,  in  Henrard. 


150 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  III. 


replied  by  a  paper,  drawn  up  and  served  by  a  notary  of 
Brussels,  to  the  effect  that  he  had  left  France  to  save  his 
life  and  honour ;  that  he  was  ready  to  return  when  guarantees 
were  given  him  for  the  security  of  both.  He  would  live 
and  die,  he  said,  faithful  to  the  King.  But  when  the  King, 
departing  from  the  paths  of  justice,  proceeded  through  those 
of  violence  against  him,  he  maintained  that  every  such  act 
against  his  person  was  null  and  invalid.1  Henry  had  even 
the  incredible  meanness  and  folly  to  request  the  Queen  to 
write  to  the  Archdukes,  begging  that  the  Princess  might  be 
restored  to  assist  at  her  coronation.  Mary  de'  Medici 
vigorously  replied  once  more  that,  "although  obliged  to 
wink  at  the  King's  amours,  she  declined  to  be  his  pro- 
curess." 2  Conde  then  went  off  to  Milan  very  soon  after  the 
scene  at  the  Nassau  Palace  and  the  removal  of  the  Princess 
to  the  care  of  the  Archdukes.  He  was  very  angry  with  his 
wife,  from  whom  he  expressed  a  determination  to  be 
divorced,  and  furious  with  the  King,  the  validity  of  whose 
second  marriage  and  the  legitimacy  of  whose  children  he 
proposed  with  Spanish  help  to  dispute. 

The  Constable  was  in  favour  of  the  divorce,  or  pretended 
to  be  so,  and  caused  importunate  letters  to  be  written,  which 
he  signed,  to  both  Albert  and  Isabella,  begging  that  his 
daughter  might  be  restored  to  him  to  be  the  staff  of  his  old 
age,  and  likewise  to  be  present  at  the  Queen's  coronation.3 
The  Archdukes,  however,  resolutely  refused  to  permit  her 
>to  leave  their  protection  without  Conde's  consent,  or  until 
after  a  divorce  had  been  effected,  notwithstanding  that  the 
father  and  aunt  demanded  it.4  The  Constable  and  Duchess 


1  Bent.  162.  See  also  Aerssens' 
notes ;  also  Henrard. 

*  Pecquius  to  the  Archdukes,  27 
March  1610.  in  Henrard. 

8  Constable  de  Montmorency  to 
Archduke  Albert ;  same  to  the  In- 


fanta Isabella,  18  March  and  20  April 
1610,  in  Henrard.  Henry  IV.  to 
Archduke  Albert  and  to  the  Infanta, 
19  April  1610,  in  Henrard. 

4  Archdukes  to  Pecquius,  22  Feb. 
1610,  in  Henrard. 


1610. 


HENRY'S  TRIUMPH  CHANGED  TO  DESPAIR. 


151 


however,  acquiesced  in  the  decision,  and  expressed  immense 
gratitude  to  Isabella. 

"  The  father  and  aunt  have  been  talking  to  Pecquius,"  said 
Henry  very  dismally  ;  "  but  they  give  me  much  pain.  They 
are  even  colder  than  the  season,  but  my  fire  thaws  them  as 
soon  as  I  approach. 

"  P.  S. — I  am  so  pining  away  in  my  anguish  that  I  am 
nothing  but  skin  and  bones.  Nothing  gives  me  pleasure.  I 
fly  from  company,  and  if  in  order  to  comply  with  the  law  of 
nations  I  go  into  some  assembly  or  other,  instead  of  enliven- 
ing, it  nearly  kills  me."  1 

And  the  King  took  to  his  bed.  Whether  from  gout,  fever, 
or  the  pangs  of  disappointed  love,  he  became  seriously  ill. 
Furious  with  every  one,  with  Conde,  the  Constable,  de 
Coeuvres,  the  Queen,  Spinola,  with  the  Prince  of  Orange,2 
whose  councillor  Keeremans  had  been  encouraging  Conde 
in  his  rebellion  and  in  going  to  Spain  with  Spinola,  he  was 
now  resolved  that  the  war  should  go  on.  Aerssens,  cautious 
of  saying  too  much  on  paper  of  this  very  delicate  affair, 
always  intimated  to  Barneveld  that,  if  the  Princess  could  be 
restored,  peace  was  still  possible,  and  that  by  moving  an 
inch  ahead  of  the  King  in  the  Cleve  matter  the  States  at 
the  last  moment  might  be  left  in  the  lurch.  He  distinctly 
told  the  Advocate,  on  his  expressing  a  hope  that  Henry 
might  consent  to  the  Prince's  residence  in  some  neutral 
place  until  a  reconciliation  could  be  effected,  that  the  pinch 
of  the  matter  was  not  there,  and  that  van  der  Myle,  who 
knew  all  about  it,  could  easily  explain  it.3 

Alluding  to  the  project  of  reviving  the  process  against 
the  Dowager,  and  of  divorcing  the  Prince  and  Princess,  he 
said  these  steps  would  do  much  harm,  as  they  would  too 


1  '  Lcttrea  missives  de  Henri  IV,' 
vii.  834. 

9  Aeresens  to  Prince  of  Orango,  20 
Feb.  1610 ;  same  to  Keeremans,  same 


date.     (Haj?ue  Archives  MS.) 

3  Same  to  Barneveld,  20  Feb.  1610. 
(MS.) 


152  THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.      CHAP.  11L 

much  justify  the  true  cause  of  the  retreat  of  the  Prince, 
who  was  not  believed  when  he  merely  talked  of  his  right  of 
primogeniture.  "  The  matter  weighs  upon  us  very  heavily/' 
he  said,  "  but  the  trouble  is  that  we  don't  search  for  the  true 
remedies.  The  matter  is  so  delicate  that  I  don't  dare  to 
discuss  it  to  the  very  bottom." 1 

The  Ambassador  had  a  long  interview  with  the  King  as  he 
lay  in  his  bed  feverish  and  excited.  He  was  more  impatient 
than  ever  for  the  arrival  of  the  States'  special  embassy, 
reluctantly  acquiesced  in  the  reasons  assigned  for  the  delay, 
but  trusted  that  it  would  arrive  soon  with  Barneveld  at  the 
head,  and  with  Count  Lewis  William  as  a  member  for  "  the 
sword  part  of  it." 

He  railed  at  the  Prince  of  Orange,  not  believing  that 
Keeremans  would  have  dared  to  do  what  he  had  done  but 
with  the  orders  of  his  master.  He  said  that  the  King  of 
Spain  would  supply  Concle  with  money  and  with  everything 
he  wanted,  knowing  that  he  could  make  use  of  him  to  trouble 
his  kingdom.  It  was  strange,  he  thought,  that  Philip  should 
venture  to  these  extremities  with  his  affairs  in  such  con- 
dition, and  when  he  had  so  much  need  of  repose.  He  recalled 
all  his  ancient  grievances  against  Spain,  his  rights  to  the 
Kingdom  of  Navarre  and  the  County  of  St.  Pol  violated  ; 
the  conspiracy  of  Biron,  the  intrigues  of  Bouillon,  the  plots 
of  the  Count  of  Auvergne  and  the  Marchioness  of  Verneuil, 
the  treason  of  Meragne,  the  corruption  of  L'Hoste,  and  an 
infinity  of  other  plots  of  the  King  and  his  ministers  ;  of  deep 
injuries  to  him  and  to  the  public  repose,  not  to  be  tolerated 
by  a  mighty  king  like  himself,  with  a  grey  beard.  He 
would  be  revenged,  he  said,  for  this  last  blow,  and  so  for 
all  the  rest.  He  would  not  leave  a  troublesome  war  on  the 
hands  of  his  young  son.  The  occasion  was  favourable.  It 
was  just  to  defend  the  oppressed  princes  with  the  promptly 
1  Aerssens  to  Baroeveld,  7  Feb.  1610.  (MS,) 


CONVERSATION  OF  DUTCH  AMBASSADOR  WITH  HENRY.  153 

accorded  assistance  of  the  States-General.  The  King  of 
Great  Britain  was  favourable.  The  Duke  of  Savoy  was 
pledged.  It  was  better  to  begin  the  war  in  his  green  old 
age  than  to  wait  the  pleasure  and  opportunity  of  the  King 
of  Spain. 

All  this  he  said  while  racked  with  fever,  and  dismissed 
the  Envoy  at  last,  after  a  long  interview,  with  these  words  : 
"Mr.  Ambassador — I  have  always  spoken  roundly  and 
frankly  to  you,  and  you  will  one  day  be  my  witness  that  I 
have  done  all  that  I  could  to  draw  the  Prince  out  of  the 
plight  into  which  he  has  put  himself.  But  he  is  struggling 
for  the  succession  to  this  crown  under  instructions  from  the 
Spaniards,  to  whom  he  has  entirely  pledged  himself.  He 
has  already  received  6000  crowns  for  his  equipment. 
I  know  that  you  and  my  other  friends  will  work  for  the 
conservation  of  this  monarchy,  and  will  never  abandon  me 
in  my  designs  to  weaken  the  power  of  Spain.  Pray  God  for 
my  health." 1 

The  King  kept  his  bed  a  few  days  afterwards,  but  soon 
recovered.  Yilleroy  sent  word  to  Barneveld  in  answer  to 
his  suggestions  of  reconciliation  that  it  was  too  late,  that 
Conde  was  entirely  desperate  and  Spanish.  The  crown  of 
France  was  at  stake,  he  said,  and  the  Prince  was  promising 
himself  miracles  and  mountains  with  the  aid  of  Spain,  loudly 
declaring  the  marriage  of  Mary  de'  Medici  illegal,  and  him- 
self heir  to  the  throne.  The  Secretary  of  State  professed 
himself  as  impatient  as  his  master  for  the  arrival  of  the 
embassy  ;  the  States  being  the  best  friends  France  ever  had 
and  the  only  allies  to  make  the  war  succeed. 

Jeannin,  who  was  now  never  called  to  the  council,  said 

that  the  war  was  not  for  Germany  but  for  Conde,  and  that 

Henry  could  carry  it  on  for  eight  years.     He  too  was  most 

anxious  for  Barneveld's  arrival,  and  was  of  his  opinion  that 

1  Letter  of  Acrsscns,  20  Feb.  1010,  before  cited.     (MS.) 


154 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IIL 


it  would  have  been  better  for  Conde  to  be  persuaded  to 
remain  at  Breda  and  be  supported  by  his  brother-in-law,  the 
Prince  of  Orange.  The  impetuosity  of  the  King  had  how- 
ever swept  everything  before  it,  and  Condc  had  been  driven 
to  declare  himself  Spanish  and  a  pretender  to  the  crown. 
There  was  no  issue  now  but  war.1 

Boderie,  the  King's  envoy  in  Great  Britain,  wrote  that 
James  would  be  willing  to  make  a  defensive  league  for  the 
affairs  of  Cleve  and  Julich  only,  which  was  the  slenderest 
amount  of  assistance ;  but  Henry  always  suspected  Master 
Jacques  of  intentions  to  baulk  him  if  possible  and  traverse 
his  designs.  But  the  die  was  cast.  Spinola  had  carried  off 
Conde  in  triumph  ;  the  Princess  was  pining  in  her  gilt  cage 
in  Brussels,  and  demanding  a  divorce  for  desertion  and  cruel 
treatment ;  the  King  considered  himself  as  having  done  as 
much  as  honour  allowed  him  to  effect  a  reconciliation,  and 
it  was  obvious  that,  as  the  States'  ambassador  said,  he  could 
no  longer  retire  from  the  war  without  shame,  which  would 
be  the  greatest  danger  of  all.2 

"  The  tragedy  is  ready  to  begin,"  said  Aerssens.  "  They 
are  only  waiting  now  for  the  arrival  of  our  ambassadors." 3 

On  the  9th  March  the  King  before  going  to  Fontainebleau 
for  a  few  days  summoned  that  envoy  to  the  Louvre.4  Im- 
patient at  a  slight  delay  in  his  arrival,  Henry  came  down 
into  the  courtyard  as  he  was  arriving  and  asked  eagerly  if 
Barneveld  was  coming  to  Paris.  Aerssens  replied  that  the 
Advocate  had  been  hastening  as  much  as  possible  the  de- 
parture of  the  special  embassy,  but  that  the  condition  of 
affairs  at  home  was  such  as  not  to  permit  him  to  leave  the 
country  at  that  moment.  Yan  der  Myle,  who  would  be  one 


1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  2  March 
1610.  (MS.) 

8  Ibid.  Same  to  Digart,  1  March 
1G10.  (MS.) 


3  Ibid. 

4  Same  to   Barneveld,  9  March 
1610.    (MS.) 


1610. 


THE  WAR  DETERMINED  UPON. 


155 


of  the  ambassadors,  would  more  fully  explain  this  by  word 
of  mouth. 

The  King  manifested  infinite  annoyance  and  disappoint- 
ment that  Barneveld  was  not  to  make  part  of  the  embassy.1 
"  He  says  that  he  reposes  such  singular  confidence  in  your 
authority  in  the  state,  experience  in  affairs,  and  affection  for 
himself,"  wrote  Aerssens,  "  that  he  might  treat  with  you  in 
detail  and  with  open  heart  of  all  his  designs.  He  fears  now 
that  the  ambassadors  will  be  limited  in  their  powers  and 
instructions,  and  unable  to  reply  at  once  on  the  articles 
which  at  different  times  have  been  proposed  to  me  for  our 
enterprise.  Thus  much  valuable  time  will  be  wasted  in 
sending  backwards  and  forwards." 

The  King  r.lso  expressed  great  anxiety  to  consult  with 
Count  Lewis  William  in  regard  to  military  details,  but  his 
chief  SOITOW  was  in  regard  to  the  Advocate.  "  He  acquiesced 
only  with  deep  displeasure  and  regret  in  your  reasons,"  said 
the  Ambassador,  "  and  says  that  he  can  hope  for  nothing  firm 
now  that  you  refuse  to  come." 2 

Villeroy  intimated  that  Barneveld  did  not  come  for  fear 
of  exciting  the  jealousy  of  the  English.3 


1  "  S.  M.  m'a  temoigne  d'estre  in- 
finement  marry  que  vous  ne  seriez 
pas  du  nombre  des  ainbassadeurs," 


&c. — Letter  of  Aerssens  last  cited. 
9  Ibid. 
3  Ibid. 


156  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  IV. 


CHAPTEE    IV. 

Difficult  Position  of  Barneveld  —  Insurrection  at  Utrecht  subdued  by  the 
States'  Army — Special  Embassies  to  England  and  France — Anger  of  the 
King  with  Spain  and  the  Archdukes  —  Arrangements  of  Henry  for  the 
coming  War — Position  of  Spain  — Anxiety  of  the  King  for  the  Presence 
of  Barneveld  in  Paris  —  Arrival  of  the  Dutch  Commissioners  in  France 
and  their  brilliant  Reception  —  Their  Interview  with  the  King  and  his 
Ministers  —  Negotiations — Delicate  Position  of  the  Dutch  Government 

—  India  Trade  —  Simon  Danzer,  the  Corsair — Conversations  of  Henry 
•with  the  Dutch  Commissioners — Letter  of  the  King  to  Archduke  Albert 

—  Preparations  for  the  Queen's  Coronation  and  of  Henry  to  open  the 
Campaign  in  person — Perplexities  of  Henry — Forebodings  and  Warnings 
— The  Murder  accomplished — Terrible  Change  in  France  —  Triumph  of 
Concini  and  of  Spain  —  Downfall  of  Sully  —  Disputes  of  the  Grandees 
among  themselves  —  Special  Mission  of  Condolence  from  the  Republic — 
Conference  on  the  great  Enterprise  —  Departure  of  van  der  Myle  from 
Paris. 

THERE  were  reasons  enough  why  the  Advocate  could  not 
go  to  Paris  at  this  juncture.  It  was  absurd  in  Henry  to 
suppose  it  possible.  Everything  rested  on  Barneveld's 
shoulders.  During  the  year  which  had  just  passed  he  had 
drawn  almost  every  paper,  every  instruction  in  regard  to  the 
peace  negotiations,  with  his  own  hand,  had  assisted  at  every 
conference,  guided  and  mastered  the  whole  course  of  a  most 
difficult  and  intricate  negotiation,  in  which  he  had  not  only 
been  obliged  to  make  allowance  for  the  humbled  pride  and 
baffled  ambition  of  the  ancient  foe  of  the  Netherlands,  but 
to  steer  clear  of  the  innumerable  jealousies,  susceptibilities, 
cavillings,  and  insolences  of  their  patronizing  friends. 

It  was  his  brain  that  worked,  his  tongue  that  spoke,  his 
restless  pen  that  never  paused.  His  was  not  one  of  those 
easy  posts,  not  unknown  in  the  modern  administration  of 


1610.  DIFFICULT  POSITION  OF  BARNEVELD.  157 

great  affairs,  where  the  subordinate  furnishes  the  intellect, 
the  industry,  the  experience,  while  the  bland  superior,  grati- 
fying the  world  with  his  sign-manual,  appropriates  the 
applause.  So  long  as  he  lived  and  worked,  the  States- 
General  and  the  States  of  Holland  were  like  a  cunningly 
contrived  machine,  which  seemed  to  he  alive  because  one 
invisible  but  mighty  mind  vitalized  the  whole. 

And  there  had  been  enough  to  do.  It  was  not  until  mid- 
summer of  1609  that  the  ratifications  of  the  Treaty  of  Truce, 
one  of  the  great  triumphs  in  the  histoiy  of  diplomacy, 
had  been  exchanged,  and  scarcely  had  this  period  been  put 
to  the  eternal  clang  of  arms  when  the  death  of  a  lunatic 
threw  the  world  once  more  into  confusion.  It  was  obvious 
to  Barneveld  that  the  issue  of  the  Cleve-Jiilich  affair,  and 
of  the  tremendous  religious  fermentation  in  Bohemia,  Mo- 
ravia, and  Austria,  must  sooner  or  later  lead  to  an  immense 
war.  It  was  inevitable  that  it  would  devolve  upon  the 
States  to  sustain  their  great  though  vacillating,  their 
generous  though  encroaching,  their  sincere  though  most  irri- 
tating, ally.  And  yet,  thoroughly  as  Barneveld  had  mas- 
tered all  the  complications  and  perplexities  of  the  religious 
and  political  question,  carefully  as  he  had  calculated  the 
value  of  the  opposing  forces  which  were  shaking  Christen- 
dom, deeply  as  he  had  studied  the  characters  of  Matthias 
and  Rudolph,  of  Charles  of  Denmark  and  Ferdinand  of 
Graz,  of  Anhalt  and  Maximilian,  of  Brandenburg  and  Neu- 
burg,  of  James  and  Philip,  of  Paul  V.  and  Charles  Emmanuel, 
of  Sully  and  Villeroy,  of  Salisbury  and  Bacon,  of  Lerma  and 
Infantado  ;  adroitly  as  he  could  measure,  weigh,  and  analyse 
all  these  elements  in  the  great  problem  which  was  forcing 
itself  on  the  attention  of  Europe — there  was  one  factor  with 
which  it  was  difficult  for  this  austere  republican,  this  cold, 
unsusceptible  statesman,  to  deal :  the  intense  and  imperious 
passion  of  a  greybeard  for  a  woman  of  sixteen. 


158  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAENEVELD.          CHAP.  IV. 

For  out  of  the  cauldron  where  the  miscellaneous  elements 
of  universal  war  were  bubbling  rose  perpetually  the  fantastic 
image  of  Margaret  Montmorency :  the  fatal  beauty  at  whose 
caprice  the  heroic  sword  of  Ivry  and  Cahors  was  now  up- 
lifted and  now  sheathed. 

Aerssens  was  baffled,  and  reported  the  humours  of  the  court 
where  he  resided  as  changing  from  hour  to  hour.  To  the 
last  he  reported  that  all  the  mighty  preparations  then  nearly 
completed  "  might  evaporate  in  smoke "  if  the  Princess  of 
Conde  should  come  back.  Every  ambassador  in  Paris  was 
baffled.  Peter  Pecquius  was  as  much  in  the  dark  as  Don 
Inigo  de  Cardenas,  as  Ubaldini  or  Edmonds.  No  one  save 
Sully,  Aerssens,  Barneveld,  and  the  King  knew  the  exten- 
sive arrangements  and  profound  combinations  which  had 
been  made  for  the  war.  Yet  not  Sully,  Aerssens,  Barneveld, 
or  the  King,  knew  whether  or  not  the  war  would  really  be 
made. 

Barneveld  had  to  deal  with  this  perplexing  question  day 
by  day.  His  correspondence  with  his  ambassador  at  Henry's 
court  was  enormous,  and  we  have  seen  that  the  Ambassador 
was  with  the  King  almost  daily ;  sleeping  or  waking ;  at 
dinner  or  the  chase  ;  in  the  cabinet  or  the  courtyard. 

But  the  Advocate  was  also  obliged  to  carry  in  his  arms, 
as  it  were,  the  brood  of  snarling,  bickering,  cross-grained 
German  princes,  to  supply  them  with  money,  with  arms, 
with  counsel,  with  brains ;  to  keep  them  awake  when  they 
went  to  sleep,  to  steady  them  in  their  track,  to  teach  them 
to  go  alone.  He  had  the  congress  at  Hall  in  Suabia  to  super- 
vise and  direct ;  he  had  to  see  that  the  ambassadors  of  the 
new  republic,  upon  which  they  in  reality  were  already  half 
dependent  and  chafing  at  their  dependence,  were  treated 
with  the  consideration  due  to  the  proud  position  which  the 
Commonwealth  had  gained.  Questions  of  etiquette  were 
at  that  moment  questions  of  vitality.  He  instructed  his 


1610.  DIFFICULT  POSITION  OF  BARNEVELD.  159 

ambassadors  to  leave  the  congress  on  the  spot  if  they  were 
ranked  after  the  envoys  of  princes  who  were  only  feudatories 
of  the  Emperor.  The  Dutch  ambassadors,  "  recognising  and 
relying  upon  no  superiors  but  God  and  their  sword,"  placed 
themselves  according  to  seniority  with  the  representatives 
of  proudest  kings.1 

He  had  to  extemporize  a  system  of  free  international  com- 
munication with  all  the  powers  of  the  earth — with  the  Turk 
at  Constantinople,  with  the  Czar  of  Muscovy;  with  the 
potentates  of  the  Baltic,  with  both  the  Indies.  The  routine 
of  a  long  established  and  well  organized  foreign  office  in  a 
time-honoured  state  running  in  grooves  ;  with  well-balanced 
springs  and  well  oiled  wheels,  may  be  a  luxury  of  civiliza- 
tion ;  but  it  was  a  more  arduous  task  to  transact  the  greatest 
affairs  of  a  state  springing  suddenly  into  recognized  existence 
and  mainly  dependent  for  its  primary  construction  and  prac- 
tical working  on  the  hand  of  one  man. 

Worse  than  all,  he  had  to  deal  on  the  most  dangerous  and 
delicate  topics  of  state  with  a  prince  who  trembled  at  danger 
and  was  incapable  of  delicacy  ;  to  show  respect  for  a  cha- 
racter that  was  despicable,  to  lean  on  a  royal  word  falser 
than  water,  to  inhale  almost  daily  the  effluvia  from  a  court 
compared  to  which  the  harem  of  Henry  was  a  temple  of 
vestals.  The  spectacle  of  the  slobbering  James  among  his 
Kars  and  Hays  and  Villiers's  and  other  minions  is  one 
at  which  history  covers  her  eyes  and  is  dumb ;  but  the 
republican  envoys,  with  instructions  from  a  Barneveld,  were 
obliged  to  face  him  daily,  concealing  their  disgust,  and 
bowing  reverentially  before  him  as  one  of  the  arbiters  of 
their  destinies  and  the  Solomon  of  his  epoch. 

A  special  embassy  was  sent  early  in  the  year  to  England 
to  convey  the  solemn  thanks  of  the  Republic  to  the  King 
for  his  assistance  in  the  truce  negotiations,  and  to  treat  of 
1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  9  Feb.  1610.  (MS.) 


1GO  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  IV. 

the  important  matters  then  pressing  on  the  attention  of  both 
powers.  Contemporaneously  was  to  be  despatched  the 
embassy  for  which  Henry  was  waiting  so  impatiently  at 
Paris. 

Certainly  the  Advocate  had  enough  with  this  and  other 
'important  business  already  mentioned  to  detain  him  at  his 
post.  Moreover  the  first  year  of  peace  had  opened  disas- 
trously in  the  Netherlands.  Tremendous  tempests  such  as 
had  rarely  been  recorded  even  in  that  land  of  storms  had 
raged  all  the  winter.  The  waters  everywhere  had  burst 
their  dykes,  and  inundations,  which  threatened  to  engulph 
the  whole  country,  and  which  had  caused  enormous  loss  of 
property  and  even  of  life,  were  alarming  the  most  courageous.1 
It  was  difficult  in  many  districts  to  collect  the  taxes  for 
the  every-day  expenses  of  the  community,  and  yet  the 
Advocate  knew  that  the  Kepublic  would  soon  be  forced  to 
renew  the  war  on  a  prodigious  scale. 

Still  more  to  embarrass  the  action  of  the  government  and 
perplex  its  statesmen,  an  alarming  and  dangerous  insurrection 
broke  out  in  Utrecht. 

In  that  ancient  seat  of  the  hard-fighting,  imperious,  and 
opulent  sovereign  archbishops  of  the  ancient  church  an 
important  portion  of  the  population  had  remained  Catholic. 
Another  portion  complained  of  the  abolition  of  various 
privileges  which  they  had  formerly  enjoyed  ;  among  others 
that  of  a  monopoly  of  beer-brewing  for  the  province.  All 
the  population,  as  is  the  case  with  all  populations  in  all 
c  rantries  and  all  epochs,  complained  of  excessive  taxation. 

A  clever  politician,  Dirk  Kanter  by  name,  a  gentleman  by 
birth,  a  scholar  and  philosopher  by  pursuit  and  education, 
and  a  demagogue  by  profession,  saw  an  opportunity  of  taking 
an  advantage  of  this  state  of  things.  More  than  twenty 
years  before  he  had  been  burgomaster  of  the  city,  and  had 
1  See  reports  of  embassies  hereafter  to  be  cited. 


1610.  INSURRECTION  AT  UTRECHT.  161 

much  enjoyed  himself  in  that  position.  He  was  tired  of  the 
learned  leisure  to  which  the  ingratitude  of  his  fellow-citizens 
had  condemned  him.  He  seems  to  have  been  of  easy  virtue 
in  the  matter  of  religion,  a  Catholic,  an  Arminian,  an  ultra- 
orthodox  Contra-Remonstrant  by  turns.  He  now  persuaded 
a  number  of  determined  partisans  that  the  time  had  come 
for  securing  a  church  for  the  public  worship  of  the  ancient 
faith,  and  at  the  same  time  for  restoring  the  beer  brewery, 
reducing  the  taxes,  recovering  lost  privileges,  and  many 
other  good  things.  Beneath  the  whole  scheme  lay  a  deep 
design  to  effect  the  secession  of  the  city  and  with  it  of  the 
opulent  and  important  province  of  Utrecht  from  the  Union. 
Kanter  had  been  heard  openly  to  avow  that  after  all  the 
Netherlands  had  flourished  under  the  benign  sway  of  the 
House  of  Burgundy,  and  that  the  time  would  soon  come  for 
returning  to  that  enviable  condition. 

By  a  concerted  assault  the  city  hall  was  taken  possession 
of  by  main  force,  the  magistracy  was  overpowered,     Feb  9 
and  a  new  board  of  senators  and  common  council-       1G1°- 
men  appointed,  Kanter  and  a  devoted  friend  of  his,  Hel- 
dingen  by  name,  being  elected  burgomasters.1 

The  States-Provincial  of  Utrecht,  alarmed  at  these  pro- 
ceedings in  the  city,  appealed  for  protection  against  violence 
to  the  States-General  under  the  3rd  Article  of  the  Union, 
the  fundamental  pant  which  bore  the  name  of  Utrecht  itself. 
Prince  Maurice  proceeded  to  the  city  at  the  head  of  a 
detachment  of  troops  to  quell  the  tumults.  Kanter  and  his 
friends  were  plausible  enough  to  persuade  him  of  the 
legality  and  propriety  of  the  revolution  which  they  had 
effected,  and  to  procure  his  formal  confirmation  of  the  new 
magistracy.  Intending  to  turn  his  military  genius  and  the 
splendour  of  his  name  to  account,  they  contrived  to  keep  him 
for  a  time  at  least  in  an  amiable  enthralment,  and  induced  him 

1  Wagenaar,  x.  25-32.    Brill,  Continuation  of  Arcnd,  iii.  d.  ii.  stuk,  420,  tqq. 
VOL.   I.  M 


162  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAKNEVELD.         CHAP.  IV. 

to  contemplate  in  their  interest  the  possibility  of  renouncing 
the  oath  which  subjected  him  to  the  authority  of  the  States 
of  Utrecht.  But  the  far-seeing  eye  of  Barneveld  could  not 
be  blind  to  the  danger  which  at  this  crisis  beset  the  Stad- 
holder  and  the  whole  republic.  The  Prince  was  induced 
to  return  to  the  Hague,  but  the  city  continued  by  armed 
revolt  to  maintain  the  new  magistracy.  They  proceeded  to 
reduce  the  taxes,  and  in  other  respects  to  carry  out  the 
measures  on  the  promise  of  which  they  had  come  into 
power.  Especially  the  Catholic  party  sustained  Kanter  and 
his  friends,  and  promised  themselves  from  him  and  from  his 
influence  over  Prince  Maurice  to  obtain  a  power  of  which 
they  had  long  been  deprived. 

The  States-General  now  held  an  assembly  at  Woerden,  and 
summoned  the  malcontents  of  Utrecht  to  bring  before  that 
body  a  statement  of  their  grievances.  This  was  done,  but 
there  was  no  satisfactory  arrangement  possible,  and  the  depu- 
tation returned  to  Utrecht,  the  States-General  to  the  Hague. 
The  States-Provincial  of  Utrecht  urged  more  strongly  than 
ever  upon  the  assembly  of  the  Union  to  save  the  city  from 
the  hands  of  a  reckless  and  revolutionary  government.  The 
States-General  resolved  accordingly  to  interfere  by  force.  A 
considerable  body  of  troops  was  ordered  to  march  at  once 
upon  Utrecht  and  besiege  the  city.  Maurice,  in  his  capa- 
city of  captain-general  and  stadholder  of  the  province,  was 
summoned  to  take  charge  of  the  army.  He  was  indisposed 
to  do  so,  and  pleaded  sickness.  The  States,  determined  that 
the  name  of  Nassau  should  not  be  used  as  an  encouragement 
to  disobedience  and  rebellion,  then  directed  the  brother  of 
Maurice,  Frederic  Henry,  youngest  son  of  William  the 
Silent,  to  assume  the  command.  Maurice  insisted  that  his 
brother  was  too  young,  and  that  it  was  unjust  to  allow 
so  grave  a  responsibility  to  fall  upon  his  shoulders.  The 
States,  not  particularly  pleased  with  the  Prince's  atti- 


1610.  SUBDUED  BY  THE  STATES'  ARMY.  163 

tilde  at  tliis  alarming  juncture,  and  made  anxious  by  the 
glamour  which  seemed  to  possess  him  since  his  conferences 
with  the  revolutionary  party  at  Utrecht,  determined  not 
to  yield. 

The  army  marched  forth  and  laid  siege  to  the  city,  Prince 
Frederic  Henry  at  its  head.  He  was  sternly  instructed  by 
the  States-General,  under  whose  orders  he  acted,  to  take 
possession  of  the  city  at  all  hazards.  He  was  to  insist  on 
placing  there  a  garrison  of  2000  foot  and  300  horse,  and 
to  permit  not  another  armed  man  within  the  walls.  The 
members  of  the  council  of  state  and  of  the  States  of  Utrecht 
accompanied  the  army.  For  a  moment  the  party  in  power 
was  disposed  to  resist  the  forces  of  the  Union.  Dick  Kanter 
and  his  friends  were  resolute  enough ;  the  Catholic  priests 
turned  out  among  the  rest  with  their  spades  and  worked 
on  the  entrenchments.  The  impossibility  of  hold-  April  6 
ing  the  city  against  the  overwhelming  power  of  161°- 
the  States  was  soon  obvious,  and  the  next  day  the  gates 
were  opened,  and  easy  terms  were  granted.  The  new 
magistracy  was  set  aside,  the  old  board  that  had  May  6, 
been  deposed  by  the  rebels  reinstated.  The  revo-  1G1°- 
lution  and  the  counter-revolution  were  alike  bloodless,  and 
it  was  determined  that  the  various  grievances  of  which  the 
discontented  party  had  complained  should  be  referred  to  the 
States-General,  to  Prince  Maurice,  to  the  council  of  state,  and 
to  the  ambassadors  of  France  and  England.  Amnesty  was 
likewise  decreed  on  submission.1 

The  restored  government  was  Arminian  in  its  inclinations, 
the  revolutionary  one  was  singularly  compounded  both  of 
Catholic  and  of  ultra-orthodox  elements.  Quiet  was  on  the 
whole  restored,  but  the  resources  of  the  city  were  crippled. 
The  event  occurring  exactly  at  the  crisis  of  the  Cleve  and 
Julich  expedition  angered  the  King  of  France. 

1  Wagenaar,  Brill,  ubi  sup. 


164 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 


"The  trouble  of  Utrecht,"  wrote  Aerssens  to  Barne- 
veld,1  "  has  been  turned  to  account  here  marvellously, 
the  Archdukes  and  Spaniards  boasting  that  many  more 
revolts  like  this  may  be  at  once  expected.  I  have  ex- 
plained to  his  Majesty,  who  has  been  very  much  alarmed 
about  it,  both  its  source  and  the  hopes  that  it  will 
be  appeased  by  the  prudence  of  his  Excellency  Prince 
Maurice  and  the  deputies  of  the  States.  The  King  desires 
that  everything  should  be  pacified  as  soon  as  possible,  so 
that  there  may  be  no  embarrassment  to  the  course  of  public 
aifairs.  But  he  fears,  he  tells  me,  that  this  may  create  some 
new  jealousy  between  Prince  Maurice  and  yourself.  I  don't 
comprehend  what  he  means,  although  he  held  this  language 
to  me  very  expressly  and  without  reserve.  I  could  only 
answer  that  you  were  living  on  the  best  of  terms  together 
in  perfect  amity  and  intelligence.  If  you  know  if  this  talk 
of  his  has  any  other  root,  please  to  enlighten  me,  that  I  may 
put  a  stop  to  false  reports,  for  I  know  nothing  of  affairs 
except  what  you  tell  me." 

King  James,  on  the  other  hand,  thoroughly  approved  the 
promptness  of  the  States-General  in  suppressing  the  tumult. 

Nothing  very  serious  of  a  like  nature  occurred  in  Utrecht 
until  the  end  of  the  year,  when  a  determined  and  secret  con- 
spiracy was  discovered,  having  for  its  object  to  overpower 
the  garrison  and  get  bodily  possession  of  Colonel  John  Ogle, 
the  military  commander  of  the  town.  At  the  bottom  of  the 
movement  were  the  indefatigable  Dirk  Kanter  and  his  friend 
Heldingen.  The  attempt  was  easily  suppressed,  and  the 
two  were  banished  from  the  town.  Kanter  died  subsequently 


1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  9  March 
1610.  (MS.) 

*  A  little  later  Henry  expressed 
great  disapprobation  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  States  against  Utrecht, 
Baying  that  such  imprudence  might 
upset  the  Commonwealth  if  pains 


were  not  taken  to  prevent  the  siege. 
He  blamed  his  ambassadors  for  not 
preventing  it,  and  asked  Aerssens 
if  there  were  not  time  enough  to 
send  some  one  "  pour  faire  le  hola." — 
Same  to  same,  5  April,  1610.  (MS.) 


1610.  RELIGIOUS  DIFFERENCES.  165 

in  North  Holland,  in  the  odour  of  ultra-orthodoxy.  Four  of 
the  conspirators — a  post-master,  two  shoemakers,  and  a 
sexton,  who  had  bound  themselves  by  oath  to  take  the 
lives  of  two  eminent  Arminian1  preachers,  besides  other 
desperate  deeds — were  condemned  to  death,  but  pardoned 
on  the  scaffold.  Thus  ended  the  first  revolution  at 
Utrecht.2 

Its  effect  did  not  cease,  however,  with  the  tumults  which 
were  its  original  manifestations.  This  earliest  insurrection 
in  organized  shape  against  the  central  authority  of  the 
States-General ;  this  violent  though  abortive  effort  to  dis- 
solve the  Union  and  to  nullify  its  laws  ;  this  painful  neces- 
sity for  the  first  time  imposed  upon  the  federal  government 
to  take  up  arms  against  misguided  citizens  of  the  Kepublic, 
in  order  to  save  itself  from  disintegration  and  national 
death,  were  destined  to  be  followed  by  far  graver  convulsions 
on  the  self-same  spot.  Keligious  differences  and  religious 
hatreds  were  to  mingle  their  poison  with  antagonistic  po- 
litical theories  and  personal  ambitions,  and  to  develop  on  a 
wide  scale  the  danger  ever  lurking  in  a  constitution  whose 
fundamental  law  was  unstable,  ill  defined,  and  liable  to  con- 
tradictory interpretations.  For  the  present  it  need  only  be 
noticed  that  the  States-General,  guided  by  Barneveld,  most 
vigorously  suppressed  the  local  revolt  and  the  incipient 
secession,  while  Prince  Maurice,  the  right  arm  of  the  execu- 
tive, the  stadholder  of  the  province,  and  the  representative  of 
the  military  power  of  the  Commonwealth,  was  languid  in  the 
exertion  of  that  power,  inclined  to  listen  to  the  specious 
arguments  of  the  Utrecht  rebels,  and  accused  at  least  of 
tampering  with  the  fell  spirit  which  the  Advocate  was 
resolute  to  destroy.  Yet  there  was  no  suspicion  of  treason, 


1  One  of  whom  was  Tnuriuus,  au-  *  Wagenaar,  tibi sup.  Manuscripts 
thor  of  a  famous  pamphlet,  to  which  in  the  Hague  Archives  relating  to  the 
allusion  will  be  made  later  |  tumults  at  Utrecht,  passim. 


166 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  IV. 


no  taint  of  rebellion,  no  accusation  of  unpatriotic  motives 
uttered  against  the  Stadholder. 

There  was  a  doubt  as  to  the  true  maxims  by  which  the 
Confederacy  was  to  be  governed,  and  at  this  moment,  cer- 
tainly, the  Prince  and  the  Advocate  represented  opposite 
ideas.  There  was  a  possibility,  at  a  future  day,  when  the 
religious  and  political  parties  might  develop  themselves  on 
a  wider  scale  and  the  struggles  grow  fiercer,  that  the  two 
great  champions  in  the  conflict  might  exchange  swords  and 
inflict  mutual  and  poisoned  wounds.  At  present  the  party 
of  the  Union  had  triumphed,  with  Barneveld  at  its  head. 
At  a  later  but  not  far  distant  day,  similar  scenes  might  be 
enacted  in  the  ancient  city  of  Utrecht,  but  with  a  strange 
difference  and  change  in  the  cast  of  parts  and  with  far  more 
tragical  results. 

For  the  moment  the  moderate  party  in  the  Church,  those 
more  inclined  to  Arminianism  and  the  supremacy  of  the 
civil  authority  in  religious  matters,  had  asserted  their 
ascendency  in  the  States-General,  and  had  prevented  the 
threatened  rupture.1 

Meantime  it  wras  doubly  necessary  to  hasten  the  special 
embassies  to  France  and  to  England,  in  both  which  countries 
much  anxiety  as  to  the  political  health  and  strength  of  the 
new  republic  had  been  excited  by  these  troubles  in  Utrecht. 
It  was  important  for  the  States-General  to  show  that  they 
were  not  crippled,  and  would  not  shrink  from  the  coming 
^conflict,  but  would  justify  the  reliance  placed  on  them  by 
their  allies. 

Thus  there  were  reasons  enough  why  Barneveld  could 
not  himself  leave  the  country  in  the  eventful  spring  of  1610. 
It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that  he  was  not  backward  in 


1  There  is  a  great  mass  of  manu- 
scripts in  the  Archives  of  the  Hague 
relative  to  these  troubles  of  Utrecht, 
the  greater  part  of  them  in  the 


handwriting  of  Barneveld.  As  much 
of  their  substance  as  now  possesses 
vital  interest  has  been  given  in  our 
narrative. 


1610.     SPECIAL  EMBASSIES  TO  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.      167 

placing  his  nearest  relatives  in  places  of  honour,  trust,  and 
profit. 

His  eldest  son  Keinier,  Seignior  of  Groeneveld,  had  been 
knighted  by  Henry  IV.;  his  youngest,  William,  afterwards 
called  Seignior  of  Stoutenburg,  but  at  this  moment  bearing 
the  not  very  mellifluous  title  of  Craimgepolder,  was  a 
gentleman-in-waiting  at  that  king's  court,  with  a  salary 
of  3000  crowns  a  year.1  He  was  rather  a  favourite  with 
the  easy-going  monarch,  but  he  gave  infinite  trouble  to  the 
Dutch  ambassador  Aerssens,  who,  feeling  himself  under 
immense  obligations  to  the  Advocate  and  professing  for  him 
boundless  gratitude,  did  his  best  to  keep  the  idle,  turbulent, 
extravagant,  and  pleasure-loving  youth  up  to  the  strict  line 
of  his  duties. 

"  Your  son  is  in  debt  again,"  wrote  Aerssens,  on  one  occa- 
sion, "  and  troubled  for  money.  He  is  in  danger  of  going  to 
the  usurers.  He  says  he  cannot  keep  himself  for  less  than 
200  crowns  a  month.  This  is  a  large  allowance,  but  he 
has  spent  much  more  than  that.  His  life  is  not  irregular 
nor  his  dress  remarkably  extravagant.  His  difficulty  is  that 
he  will  not  dine  regularly  with  me  nor  at  court.  He  will 
keep  his  own  table  and  have  company  to  dinner.  That  is 
what  is  ruining  him.  He  comes  sometimes  to  me,  not  for 
the  dinner  nor  the  company,  but  for  tennis,  which  he  finds 
better  in  my  faubourg  than  in  town.  His  trouble  comes 
from  the  table,  and  I  tell  you  frankly  that  you  must  regulate 
his  expenses  or  they  will  become  very  onerous  to  you.  I  am 
ashamed  of  them  and  have  told  him  so  a  hundred  times, 
more  than  if  he  had  been  my  own  brother.  It  is  all  for  love 
of  you  ....  I  have  been  all  to  him  that  could  be  expected 
of  a  man  who  is  under  such  vast  obligations  to  you  ;  and  I  so 
much  esteem  the  honour  of  your  friendship  that  I  should 
always  neglect  my  private  affairs  in  order  to  do  everything 
»  See  Vrcede,  •  Inl.  Ned.  Dipl.' 


1G8 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 


for  your  service  and  meet  your  desires If  M.  de 

Craimgepolder  comes  back  from  his  visit  home,  you  must 
restrict  him  in  two  things,  the  table  and  tennis,  and  you  can 
do  this  if  you  require  him  to  follow  the  King  assiduously  as 
his  service  requires."  l 

Something  at  a  future  day  was  to  be  heard  of  William 
of  Barneveld,  as  well  as  of  his  elder  brother  Reinier, 
and  it  is  good,  therefore,  to  have  these  occasional  glimpses 
of  him  while  in  the  service  of  the  King  and  under  the 
supervision  of  one  who  was  then  his  father's  devoted  friend, 
Francis  Aerssens.  There  were  to  be  extraordinary  and 
tragical  changes  in  the  relations  of  parties  and  of  individuals 
ere  many  years  should  go  by. 

Besides  the  sons  of  the  Advocate,  his  two  sons-in-law, 
Brederode,  Seignior  of  Yeenhuizen,  and  Cornells  van  der 
Myle,  were  constantly  employed  in  important  embassies. 
Van  der  Myle  had  been  the  first  ambassador  to  the  great 
Venetian  republic,  and  was  now  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
embassy  to  France,  an  office  which  it  was  impossible  at  that 
moment  for  the  Advocate  to  discharge.  At  the  same  critical 
moment  Barneveld's  brother  Elias,  Pensionary  of  Rotter- 
dam, was  appointed  one  of  the  special  high  commissioners  to 
the  King  of  Great  Britain. 

It  is  necessary  to  give  an  account  of  this  embassy. 

They  were  provided  with  luminous  and  minute  instruc- 
tions from  the  hand  of  the  Advocate.2 

They  were,  in  the  first  place,  and  ostensibly,  to  thank  the 
King  for  his  services  in  bringing  about  the  truce,  which,  truly, 


1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  5  March 
1609.  (MS.)  Same  to  same,  28 
March  1609.  (MS.) 

*  '  Rapport  van  den  Heeren  Gecom- 
mitteerdengeweesthebbendeinEnge- 
landtinder  Jaerel610.'  (MS.  Hague 
Archives.)  Many  citations  will  be 
made  from  this  important  report, 
which  haa  never  been  published. 


The  members  of  the  embassy  were : 
John  van  Duivenvoorde,  Seignior  of 
Warmond;  John  Berck, Pensionary  of 
Dordrecht ;  Albert  de  Veer,  Pension- 
ary of  Amsterdam  ;  Elias  van  Olden- 
barneveld,  Pensionary  of  Rotterdam ; 
and  Albert  Joachimi,  deputy  from 
Zealand  to  the  States-General 


1610.  SPECIAL  EMBASSY  TO  ENGLAND.  169 

had  been  of  the  slightest,  as  was  very  well  known.  They 
were  to  explain,  on  the  part  of  the  States,  their  delay  in 
sending  this  solemn  commission,  caused  by  the  tardiness  of 
the  King  of  Spain  in  sending  his  ratification  to  the  treaty, 
and  by  the  many  disputations  caused  by  the  irresolutions  of 
the  Archdukes  and  the  obstinacy  of  their  commissioners  in 
regard  to  their  many  contraventions  of  the  treaty.  After 
those  commissioners  had  gone,  further  hindrances  had 
been  found  in  the  "  extraordinary  tempests,  high  floods, 
rising  of  the  waters,  both  of  the  ocean  and  the  rivers,  and 
the  very  disastrous  inundations  throughout  nearly  all  the 
United  Provinces,  with  the  immense  and  exorbitant  damage 
thus  inflicted,  both  on  the  public  and  on  many  individuals  ; 
in  addition  to  all  which  were  to  be  mentioned  the  troubles 
in  the  city  of  Utrecht." 

They  were,  in  almost  hyperbolical  language,  directed  to 
express  the  eternal  gratitude  of  the  States  for  the  constant 
favours  received  by  them  from  the  crown  of  England,  and 
their  readiness  to  stand  forth  at  any  moment  with  sincere 
affection  and  to  the  utmost  of  their  power,  at  all  times  and 
seasons,  in  resistance  of  any  attempts  against  his  Majesty's 
person  or  crown,  or  against  the  Prince  of  Wales  or  the  royal 
family.  They  were  to  thank  him  for  his  "  prudent,  heroic, 
and  courageous  resolve  to  suffer  nothing  to  be  done  under 
colour  of  justice,  authority,  or  any  other  pretext,  to  the 
hindrance  of  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg  and  Palatine  of 
Neuburg,  in  the  maintenance  of  their  lawful  rights  and 
possession  of  the  principalities  of  Julich,  Cleve,  and  Berg, 
and  other  provinces." 

By  this  course  his  Majesty,  so  the  commissioners  were  to 
state,  would  put  an  end  to  the  imaginations  of  those  who 
thought  they  could  give  the  law  to  everybody  according 
to  their  pleasure. 

They  were  to  assure  the  King   that  the  States-General 


170  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAENEVELD.        CHAP.  IV. 

would  exert  themselves  to  the  utmost  to  second  his  heroic 
resolution,  notwithstanding  the  enormous  burthens  of  their 
everlasting  war,  the  very  exorbitant  damage  caused  by  the 
inundations,  and  the  sensible  diminution  in  the  contributions 
and  other  embarrassments  then  existing  in  the  country. 

They  were  to  offer  2000  foot  and  500  horse  for  the 
general  purpose  under  Prince  Henry  of  Nassau,  besides 
the  succours  furnished  by  the  King  of  France  and  the 
electors  and  princes  of  Germany.  Further  assistance  in 
men,  artillery,  and  supplies  were  promised  under  certain 
contingencies,  and  the  plan  of  the  campaign  on  the  Meuse 
in  conjunction  with  the  King  of  France  was  duly  mapped. 

They  were  to  request  a  corresponding  promise  of  men  and 
money  from  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  and  they  were  to 
propose  for  his  approval  a  closer  convention  for  mutual 
assistance  between  his  Majesty,  the  United  Netherlands,  the 
King  of  France,  the  electors  and  princes  and  other  powers 
of  Germany ;  as  such  close  union  would  be  very  beneficial  to 
all  Christendom.  It  would  put  a  stop  to  all  unjust  occu- 
pations, attempts,  and  intrigues,  and  if  the  King  was  thereto 
inclined,  he  was  requested  to  indicate  time  and  place  for 
making  such  a  convention. 

The  commissioners  were  further  to  point  out  the  various 
contraventions  on  the  part  of  the  Archdukes  of  the  Treaty 
of  Truce,  and  were  to  give  an  exposition  of  the  manner 
in  which  the  States-General  had  quelled  the  tumults  at 
Utrecht,  and  reasons  why  such  a  course  had  of  necessity 
been  adopted. 

They  were  instructed  to  state  that,  "  over  and  above  the 
great  expenses  of  the  late  war  and  the  necessary  main- 
tenance of  military  forces  to  protect  their  frontiers  against 
their  suspected  new  friends  or  old  enemies,  the  Provinces 
were  burthened  with  the  cost  of  the  succour  to  the  Elector 
of  Brandenburg  and  Palatine  of  Neuburg,  and  would  be 


1610.  SPECIAL  EMBASSY  TO  ENGLAND.  171 

therefore  incapable  of  furnishing  the  payments  coming  due 
to  his  Majesty.  They  were  accordingly  to  sound  his  Majesty 
as  to  whether  a  good  part  of  the  debt  might  not  be  remitted 
or  at  least  an  arrangement  made  by  which  the  terms  should 
begin  to  run  only  after  a  certain  number  of  years." 

They  were  also  directed  to  open  the  subject  of  the  fisheries 
on  the  coasts  of  Great  Britain,  and  to  remonstrate  against 
the  order  lately  published  by  the  King  forbidding  all 
foreigners  from  fishing  on  those  coasts.  This  was  to  be  set 
forth  as  an  infringement  both  of  natural  law  and  of  ancient 
treaties,  and  as  a  source  of  infinite  danger  to  the  inhabitants 
of  the  United  Provinces.1 

The  Seignior  of  Wannond,  chief  of  the  commission,  died 
on  the  15th  April.  His  colleagues  met  at  Brielle  on  the 
16th,  ready  to  take  passage  to  England  in  the  ship-  A  ril  15 
of  war,  the  Hound.  They  were,  however,  detained  161°- 
there  six  days  by  head  winds  and  great  storms,  and  it  was 
not  until  the  22nd  that  they  were  able  to  put  to  sea.  The 
following  evening  their  ship  cast  anchor  in  Gravesend.  Half 
an  hour  before,  the  Duke  of  Wurtemberg  had  arrived  from 
Flushing  in  a  ship  of  war  brought  from  France  by  the 
Prince  of  Anhalt. 

Sir  Lewis  Lewkener,  master  of  ceremonies,  had  been 
waiting  for  the  ambassadors  at  Gravesend,  and  informed 
them  that  the  royal  barges  were  to  come  next  morning  from 
London  to  take  them  to  town.  They  remained  that  night 
on  board  the  Hound,  and  next  morning,  the  wind  blowing  up 
the  river,  they  proceeded  in  their  ship  as  for  as  Blackwall, 
where  they  were  formally  received  and  bade  welcome  in  the 
name  of  the  King  by  Sir  Thomas  Cornwallis  and  Sir  George 
Carew,  late  ambassador  in  France.  Escorted  by  them  and 
Sir  Lewis,  they  were  brought  in  the  court  barges  to  Tower 
Wharf.  Here  the  royal  coaches  were  waiting,  in  which  they 

1  Instructions,  dated  31  March  1010,  in  tho  Report  already  cited.    (MS.) 


172  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  IV. 

were  taken  to  lodgings  provided  for  them  in  the  city  at  the 
house  of  a  Dutch  merchant.  Noel  de  Caron,  Seignior  of 
Schonewal,  resident  ambassador  of  the  States  in  London,  was 
likewise  there  to  greet  them.  This  was  Saturday  night. 
On  the  following  Tuesday  they  went  by  appointment  to  the 
April  27,  Palace  of  Whitehall  in  royal  carriages  for  their  first 

i6io.  audience.  Manifestations  of  as  entire  respect  and 
courtesy  had  thus  been  made  to  the  Republican  envoys 
as  could  be  shown  to  the  ambassadors  of  the  greatest  sove- 
reigns. They  found  the  King  seated  on  his  throne  in  the 
audience  chamber,  accompanied  by  the  Prince  of  Wales,  the 
Duke  of  York,  the  Lord  High  Treasurer  and  Lord  High 
Admiral,  the  Duke  of  Lenox,  the  Earls  of  Arundel  and 
Northampton,  and  many  other  great  nobles  and  dignitaries. 
James  rose  from  his  seat,  took  off  his  hat,  and  advanced 
several  paces  to  meet  the  ambassadors,  and  bade  them 
courteously  and  respectfully  welcome.  He  then  expressed 
his  regret  at  the  death  of  the  Seignior  of  Warmond,  and 
after  the  exchange  of  a  few  commonplaces  listened,  still 
with  uncovered  head,  to  the  opening  address.1 

The  spokesman,  after  thanking  the  King  for  his  con- 
dolences on  the  death  of  the  chief  commissioner,  whom,  as 
was  stated  with  whimsical  simplicity,  "  the  good  God  had 
called  to  Himself  after  all  his  luggage  had  been  put  on 
board  ship," 2  proceeded  in  the  French  language  to  give  a 
somewhat  abbreviated  paraphrase  of  Barneveld's  instructions. 

When  this  was  done  and  intimation  made  that  they  would 
confer  more  fully  with  his  Majesty's  council  on  the  subjects 
committed  to  their  charge,  the  ambassadors  were  conducted 
home  with  the  same  ceremonies  as  had  accompanied  their 
arrival.  They  received  the  same  day  the  first  visit  from  the 
ambassadors  of  France  and  Venice,  Boderie  and  Carrero, 
and  had  a  long  conference  a  few  days  afterwards  with  the 
High  Treasurer,  Lord  Salisbury. 

1  MS.  before  cited  «  Ibid. 


1610.  SPECIAL  EMBASSY  TO  ENGLAND.  173 

On  the  3rd  May  they  were  invited  to  attend  the  pompous 
celebration  of  the  festival  of  St.  George  in  the  palace  at  West- 
minster, where  they  were  placed  together  with  the    May  8, 
French  ambassador  in  the  King's  oratorium ;  the      1610< 
Dukes  of  Wiirtemberg  and  Brunswick  being  in  that  of  the 
Queen. 

These  details  are  especially  to  be  noted,  and  were  at  the 
moment  of  considerable  importance,  for  this  was  the  first 
solemn  and  extraordinary  embassy  sent  by  the  rebel  Nether- 
landers,  since  their  independent  national  existence  had  been 
formally  vindicated,  to  Great  Britain,  a  power  which  a  quarter 
of  a  century  before  had  refused  the  proffered  sovereignty 
over  them.  Placed  now  on  exactly  the  same  level  with  the 
representatives  of  emperors  and  kings,  the  Kepublican  envoys 
found  themselves  looked  upon  by  the  world  with  different 
eyes  from  those  which  had  regarded  their  predecessors 
askance,  and  almost  with  derision,  only  seven  years  before. 
At  that  epoch  the  States'  commissioners,  Barneveld  himself 
at  the  head  of  them,  had  gone  solemnly  to  congratulate 
King  James  on  his  accession,  had  scarcely  been  admitted  to 
audience  by  king  or  minister,  and  had  found  themselves  on 
great  festivals  unsprinkled  with  the  holy  water  of  the  court, 
and  of  no  more  account  than  the  crowd  of  citizens  and 
spectators  who  thronged  the  streets,  gazing  with  awe  at  the 
distant  radiance  of  the  throne.1 

But  although  the  ambassadors  were  treated  with  every 
external  consideration  befitting  their  official  rank,  they  were 
not  likely  to  find  themselves  in  the  most  genial  atmosphere 
when  they  should  come  to  business  details.  If  there  was 
one  thing  in  the  world  that  James  did  not  intend  to  do,  it 
was  to  get  himself  entangled  in  war  with  Spain,  the  power 
of  all  others  which  he  most  revered  and  loved.  His  "  heroic 
and  courageous  resolve  "  to  defend  the  princes,  on  which  the 
commissioners  by  instructions  of  the  Advocate  had  so  highly 

1  '  Hist.  United  Netherlands,'  vol.  iv.  chap.  xli. 


174  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 

complimented  him,  was  not  strong  enough  to  cany  him 
much  beyond  a  vigorous  phraseology.  He  had  not  awoke 
from  the  delusive  dream  of  the  Spanish  marriage  which  had 
dexterously  been  made  to  flit  before  him,  and  ho  was  not 
inclined,  for  the  sake  of  the  Kepublic  which  he  hated  the 
more  because  obliged  to  be  one  of  its  sponsors,  to  risk 
the  animosity  of  a  great  power  which  entertained  the  most 
profound  contempt  for  him.  He  was  destined  to  find  himself 
involved  more  closely  than  he  liked,  and  through  family  ties, 
with  the  great  Protestant  movement  in  Germany,  and  the 
unfortunate  "  Winter  King"  might  one  day  find  his  father- 
in-law  as  unstable  a  reed  to  lean  upon  as  the  States  had 
found  their  godfather,  or  the  Brandenburgs  and  Neuburgs 
at  the  present  juncture  their  great  ally.  Meantime,  as  the 
Bohemian  troubles  had  not  yet  reached  the  period  of  actual 
explosion,  and  as  Henry's  wide-reaching  plan  against  the 
House  of  Austria  had  been  strangely  enough  kept  an  in- 
violable secret  by  the  few  statesmen,  like  Sully  and  Barne- 
veld,  to  whom  they  had  been  confided,  it  was  necessary  for 
the  King  and  his  ministers  to  deal  cautiously  and  plausibly 
with  the  Dutch  ambassadors.  Their  conferences  were  mere 
dancing  among  eggs,  and  if  no  actual  mischief  were  done,  it 
was  the  best  result  that  could  be  expected. 

On  the  8th  of  May,  the  commissioners  met  in  the  council 

chamber  at   Westminster,   and   discussed   all  the  matters 

May  8,     contained  in  their  instructions  with  the  members 

1610.  of  ^.]ie  counci;[  •  the  Lord  Treasurer  Salisbury,  Earl 
of  Northampton,  Privy  Seal  and  Warden  of  the  Cinque  Ports, 
Lord  Nottingham,  Lord  High  Admiral,  the  Lord  Chamber- 
lain, Earl  of  Suffolk,  Earls  of  Shrewsbury,  Worcester,  and 
several  others  being  present. 

The  result  was  not  entirely  satisfactory.  In  regard  to  the 
succour  demanded  for  the  possessory  princes,  the  commis- 
sioners were  told  that  they  seemed  to  come  with  a  long 


1610.  SPECIAL  EMBASSY  TO  ENGLAND.  175 

narrative  of  their  great  burthens  during  the  war,  damage 
from  inundations,  and  the  like,  to  excuse  themselves  from 
doing  their  share  in  the  succour,  and  thus  the  more  to  over- 
load his  Majesty,  who  was  not  much  interested  in  the  matter, 
and  was  likewise  greatly  encumbered  by  various  expenses. 
The  King  had  already  frankly  declared  his  intention  to 
assist  the  princes  with  the  payment  of  4000  men,  and  to 
send  proportionate  artillery  and  powder  from  England.  As 
the  States  had  supplies  in  their  magazines  enough  to  move 
12,000  men,  he  proposed  to  draw  upon  those,  reimbursing 
the  States  for  what  was  thus  consumed  by  his  contingent. 

With  regard  to  the  treaty  of  close  alliance  between  France, 
Great  Britain,  the  princes,  and  the  Kepublic,  which  the 
ambassadors  had  proposed,  the  Lord  Treasurer  and  his 
colleagues  gave  a  reply  far  from  gratifying.  His  Majesty 
had  not  yet  decided  on  this  point,  they  said.  The  King  of 
France  had  already  proposed  to  treat  for  such  an  alliance, 
but  it  did  not  at  present  seem  worth  while  for  all  to  nego- 
tiate together. 

This  was  a  not  over-courteous  hint  that  the  Republic  was 
after  all  not  expected  to  place  herself  at  the  council-board  of 
kings  on  even  terms  of  intimacy  and  fraternal  alliance 

What  followed  was  even  less  flattering.  If  his  Majesty, 
it  was  intimated,  should  decide  to  treat  with  the  King  of 
France,  he  would  not  shut  the  door  on  their  High  Mighti- 
nesses ;  but  his  Majesty  was  not  yet  exactly  informed  whether 
his  Majesty  had  not  certain  rights  over  the  provinces  in 
petitorio.1 

This  was  a  scarcely  veiled  insinuation  against  the  sove- 
reignty of  the  States,  a  sufficiently  broad  hint  that  they 
were  to  be  considered  in  a  certain  degree  as  British  pro- 
vinces. To  a  soldier  like  Maurice,  to  a  statesman  like 
Barneveld,  whose  sympathies  already  were  on  the  side  of 

1  MS.  Report. 


176  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV 

France,  such  rebuffs  and  taunts  were  likely  to  prove  un- 
palatable. Tbe  restiveness  of  the  States  at  the  continual 
possession  by  Great  Britain  of  those  important  sea-ports  the 
cautionary  towns,  a  fact  which  gave  colour  to  these  innuendoes, 
was  sure  to  be  increased  by  arrogant  language  on  the  part 
of  the  English  ministers.  The  determination  to  be  rid  of 
their  debt  to  so  overbearing  an  ally,  and  to  shake  off  the 
shackles  imposed  by  the  costly  mortgages,  grew  in  strength 
from  that  hour. 

In  regard  to  the  fisheries,  the  Lord  Treasurer  and  his 
colleagues  expressed  amazement  that  the  ambassadors  should 
consider  the  subjects  of  their  High  Mightinesses  to  be  so 
much  beloved  by  his  Majesty.  Why  should  they  of  all 
other  people  be  made  an  exception  of,  and  be  exempt  from, 
the  action  of  a  general  edict  ?  The  reasons  for  these  orders 
in  council  ought  to  be  closely  examined.  It  would  be  very 
difficult  to  bring  the  opinions  of  the  English  jurists  into 
harmony  with  those  of  the  States.  Meantime  it  would  be 
well  to  look  up  such  treaties  as  might  be  in  existence,  and 
have  a  special  joint  commission  to  confer  together  on  the 
subject.  It  was  very  plain,  from  the  course  of  the  conversa- 
tion, that  the  Netherland  fishermen  were  not  to  be  allowed, 
without  paying  roundly  for  a  license,  to  catch  herrings  on 
the  British  coasts  as  they  had  heretofore  done. 

Not  much  more  of  importance  was  transacted  at  this  first 
interview  between  the  ambassadors  and  the  King's  ministers. 
Certainly  they  had  not  yet  succeeded  in  attaining  their  great 
object,  the  formation  of  an  alliance  offensive  and  defensive 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  Eepublic  in  accordance 
with  the  plan  concerted  between  Henry  and  Barneveld. 
They  could  find  but  slender  encouragement  for  the  warlike 
plans  to  which  France  and  the  States  were  secretly  com- 
mitted ;  nor  could  they  obtain  satisfactory  adjustment  of 
affairs  more  pacific  and  commercial  in  their  tendencies.  The 


1610.  SPECIAL  EMBASSY  TO  ENGLAND.  177 

English  ministers  rather  petulantly  remarked  that,  while 
last  year  everybody  was  talking  of  a  general  peace,  and  in 
the  present  conjuncture  all  seemed  to  think,  or  at  least  to 
speak,  of  nothing  but  a  general  war,  they  thought  best  to  defer 
consideration  of  the  various  subjects  connected  with  duties 
on  the  manufactures  and  products  of  the  respective  countries, 
the  navigation  laws,  the  "  entrecours"  and  other  matters  of 
ancient  agreement  and  controversy,  until  a  more  convenient 
season.1 

After  the  termination  of  the  verbal  conference,  the  am- 
bassadors delivered  to  the  King's  government,  in  writing,  to 
be  pondered  by  the  council  and  recorded  in  the  archives,  a 
summary  of  the  statements  which  had  been  thus  orally 
treated.  The  document  was  in  French,  and  in  the  main  a 
paraphrase  of  the  Advocate's  instructions,  the  substance  of 
which  has  been  already  indicated.  In  regard,  however,  to 
the  far-reaching  designs  of  Spain,  and  the  corresponding 
attitude  which  it  would  seem  fitting  for  Great  Britain  to 
assume,  and  especially  the  necessity  of  that  alliance  the 
proposal  for  which  had  in  the  conference  been  received  so 
haughtily,  their  language  was  far  plainer,  bolder,  and  more 
vehement  than  that  of  the  instructions. 

"  Considering  that  the  effects  show,"  they  said,  "  that 
those  who  claim  the  monarchy  of  Christendom,  and  indeed 
of  the  whole  world,  let  slip  no  opportunity  which  could  in 
any  way  serve  their  designs,  it  is  suitable  to  the  grandeur  of 
his  Majesty  the  King,  and  to  the  station  in  which  by  the 
grace  of  the  good  God  he  is  placed,  to  oppose  himself  thereto 
for  the  sake  of  the  common  liberty  of  Christendom,  to  which 
end,  and  in  order  the  better  to  prevent  all  unjust  usurpations, 
there  could  be  no  better  means  devised  than  a  closer  alliance 
between  his  Majesty  and  the  Most  Christian  King,  My  Lords 
the  States-General,  and  the  electors,  princes,  and  states  of 

1  "  Rapport,"  &c. 
VOL.   I.  N 


178 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 


Germany.  Their  High  Mightinesses  would  therefore  be 
most  glad  to  learn  that  his  Majesty  was  inclined  to  such  a 
course,  and  would  be  glad  to  discuss  the  subject  when  and 
wherever  his  Majesty  should  appoint,  or  would  readily  enter 
into  such  an  alliance  on  reasonable  conditions." 1 

This  language  and  the  position  taken  up  by  the  ambas- 
sadors were  highly  approved  by  their  government,  but  it 
was  fated  that  no  very  great  result  was  to  be  achieved  by 
this  embassy.  Very  elaborate  documents,  exhaustive  in 
legal  lore,  on  the  subject  of  the  herring  fisheries,  and  of  the 
right  to  fish  in  the  ocean  and  on  foreign  coasts,  fortified  by 
copious  citations  from  the  'Pandects'  and  'Institutes'  of 
Justinian,  were  presented  for  the  consideration  of  the  British 
government,  and  were  answered  as  learnedly,  exhaustively, 
and  ponderously.  The  English  ministers  were  also  reminded 
that  the  curing  of  herrings  had  been  invented  in  the  fifteenth 
century  by  a  citizen  of  Biervliet,  the  inscription  on  whose 
tombstone  recording  that  fact  might  still  be  read  in  the 
church  of  that  town. 

All  this  did  not  prevent,  however,  the  Dutch  herring 
fishermen  from  being  excluded  from  the  British  waters  unless 
they  chose  to  pay  for  licenses. 

The  conferences  were  however  for  a  season  interrupted, 
and  a  new  aspect  was  given  to  affairs  by  an  unforeseen  and 
terrible  event. 

Meanwhile  it  is  necessary  to  glance  for  a  moment  at  the 
doings  of  the  special  embassy  to  France,  the  instructions  for 
which  were  prepared  by  Barneveld  almost  at  the  same 
moment  at  which  he  furnished  those  for  the  commission  to 
England. 

The  ambassadors  were  Walraven,  Seignior  of  Brederode, 


1  "  Raisons  que  les  Ambassadeurs 
de  Mess™  les  Etats-gen*  des  Pro- 
vinces-Unies  pensent  militer  pour  la 


conservation  et  maintenement  du 
droit  de  la  pecherie." — Art.  xsiil 
"  Rapport,"  &c.  ubi  sup.  (MS.) 


1010.  SPECIAL  EMBASSY  TO  FRANCE.  179 

Cornells  van  der  Myle,  son-in-law  of  the  Advocate,  and 
Jacob  van  Maldere.  Remembering  how  impatient  the 
King  of  France  had  long  been  for  their  coming,  and  that  all 
the  preparations  and  decisions  for  a  great  war  were  kept  in 
suspense  until  the  final  secret  conferences  could  be  held  with 
the  representatives  of  the  States-General,  it  seems  strange 
enough  to  us  to  observe  the  extreme  deliberation  with  which 
great  affairs  of  state  were  then  conducted  and  the  vast 
amount  of  time  consumed  in  movements  and  communications 
which  modern  science  has  either  annihilated  or  abridged 
from  days  to  hours.  While  Henry  was  chafing  with  anxiety 
in  Paris,  the  ambassadors,  having  received  Barneveld's 
instructions  dated  31st  March,  set  forth  on  the  8th  April 
from  the  Hague,  reached  Rotterdam  at  noon,  and  slept  at 
Dordrecht.  Next  day  they  went  to  Breda,  where  the  Prince 
of  Orange  insisted  upon  their  passing  a  couple  of  days  with 
him  in  his  castle,  Easter-day  being  llth  April.  He  then 
provided  them  with  a  couple  of  coaches  and  pair  in  which 
they  set  forth  on  their  journey,  going  by  way  of  Antwerp, 
Ghent,  Courtray,  Ryssel,  to  Arras,  making  easy  stages, 
stopping  in  the  middle  of  the  day  to  bait,  and  sleeping  at 
each  of  the  cities  thus  mentioned,  where  they  duly  received 
the  congratulatory  visit  and  hospitalities  of  their  respective 
magistracies.1 

While  all  this  time  had  been  leisurely  employed  in  the 
Netherlands  in  preparing,  instructing,  and  despatching  the 
commissioners,  affairs  were  reaching  a  feverish  crisis  in 
France.  ' 

The  States'  ambassador  resident  thought  that  it  would  have 
been  better  not  to  take  such  public  offence  at  the  retreat  of 


1  "  Rapport  ofto  Verhael  van  't 
gene  datin  de  Legatie  aen  den  aller- 
christelyksten  Koninck  by  don  Wel- 
ge'.x>ren  Hcnr  Walraven,  Hccr  tot 
Bredcrodc,  Viannn  etc.  cndo  de  Ilcer 
Cornelius  van  dcr  Myle  en  Jacques 


van  Malderen  is  geproponecrt,  gehnn- 
delt  etc.  tot  afschrift  gegeven."  (Ar- 
chives at  the  Hague,  MS.)  Several 
citations  will  be  made  from  this  im- 
portant and  unpublished  document. 


180 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV 


the  Prince  of  Conde.  The  King  had  enough  of  life  and 
vigour  in  him ;  he  could  afford  to  leave  the  Dauphin  to 
grow  up,  and  when  he  should  one  day  be  established  on  the 
throne,  he  would  be  able  to  maintain  his  heritage.  "  But," 
said  Aerssens,  "  I  fear  that  our  trouble  is  not  where  we  say  it 
is,  and  we  don't  dare  to  say  where  it  is." *  Writing  to  Carew, 
former  English  ambassador  in  Paris,  whom  we  have  just 
seen  in  attendance  on  the  States'  commissioners  in  London, 
he  said  :  "  People  think  that  the  Princess  is  wearying  herself 
much  under  the  protection  of  the  Infanta,  and  very  impatient 
at  not  obtaining  the  dissolution  of  her  marriage,  which  the 
Duchess  of  Angouleme  is  to  go  to  Brussels  to  facilitate. 
This  is  not  our  business,  but  I  mention  it  only  as  the  conti- 
nuation of  the  Tragedy  which  you  saw  begin.  Nevertheless 
I  don't  know  if  the  greater  part  of  our  deliberations  is  not 
founded  on  this  matter." 2 

It  had  been  decided  to  cause  the  Queen  to  be  solemnly 
crowned  after  Easter.  She  had  set  her  heart  with  singular 
persistency  upon  the  ceremony,  and  it  was  thought  that  so 
public  a  sacrament  would  annihilate  all  the  wild  projects 
attributed  to  Spain  through  the  instrumentality  of  Conde  to 
cast  doubts  on  the  validity  of  her  marriage  and  the  legi- 
timacy of  the  Dauphin.  The  King  from  the  first  felt  and 
expressed  a  singular  repugnance,  a  boding  apprehension  in 
regard  to  the  coronation,  but  had  almost  yielded  to  the 
Queen's  importunity.  He  told  her  he  would  give  his  consent 
provided  she  sent  Concini  to  Brussels  to  invite  in  her  own 
name  the  Princess  of  Conde  to  be  present  on  the  occasion. 
Otherwise  he  declared  that  at  least  the  festival  should  be 
postponed  till  September.3 


1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  9  March 
1610.  (MS.) 

*  Same  to  Carew,  10  March  1610. 
(MS.) 

8  "...  eur  les  tres-expres  desir  qu'il 


soit  au  mois  de  Mai,  mais  a  condition 
que  le  Sr  Concini  en  son  nom  aille 
querir  la  princesse  de  Conde  a  Brux- 
elles  pour  y  assister,"  &c. — Aerssens 
to  Barneveld,  30  March  1610.  (MS.) 


1610.  ANGER  OF  THE  KING  WITH  SPAIN.  181 

The  Marquis  de  Coeuvres  remained  in  disgrace  after  the 
failure  of  his  mission,  Henry  believing  that  like  all  the 
world  he  had  fallen  in  love  with  the  Princess,  and  had  only 
sought  to  recommend  himself,  not  to  further  the  suit  of  his 
sovereign.1 

Meanwhile  Henry  had  instructed  his  ambassador  in  Spain, 
M.  de  Vaucelas,  to  tell  the  King  that  his  reception  of  Conde 
within  his  dominions  would  be  considered  an  infraction  of 
the  treaty  of  Vervins  and  a  direct  act  of  hostility.  The 
Duke  of  Lerma  answered  with  a  sneer2  that  the  Most 
Christian  King  had  too  greatly  obliged  his  Most  Catholic 
Majesty  by  sustaining  his  subjects  in  their  rebellion  and  by 
aiding  them  to  make  their  truce  to  hope  now  that  Conde 
would  be  sent  back.  France  had  ever  been  the  receptacle 
of  Spanish  traitors  and  rebels  from  Antonio  Perez  down,  and 
the  King  of  Spain  would  always  protect  wronged  and 
oppressed  princes  like  Conde.  France  had  just  been  breaking 
up  the  friendly  relations  between  Savoy  and  Spain  and 
goading  the  Duke  into  hostilities. 

On  the  other  hand  the  King  had  more  than  one  stormy 
interview  with  Don  Inigo  de  Cardenas  in  Paris.  That  ambas- 
sador declared  that  his  master  would  never  abandon  his  only 
sister  the  most  serene  Infanta,  such  was  the  affection  he  bore 
her,  whose  dominions  were  obviously  threatened  by  these 
French  armies  about  to  move  to  the  frontiers.  Henry  replied 
that  the  friends  for  whom  he  was  arming  had  great  need  of  his 
assistance  ;  that  his  Catholic  Majesty  was  quite  right  to  love 
his  sister,  whom  he  also  loved  ;  but  that  he  did  not  choose  that 
his  own  relatives  should  be  so  much  beloved  in  Spain  as  they 
were.  "  What  relatives  ?  "  asked  Don  Inigo.  "  The  Prince 
of  Conde,"  replied  the  King,  in  a  rage,  "  who  has  been  de- 
bauched by  the  Spaniards  just  as  Marshal  Biron  was,  and  tho 

1  Aeresens  to  Barnevcld,  30  March  1610.    (MS.) 
*  Same  to  same,  9  March  1610.    (MS.) 


182  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  IV. 

Marchioness  Verneuil,  and  so  many  others.  There  are  none 
left  for  them  to  debauch  now  but  the  Dauphin  and  his 
brothers."  The  Ambassador  replied  that,  if  the  King  had 
consulted  him  about  the  affair  of  Conde,  he  could  have 
devised  a  happy  issue  from  it.  Henry  rejoined  that  he  had 
sent  messages  on  the  subject  to  his  Catholic  Majesty,  who 
had  not  deigned  a  response,  but  that  the  Duke  of  Lerma  had 
given  a  very  indiscreet  one  to  his  ambassador.  Don  Inigo 
professed  ignorance  of  any  such  reply.  The  King  said  it  was 
a  mockery  to  affect  ignorance  of  such  matters.  Thereupon 
both  grew  excited  and  very  violent  in  their  discourses  ;  the 
more  so  as  Henry  knowing  but  little  Spanish  and  the  Envoy 
less  French  they  could  only  understand  from  tone  and 
gesture  that  each  was  using  exceedingly  unpleasant 
language.  At  last  Don  Inigo  asked  what  he  should  write 
to  his  sovereign.  "Whatever  you  like,"  replied  the  King, 
and  so  the  audience  terminated,  each  remaining  in  a  tower- 
ing passion.1 

Subsequently  Villeroy  assured  the  Archduke's  ambassador 
that  the  King  considered  the  reception  given  to  the  Prince 
in  the  Spanish  dominions  as  one  of  the  greatest  insults  and 
injuries  that  could  be  done  to  him.  Nothing  could  excuse  it, 
said  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  for  this  reason  it  was  very 
difficult  for  the  two  kings  to  remain  at  peace  with  each 
other,  and  that  it  would  be  wiser  to  prevent  at  once  the  evil 
designs  of  his  Catholic  Majesty  than  to  leave  leisure  for  the 
»  plans  to  be  put  into  execution,  and  the  claims  of  the  Dauphin 
to  his  father's  crown  to  be  disputed  at  a  convenient  season. 

He  added  that  war  would  not  be  made  for  the  Princess,  but 
for  the  Prince,  and  that  even  the  war  in  Germany,  although 
Spain  took  the  Emperor's  side  and  France  that  of  the  pos- 
sessory princes,  would  not  necessarily  produce  a  rupture 
between  the  two  kings  if  it  were  not  for  this  affair  of  the 

1  Pecquius  to  Archduke  Albert,  7  April  1610,  in  Henrard. 


1610.      ANGER  OF  THE  KING  WITH  THE  ARCHDUKES.         183 

Prince — true  cause  of  the  disaster  now  hanging  over  Chris- 
tianity. Pecquius  replied  by  smooth  commonplaces  in  favour 
of  peace  with  which  Villeroy  warmly  concurred  ;  both  sadly 
expressing  the  conviction  however  that  the  wrath  divine  had 
descended  on  them  all  on  account  of  their  sins.1 

A  few  days  later,  however,  the  Secretary  changed  his  tone. 

"  I  will  speak  to  you  frankly  and  clearly,"  he  said 
to  Pecquius,  "and  tell  you  as  from  myself  that  there  is 
passion,  and  if  one  is  willing  to  arrange  the  affair  of  the 
Princess,  everything  else  can  be  accommodated  and  appeased. 
But  if  the  Princess  remain  where  she  is,  we  are  on  the  eve  of 
a  rupture  which  may  set  fire  to  the  four  corners  of  Christen- 
dom." Pecquius  said  he  liked  to  talk  roundly,  and 
was  glad  to  find  that  he  had  not  been  mistaken  in  his 
opinion,  that  all  these  commotions  were  only  made  for  the 
Princess,  and  if  all  the  world  was  going  to  war,  she  would  be 
the  principal  subject  of  it.  He  could  not  marvel  sufficiently, 
he  said,  at  this  vehement  passion  which  brought  in  its  train 
so  great  and  horrible  a  conflagration ;  adding  many  argu- 
ments to  show  that  it  was  no  fault  of  the  Archdukes,  but 
that  he  who  was  the  cause  of  all  might  one  day  have  reason 
to  repent. 

Villeroy  replied  that  "  the  King  believed  the  Princess  to 
be  suffering  and  miserable  for  love  of  him,  and  that  there- 
fore he  felt  obliged  to  have  her  sent  back  to  her  father." 
Pecquius  asked  whether  in  his  conscience  the  Secretary  of 
State  believed  it  right  or  reasonable  to  make  war  for  such 
a  cause.  Villeroy  replied  by  asking  "  whether  even  admit- 
ting the  negative,  the  Ambassador  thought  it  were  wisely 
done  for  such  a  trifle,  for  a  formality,  to  plunge  into  extre- 
mities and  to  turn  all  Christendom  upside  down."  Pecquius, 
not  considering  honour  a  trifle  or  a  formality,  said  that  "  for 
nothing  in  the  world  would  his  Highness  the  Archduke 

1  Pecquius  to  Archduke  Albert,  7  April  1010,  in  Henrord. 


184  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAKNEVELD.         CHAP.  IV. 

descend  to  a  cowardly  action  or  to  anything  that  would  sully 
his  honour."  Villeroy  said  that  the  Prince  had  compelled 
his  wife,  pistol  in  hand,  to  follow  him  to  the  Netherlands,  and 
that  she  was  no  longer  bound  to  obey  a  husband  who  forsook 
country  and  king.  Her  father  demanded  her,  and  she  said 
"  she  would  rather  be  strangled  than  ever  to  return  to  the 
company  of  her  husband/'  The  Archdukes  were  not  justified 
in  keeping  her  against  her  will  in  perpetual  banishment.  He 
implored  the  Ambassador  in  most  pathetic  terms  to  devise 
some  means  of  sending  back  the  Princess,  saying  that  he 
who  should  find  such  expedient  would  do  the  greatest  good 
that  was  ever  done  to  Christianity,  and  that  otherwise  there 
was  no  guarantee  against  a  universal  war.  The  first  design 
of  the  King  had  been  merely  to  send  a  moderate  succour  to 
the  Princes  of  Brandenburg  and  Neuburg,  which  could  have 
given  no  umbrage  to  the  Archdukes,  but  now  the  bitterness 
growing  out  of  the  affairs  of  the  Prince  and  Princess  had 
caused  him  to  set  on  foot  a  powerful  army  to  do  worse.  He 
again  implored  Pecquius  to  invent  some  means  of  sending 
back  the  Princess,  and  the  Ambassador  besought  him 
ardently  to  divert  the  King  from  his  designs.  Of  this  the 
Secretary  of  State  left  little  hope  and  they  parted,  both 
very  low  and  dismal  in  mind.  Subsequent  conversations 
with  the  leading  councillors  of  state  convinced  Pecquius  that 
these  violent  menaces  were  only  used  to  shake  the  constancy 
of  the  Archduke,  but  that  they  almost  all  highly  disapproved 
the  policy  of  the  King.  "  If  this  war  goes  on,  we  are  all 
ruined,"  said  the  Duke  d'Epernon  to  the  Nuncius.1 

Thus  there  had  almost  ceased  to  be  any  grimacing  between 
the  two  kings,  although  it  was  still  a  profound  mystery 
where  or  when  hostilities  would  begin,  and  whether  they 
would  break  out  at  all.  Henry  frequently  remarked  that 
the  common  opinion  all  over  Europe  was  working  in  his 

1  Pecquius  to  Archduke  Albert,  19  April  1610.    (MS.) 


1610.          ARRANGEMENTS  OP  HENRY  FOR  THE  WAR.  185 

favour.  Few  people  in  or  out  of  France  believed  that  he 
meant  a  rupture,  or  that  his  preparations  were  serious.  Thus 
should  he  take  his  enemies  unawares  and  unprepared.1 
Even  Aerssens,  who  saw  him  almost  daily,  was  sometimes 
mystified,  in  spite  of  Henry's  vehement  assertions  that  he  was 
resolved  to  make  war  at  all  hazards  and  on  all  sides,  provided 
My  Lords  the  States  would  second  him  as  they  ought,  their 
own  existence  being  at  stake. 

"  For  God's  sake,"  cried  the  King,  "  let  us  take  the  bit 
into  our  mouths.  Tell  your  masters  that  I  am  quite  re- 
solved, and  that  I  am  shrieking  loudly  at  their  delays." 
He  asked  if  he  could  depend  on  the  States,  if  Barneveld 
especially  would  consent  to  a  league  with  him.  The  Am- 
bassador replied  that  for  the  affair  of  Cleve  and  Julich  he 
had  instructions  to  promise  entire  concurrence,  that  Bar- 
neveld was  most  resolute  in  the  matter,  and  had  always 
urged  the  enterprise  and  wished  information  as  to  the  levies 
making  in  France  and  other  military  preparations.2 

"  Tell  him,"  said  Henry,  "  that  they  are  going  on  exactly 
as  often  before  stated,  but  that  we  are  holding  everything  in 
suspense  until  I  have  talked  with  your  ambassadors,  from 
whom  I  wish  counsel,  safety,  and  encouragement  for  doing 
much  more  than  the  Jiilich  business.  That  alone  does  not 
require  so  great  a  league  and  such  excessive  and  unnecessary 
expense." 

The  King  observed  however  that  the  question  of  the 
duchies  would  serve  as  just  cause  and  excellent  pretext  to 
remove  those  troublesome  fellows  for  ever  from  his  borders 
and  those  of  the  States.  Thus  the  princes  would  be  esta- 
blished safely  in  their  possession  and  the  Republic  as  well 
as  himself  freed  from  the  perpetual  suspicions  which  the 
Spaniards  excited  by  their  vile  intrigues,  and  it  was  on  this 

1  Pecquiu-3  to  Archduke  Albert,  20  March  1610.    (MS.) 
»  Aerescns  to  Barneveld ,  9  March  1610.    (MS.) 


186  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  IV. 

general  subject  that  he  wished  to  confer  with  the  special 
commissioners.  It  would  not  be  possible  for  him  to  throw 
succour  into  Jiilich  without  passing  through  Luxemburg  in 
arms.  The  Archdukes  would  resist  this,  and  thus  a  cause  of 
war  would  arise.  His  campaign  on  the  Mouse  would  help 
the  princes  more  than  if  he  should  only  aid  them  by  the 
contingent  he  had  promised.  Nor  could  the  jealousy  of 
King  James  be  excited  since  the  war  would  spring  out  of 
the  Archdukes'  opposition  to  his  passage  towards  the  duchies, 
as  he  obviously  could  not  cut  himself  off  from  his  supplies, 
leaving  a  hostile  province  between  himself  and  his  kingdom. 
Nevertheless  he  could  not  stir,  he  said,  without  the  consent 
and  active  support  of  the  States,  on  whom  he  relied  as  his 
principal  buttress  and  foundation. 

The  levies  for  the  Milanese  expedition  were  waiting  until 
Marshal  do  Lesdiguieres  could  confer  personally  with  the 
Duke  of  Savoy.  The  reports  as  to  the  fidelity  of  that 
potentate  were  not  to  be  believed.  He  was  trifling  with 
the  Spanish  ambassadors,  so  Henry  was  convinced,  who 
were  offering  him  300,000  crowns  a  year  besides  Piom- 
bino,  Monaco,  and  two  places  in  the  Milanese,  if  he  would 
break  his  treaty  with  France.  But  he  was  thought  to 
be  only  waiting  until  they  should  be  gone  before  making 
his  arrangements  with  Lesdiguieres.  "  He  knows  that  he 
can  put  no  trust  in  Spain,  and  that  he  can  confide  in  me," 
said  the  King.  "  I  have  made  a  great  stroke  by  thus  en- 
tangling the  King  of  Spain  by  the  use  of  a  few  troops  in  Italy. 
But  I  assure  you  that  there  is  none  but  me  and  My  Lords 
the  States  that  can  do  anything  solid.  Whether  the  Duke 
breaks  or  holds  fast  will  make  no  difference  in  our  first  and 
great  designs.  For  the  honour  of  God  I  beg  them  to  lose 
no  more  time,  but  to  trust  in  me.  I  will  never  deceive  them, 
never  abandon  them."  1 

1  Aeresens  to  Barneveld,  36  March  1610.     (MS.) 


1610.  POSITION  OF  SPAIN,  187 

At  last  25,000  infantry  and  5000  cavalry  were  already  in 
marching  order,  and  indeed  had  begun  to  move  towards 
the  Luxemburg  frontier,  ready  to  co-operate  with  the  States' 
army  and  that  of  the  possessory  princes  for  the  campaign 
of  the  Meuse  and  Rhine. 

Twelve  thousand  more  French  troops  under  Lesdiguieres 
were  to  act  with  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  and  an  army  as  large 
was  to  assemble  in  the  Pyrenees  and  to  operate  on  the 
Spanish  frontier,  in  hope  of  exciting  and  fomenting  an  insur- 
rection caused  by  the  expulsion  of  the  Moors.1  That 
gigantic  act  of  madness  by  which  Spain  thought  good  at 
this  juncture  to  tear  herself  to  pieces,  driving  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  the  most  industrious,  most  intelligent,  and  most 
opulent  of  her  population  into  hopeless  exile,  had  now  been 
accomplished,  and  was  to  stand  prominent  for  ever  on  the 
records  of  human  fatuity.8 

Twenty-five  thousand  Moorish  families  had  arrived  at 
Bayonne,  and  the  Viceroy  of  Canada  had  been  consulted  as 
to  the  possibility  and  expediency  of  establishing  them  in 
that  province,3  although  emigration  thither  seemed  less 
tempting  to  them  than  to  Virginia.  Certainly  it  was  not 
unreasonable  for  Henry  to  suppose  that  a  kingdom  thus  torn 
by  internal  convulsions  might  be  more  open  to  a  well 
organized  attack  than  capable  of  carrying  out  at  that 
moment  fresh  projects  of  universal  dominion. 

As  before  observed,  Sully  was  by  no  means  in  favour  of 
this  combined  series  of  movements,  although  at  a  later  day, 
when  dictating  his  famous  memoirs  to  his  secretaries,  he 
seems  to  describe  himself  as  enthusiastically  applauding  and 
almost  originating  them.  But  there  is  no  doubt  at  all  that 
throughout  this  eventful  spring  he  did  his  best  to  con- 
centrate the  whole  attack  on  Luxemburg  and  the  Meuse 

1  Van  Meteren,  b.  xxxi.  C93,  094.     '  Mt'm.  do  Bassompiorre,'  i.  454,  455. 
*  Van  Meteren,  ubi  sup.  8  Acrssens  to  Carcw,  10  March  1G10.  (MS.) 


188 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.      CHAP.  IV. 


districts,  and  wished  that  the  movements  in  the  Milanese 
and  in  Provence  should  be  considered  merely  a  slight  acces- 
sory, as  not  much  more  than  a  diversion  to  the  chief  design, 
while  Villeroy  and  his  friends  chose  to  consider  the  Duke 
of  Savoy  as  the  chief  element  in  the  war.1  Sully  thoroughly 
distrusted  the  Duke,  whom  he  deemed  to  be  always  put 
up  at  auction  between  Spain  and  France  and  incapable  of 
a  sincere  or  generous  policy.  He  was  entirely  convinced 
that  Villeroy  and  Epernon  and  Jeannin  and  other  earnest 
Papists  in  France  were  secretly  inclined  to  the  cause  of 
Spain,  that  the  whole  faction  of  the  Queen,  in  short,  were 
urging  this  scattering  of  the  very  considerable  forces  now 
at  Henry's  command  in  the  hope  of  bringing  him  into  a 
false  position,  in  which  defeat  or  an  ignominious  peace 
would  be  the  alternative.2  To  concentrate  an  immense 
attack  upon  the  Archdukes  in  the  Spanish  Netherlands 
and  the  debateable  duchies  would  have  for  its  immediate 
effect  the  expulsion  of  the  Spaniards  out  of  all  those  pro- 
vinces and  the  establishment  of  the  Dutch  commonwealth 
on  an  impregnable  basis.  That  this  would  be  to  strengthen 
infinitely  the  Huguenots  in  France  and  the  cause  of  Pro- 
testantism in  Bohemia,  Moravia  and  Austria,  was  unques- 
tionable. It  was  natural,  therefore,  that  the  stern  and 
ardent  Huguenot  should  suspect  the  plans  of  the  Catholics 
with  whom  he  was  in  daily  council.  One  day  he  asked 
the  King  plumply  in  the  presence  of  Villeroy  if  his  Ma- 
jesty meant  anything  serious  by  all  these  warlike  prepa- 
rations. Henry  was  wroth,  and  complained  bitterly  that 
one  who  knew  him  to  the  bottom  of  his  soul  should  doubt 
him.3  But  Sully  could  not  persuade  himself  that  a  great 


1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  9  March 
1G10.    Same  to  same,  24  March  1610. 
Same  to  same,  9  Feb.  1610.     (MSS.) 

2  Same    to    same,  31    Jan.  1610. 
Same  to  same,  25  Dec.  1609.     Same 


to    same,  7  Feb.   1610.      Same    to 
Digart,  3  Feb.  1610.    (MSS.) 

8  Letter    of   Aerssens,  24  March 
1610. 


ANXIETY  OF  THE  KING  FOR  BARNEVELD'S  PRESENCE.  189 


and  serious  war  would  be  carried  on  both  in  the  Netherlands 
and  in  Italy. 

As  much  as  his  sovereign  he  longed  for  the  personal 
presence  of  Barneveld,  and  was  constantly  urging  the 
States'  ambassador  to  induce  his  coming  to  Paris.  "  You 
know,"  said  Aerssens,  writing  to  the  French  ambassador  at 
the  Hague,  de  Russy,  "  that  it  is  the  Advocate  alone  that 
has  the  universal  knowledge  of  the  outside  and  the  inside 
of  our  commonwealth." * 

Sully  knew  his  master  as  well  as  any  man  knew  him, 
but  it  was  difficult  to  fix  the  chameleon  hues  of  Henry 
at  this  momentous  epoch.  To  the  Ambassador  expressing 
doubts  as  to  the  King's  sincerity  the  Duke  asserted  that 
Henry  was  now  seriously  piqued  with  the  Spaniard  on 
account  of  the  Conde  business.  Otherwise  Anhalt  and 
the  possessory  princes  and  the  affair  of  Cleve  might  have 
had  as  little  effect  in  driving  him  into  war  as  did  the 
interests  of  the  Netherlands  in  times  past.  But  the  bold 
demonstration  projected  would  make  the  "  whole  Spanish 
party  bleed  at  the  nose ; 2  a  good  result  for  the  public 
peace." 

Therefore  Sully  sent  word  to  Barneveld,  although  he 
wished  his  name  concealed,  that  he  ought  to  come  him- 
self, with  full  powers  to  do  everything,  without  referring  to 
any  superiors  or  allowing  any  secrets  to  be  divulged.3  The 
King  was  too  far  committed  to  withdraw,  unless  coldness  on 
part  of  the  States  should  give  him  cause.  The  Advocate 
nuiust  come  prepared  to  answer  all  questions  ;  to  say  how 
much  in  men  and  money  the  States  would  contribute,  and 
whether  they  would  go  into  the  war  with  the  King  as  their 
only  ally.  He  must  come  with  the  bridle  on  his  neck.  All 


1  Aerssens  to  de  Russy,  10  March 
1610.    (MS.) 
9  Same    to    Barneveld,    25    Dec. 


1009.  (MS.) 

8  Ibid.    Also  same  to  same,  24  Jan. 

1010.  (MS.) 


190  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 

that  Henry  feared  was  being  left  in  the  lurch  by  the  States  ; 
otherwise  he  was  not  afraid  of  Home.  Sully  was  urgent  that 
the  Provinces  should  now  go  vigorously  into  the  war  without 
stumbling  at  any  consideration.  Thus  they  would  confirm 
their  national  power  for  all  time,  but  if  the  opportunity  were 
now  lost,  it  would  be  their  ruin,  and  posterity  would  most 
justly  blame  them.1  The  King  of  Spain  was  so  stripped  of 
troops  and  resources,  so  embarrassed  by  the  Moors,  that  in 
ten  months  he  would  not  be  able  to  send  one  man  to  the 
Netherlands. 

Meantime  the  Nuncius  in  Paris  was  moving  heaven  and 
earth ;  storming,  intriguing,  and  denouncing  the  course  of 
the  King  in  protecting  heresy,  when  it  would  have  been 
so  easy  to  extirpate  it,  encouraging  rebellion  and  disorder 
throughout  Christendom,  and  embarking  in  an  action  against 
the  Church  and  against  his  conscience.  A  new  legate  was 
expected  daily  with  the  Pope's  signature  to  the  new  league, 
and  a  demand  upon  the  King  to  sign  it  likewise,  and  to 
pause  in  a  career  of  which  something  was  suspected,  but 
very  little  accurately  known.  The  preachers  in  Paris  and 
throughout  the  kingdom  delivered  most  vehement  sermons 
against  the  King,  the  government,  and  the  Protestants,  and 
seemed  to  the  King  to  be  such  "trumpeters  of  sedition" 
that  he  ordered  the  seneschals  and  other  officers  to  put  a 
stop  to  these  turbulent  discourses,  censure  their  authors,  and 
compel  them  to  stick  to  their  texts.2 

But  the  preparations  were  now  so  far  advanced  and 
going  on  so  warmly  that  nothing  more  was  wanting  than, 
in  the  words  of  Aerssens,  "  to  uncouple  the  dogs  and  let 
them  run." 3  Recruits  were  pouring  steadily  to  their  places 
of  rendezvous  ;  their  pay  having  begun  to  run  from  the 


1  Letter  of  Aerssens,  25  Dec.  1609. 

*  Aerssens  to  Digart,  11  March 
1610.  Same  to  Barneveld,  22  Dec 
1609.  Same  to  same,  24  Jan.  1G10. 


(MSS.) 


3  Same  to  same,  24  March  1610. 


(MS.) 


1610.        PREPARATIONS  FOR  DUTCH  COMMISSIONERS.         191 

25th  March  at  the  rate  of  eight  sous  a  day  for  the  private 
foot  soldier  and  ten  sous  for  a  corporal.  They  were  moved 
in  small  parties  of  ten,  lodged  in  the  wayside  inns,  and 
ordered,  on  pain  of  death,  to  pay  for  everything  they  con- 
sumed.1 

It  was  growing  difficult  to  wait  much  longer  for  the  arrival 
of  the  special  ambassadors,  when  at  last  they  were  known 
to  be  on  their  way.  Aerssens  obtained  for  their  use  the 
Hotel  Gondy,  formerly  the  residence  of  Don  Pedro  de  Toledo, 
the  most  splendid  private  palace  in  Paris,  and  recently  pur- 
chased by  the  Queen.  It  was  considered  expedient  that  the 
embassy  should  make  as  stately  an  appearance  as  that  of 
royal  or  imperial  envoys.  He  engaged  an  upholsterer  by 
the  King's  command  to  furnish,  at  his  Majesty's  expense,  the 
apartments,  as  the  Baron  de  Gondy,  he  said,  had  long  since 
sold  and  eaten  up  all  the  furniture.  He  likewise  laid  in 
six  pieces  of  wine  and  as  many  of  beer,  "  tavern  drinks " 
being  in  the  opinion  of  the  thrifty  ambassador  "  both  dear 
and  bad." 

He  bought  a  carriage  lined  with  velvet  for  the  commis- 
sioners, and  another  lined  with  broadcloth  for  the  principal 
persons  of  their  suite,  and  with  his  own  coach  as  a  third  he 
proposed  to  go  to  Amiens  to  meet  them.  They  could  not 
get  on  with  fewer  than  these,  he  said,  and  the  new  carriages 
would  serve  their  purpose  in  Paris.  He  had  paid  500 
crowns  for  the  two,  and  they  could  be  sold,  when  done  with, 
at  a  slight  loss.  He  bought  likewise  four  dapple-grey 
horses,  which  would  be  enough,  as  nobody  had  more  than  two 
horses  to  a  carriage  in  town,  and  for  which  he  paid  312 
crowns — a  very  low  price,  he  thought,  at  a  season  when 
every  one  was  purchasing.  He  engaged  good  and  experienced 
coachmen  at  two  crowns  a  month,  and,  in  short,  made  all 

1  Aerescns  to  Barncvcld,  24  March  1610.    (MS.) 
»  Ibid. 


192  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 

necessary  arrangements  for  their  comfort  and  the  honour  of 
the  state.1 

The  King  had  been  growing  more  and  more  displeased  at 
the  tardiness  of  the  commission,  petulantly  ascribing  it  to  a 
design  on  the  part  of  the  States  to  "  excuse  themselves  from 
sharing  in  his  bold  conceptions,"  but  said  that  "  he  could 
resolve  on  nothing  without  My  Lords  the  States,  who  were 
the  only  power  with  which  he  could  contract  confidently, 
as  mighty  enough  and  experienced  enough  to  execute  the 
designs  to  be  proposed  to  them  ;  so  that  his  army  was  lying 
useless  on  his  hands  until  the  commissioners  arrived,"  and 
lamented  more  loudly  than  ever  that  Barneveld  was  not 
coming  with  them.  He  was  now  rejoiced,  however,  to  hear 
that  they  would  soon  arrive,  and  went  in  person  to  the  Hotel 
Gondy  to  see  that  everything  was  prepared  in  a  manner 
befitting  their  dignity  and  comfort.2 

His  anxiety  had  moreover  been  increased,  as  already 
stated,  by  the  alarming  reports  from  Utrecht  and  by  his 
other  private  accounts  from  the  Netherlands. 

De  Hussy  expressed  in  his  despatches  grave  doubts 
whether  the  States  would  join  the  king  in  a  war  against  the 
King  of  Spain,  because  they  feared  the  disapprobation  of 
the  King  of  Great  Britain,  "who  had  already  manifested  but 
too  much  jealousy  of  the  power  and  grandeur  of  the  Kepub- 
lic."  Pecquius  asserted  that  the  Archdukes  had  received 
assurances  from  the  States  that  they  would  do  nothing 
to  violate  the  truce.  The  Prince  of  Anhalt,  who,  as  chief 
of  the  army  of  the  confederated  princes,  was  warm  in  his 
demonstrations  for  a  general  war  by  taking  advantage  of  the 
Cleve  expedition,  was  entirely  at  cross  purposes  with  the 
States'  ambassador  in  Paris,  Aerssens  maintaining  that 


1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  24  March 
1610.  Same  to  same,  30  March  1610. 
Same  to  van  der  Myle,  26  March 
1610.  (MSS.) 


2  Same  to  Barneveld,  26  March 
1610.  (MS.)  "Rapport"  of  the 
special  ambassadors.  (MS.  before 
cited.) 


1610.  ANSWER  OF  THE  ARCHDUKE  ALBERT.  193 

the  forty- three  years'  experience  in  their  war  justified  the 
States  in  placing  no  dependence  on  German  princes  except 
with  express  conventions.  They  had  no  such  conventions 
now,  and  if  they  should  be  attacked  by  Spain  in  consequence 
of  their  assistance  in  the  Clove  business,  what  guarantee  of 
aid  had  they  from  those  whom  Anhalt  represented  ?  Anhalt 
was  loud  in  expressions  of  sympathy  with  Henry's  designs 
against  Spam,  but  said  that  he  and  the  States  meant  a  war 
of  thirty  or  forty  years,  while  the  princes  would  finish  what 
they  meant  to  do  in  one.1 

A  more  erroneous  expression  of  opinion,  when  viewed  in 
the  light  of  subsequent  events,  could  hardly  have  been 
hazarded.  Villeroy  made  as  good  use  as  he  could  of  these 
conversations  to  excite  jealousy  between  the  princes  and  the 
States  for  the  furtherance  of  his  own  ends,  while  affecting 
warm  interest  in  the  success  of  the  King's  projects. 

Meantime  Archduke  Albert  had  replied  manfully  and 
distinctly  to  the  menaces  of  the  King  and  to  the  pathetic 
suggestions  made  by  Villeroy  to  Pecquius  as  to  a  device  for 
sending  back  the  Princess.  Her  stay  at  Brussels  being 
the  chief  cause  of  the  impending  war,  it  would  be  better, 
he  said,  to  procure  a  divorce  or  to  induce  the  Constable  to 
obtain  the  consent  of  the  Prince  to  the  return  of  his  wife 
to  her  father's  house.  To  further  either  of  these  expedients, 
the  Archduke  would  do  his  best.  "  But  if  one  expects  by 
bravados  and  threats,"  he  added,  "  to  force  us  to  do  a  thing 
against  our  promise,  and  therefore  against  reason,  our  repu- 
tation, and  honour,  resolutely  we  will  do  nothing  of  the  kind. 
And  if  the  said  Lord  King  decided  on  account  of  this  mis- 
understanding for  a  rupture  and  to  make  war  upon  us,  we 
will  do  our  best  to  wage  war  on  him.  In  such  case,  however, 
we  shall  be  obliged  to  keep  the  Princess  closer  in  our  own 
house,  and  probably  to  send  her  to  such  parts  as  may  bo 

1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  5  April  1610.    (MS.) 
VOL.  I.  O 


194  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAKNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 

most  convenient  in  order  to  remove  from  us  an  instrument 
of  the  infinite  evils  which  this  war  will  produce." 1 

Meantime  the  special  commissioners  whom  we  left  at 
Arras  had  now  entered  the  French  kingdom. 

On  the  17th  April,  Aerssens  with  his  three  coaches  met 
them  on  their  entrance  into  Amiens,  having  been  waiting 
there  for  them  eight  days.  As  they  passed  through  the 
gate,  they  found  a  guard  of  soldiers  drawn  up  to  receive 
them  with  military  honours,  and  an  official  functionary 
to  apologize  for  the  necessary  absence  of  the  governor, 
who  had  gone  with  most  of  the  troops  stationed  in  the  town 
to  the  rendezvous  in  Champagne.  He  expressed  regret, 
therefore,  that  the  King's  orders  for  their  solemn  reception 
could  not  be  literally  carried  out.  The  whole  board  of 
magistrates,  however,  in  their  costumes  of  ceremony,  with 
sergeants  bearing  silver  maces  marching  before  them,  came 
forth  to  bid  the  ambassadors  welcome.  An  advocate  made  a 
speech  in  the  name  of  the  city  authorities,  saying  that  they 
were  expressly  charged  by  the  King  to  receive  them  as 
coming  from  his  very  best  friends,  and  to  do  them  all  honour. 
He  extolled  the  sage  government  of  their  High  Mightinesses 
and  the  valour  of  the  Kepublic,  which  had  become  known  to 
the  whole  world  by  the  successful  conduct  of  their  long  and 
mighty  war. 

The  commissioners  replied  in  words  of  compliment,  and 
the  magistrates  then  offered  them,  according  to  ancient 
usage,  several  bottles  of  hippocras. 

Next  day,  sending  back  the  carriages  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  in  which  they  had  thus  far  performed  the  journey, 
April  is,  they  set  forth  towards  Paris,  reaching  Saint-Denis 

1610<  at  noon  of  the  third  day.  Here  they  were  met 
by  de  Bonoeil,  introducer  of  ambassadors,  sent  thither 

1  Archdukes  to  Pecquius,  22  April  1610,  in  Henrard. 
*  "  Rapport  ofte  Verhael."    (MS.  before  cited.) 


BRILLIANT  RECEPTION  OF  DUTCH  COMMISSIONERS.      195 

by  the  King  to  give  them  welcome,  and  to  say  that  they 
would  be  received  on  the  road  by  the  Duke  of  April  20, 
Vendome,  eldest  of  the  legitimatized  children  of  161°- 
the  King.  Accordingly  before  reaching  the  Saint-Denis  gate 
of  Paris,  a  splendid  cavalcade  of  nearly  five  hundred  noble- 
men met  them,  the  Duke  at  their  head,  accompanied  by 
two  marshals  of  France,  de  Brissac  and  Boisdaulphin.  The 
three  instantly  dismounted,  and  the  ambassadors  alighted 
from  their  coach.  The  Duke  then  gave  them  solemn  and 
cordial  welcome,  saying  that  he  had  been  sent  by  his  father 
the  King  to  receive  them  as  befitted  envoys  of  the  best  and 
most  faithful  friends  he  possessed  in  the  world.1 

The  ambassadors  expressed  their  thanks  for  the  great  and 
extraordinary  honour  thus  conferred  on  them,  and  they  were 
then  requested  to  get  into  a  royal  carriage  which  had  been  sent 
out  for  that  purpose.  After  much  ceremonious  refusal  they 
at  last  consented  and,  together  with  the  Duke  of  Vendome, 
drove  through  Paris  in  that  vehicle  into  the  Faubourg  Saint- 
Germain.  Arriving  at  the  Hotel  Gondy,  they  were,  notwith- 
standing all  their  protestations,  escorted  up  the  staircase 
into  the  apartments  by  the  Duke. 

"  This  honour  is  notable,"  said  the  commissioners  in  their 
report  to  the  States,2  "  and  never  shown  to  anyone  before,  so 
that  our  ill-wishers  are  filled  with  spite." 

And  Peter  Pecquius  was  of  the  same  opinion.  "Everyone 
is  grumbling  here,"  about  the  reception  of  the  States' 
ambassadors,  "because  such  honours  were  never  paid  to 
any  ambassador  whatever,  whether  from  Spain,  England, 
or  any  other  country." 3 

And  there  were  many  men  living  and  employed  in  great 
affairs  of  State,  both  in  France  and  in  the  Republic — the 
King  and  Villeroy,  Barncveld  and  Maurice — who  could  re- 

1  "  Rapport  oftc  VerhacL"    (MS.  before  cited.)  «  Ibid. 

8  Pecquius  to  Archduke  Albert,  22  April  1G10,  in  Ilenrard. 


196  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  IV 

member  how  twenty-six  years  before  a  solemn  embassy  from 
the  States  had  proceeded  from  the  Hague  to  France  to  offer 
the  sovereignty  of  their  country  to  Henry's  predecessor,  had 
been  kept  ignominiously  and  almost  like  prisoners  four 
weeks  long  in  Rouen,  and  had  been  thrust  back  into 
the  Netherlands  without  being  admitted  even  to  one  audience 
by  the  monarch.  Truly  time,  in  the  course  of  less  than  one 
generation  of  mankind,  had  worked  marvellous  changes  in 
the  fortunes  of  the  Dutch  Republic.1 

President  Jeannin  came  to  visit  them  next  day,  with 
friendly  proffers  of  service,  and  likewise  the  ambassador  of 
Venice  and  the  charge  d'affaires  of  Great  Britain. 

On  the  22nd  the  royal  carriages  came  by  appointment  to 

the  Hotel  G-ondy,  and  took  them  for  their  first  audience 

April  23,    *°  the  Louvre.     They  were  received  at  the  gate 

1610.  by  a  guard  Of  honour,  drums  beating  and  arms 
presented,  and  conducted  with  the  greatest  ceremony  to  an 
apartment  in  the  palace.  Soon  afterwards  they  were  ushered 
into  a  gallery  where  the  King  stood,  surrounded  by  a  number 
of  princes  and  distinguished  officers  of  the  crown.  These 
withdrew  on  the  approach  of  the  Netherlanders,  leaving  the 
King  standing  alone.  They  made  their  reverence,  and 
Henry  saluted  them  all  with  respectful  cordiality.  Begging 
them  to  put  on  their  hats  again,  he  listened  attentively  to 
their  address. 

The  language  of  the  discourse  now  pronounced  was  similar 
in  tenour  to  that  almost  contemporaneously  held  by  the 
States'  special  envoys  in  London.  Both  documents,  when 
offered  afterwards  in  writing,  bore  the  unmistakable  imprint 
of  the  one  hand  that  guided  the  whole  political  machine.  In 
various  passages  the  phraseology  was  identical,  and,  indeed, 
the  Advocate  had  prepared  and  signed  the  instructions  for 
both  embassies  on  the  same  day. 

1  See  '  History  of  the  United  Netherlands/  vol.  i.  ch.  ii. 


1610.          THEIR  FIRST  INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  KING.         197 

The  commissioners  acknowledged  in  the  strongest  pos- 
sible terms  the  great  and  constant  affection,  quite  without  ex- 
ample, that  Henry  had  manifested  to  the  Netherlands  during 
the  whole  course  of  their  war.  They  were  at  a  loss  to  find 
language  adequately  to  express  their  gratitude  for  that 
friendship,  and  the  assistance  subsequently  afforded  them  in 
the  negotiations  for  truce.  They  apologized  for  the  tardi- 
ness of  the  States  in  sending  this  solemn  embassy  of  thanks- 
giving, partly  on  the  ground  of  the  delay  in  receiving  the 
ratifications  from  Spain,  partly  by  the  protracted  contraven- 
tions by  the  Archdukes  of  certain  articles  in  the  treaty,  but 
principally  by  the  terrible  disasters  occasioned  throughout 
their  country  by  the  great  inundations,  and  by  the  com- 
motions in  the  city  of  Utrecht,  which  had  now  been  "  so 
prudently  and  happily  pacified."  1 

They  stated  that  the  chief  cause  of  their  embassy  was  to 
express  their  respectful  gratitude,  and  to  say  that  never  had 
prince  or  state  treasured  more  deeply  in  memory  benefits 
received  than  did  their  republic  the  favours  of  his  Majesty, 
or  could  be  more  disposed  to  do  their  utmost  to  defend  his 
Majesty's  person,  crown,  or  royal  family  against  all  attack. 
They  expressed  their  joy  that  the  King  had  with  prudence 
and  heroic  courage  undertaken  the  defence  of  the  just  rights 
of  Brandenburg  and  Neuburg  to  the  duchies  of  Cleve,  Jiilich, 
and  the  other  dependent  provinces.  Thus  had  he  put  an  end 
to  the  presumption  of  those  who  thought  they  could  give 
the  law  to  all  the  world.  They  promised  the  co-operation  of 
the  States  in  this  most  important  enterprise  of  their  ally, 
notwithstanding  their  great  losses  in  the  war  just  concluded, 
and  the  diminution  of  revenue  occasioned  by  the  inundations 
by  which  they  had  been  afflicted  ;  for  they  were  willing 
neither  to  tolerate  so  unjust  an  usurpation  as  that  attempted 
by  the  Emperor  nor  to  fail  to  second  his  Majesty  in  his 

1  MS.  Report. 


198  THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  IV. 

generous  designs.  They  observed  also  that  they  had  been 
instructed  to  enquire  whether  his  Majesty  would  not  approve 
the  contracting  of  a  strict  league  of  mutual  assistance  be- 
tween France,  England,  the  United  Provinces,  and  the 
princes  of  Germany. 

The  King,  having  listened  with  close  attention,  thanked 
the  envoys  in  words  of  earnest  and  vigorous  cordiality  for 
their  expressions  of  affection  to  himself.  He  begged  them 
to  remember  that  he  had  always  been  their  good  friend,  and 
that  he  never  would  forsake  them ;  that  he  had  always 
hated  the  Spaniards,  and  should  ever  hate  them ;  and  that  the 
affairs  of  Jiilich  must  be  arranged  not  only  for  the  present 
but  for  the  future.1  He  requested  them  to  deliver  their  pro- 
positions in  writing  to  him,  and  to  be  ready  to  put  them- 
selves into  communication  with  the  members  of  his  council, 
in  order  that  they  might  treat  with  each  other  roundly  and 
without  reserve.  He  should  always  deal  with  the  Nether- 
landers  as  with  his  own  people,  keeping  no  back-door  open, 
but  pouring  out  everything  as  into  the  lap  of  his  best  and 
most  trusty  friends.2 

After  this  interview  conferences  followed  daily  between 
the  ambassadors  and  Yilleroy,  Sully,  Jeannin,  the  Chan- 
cellor, and  Puysieux. 

The  King's  counsellors,  after  having  read  the  written 
paraphrase  of  Barneveld's  instructions,  the  communication 
of  which  followed  their  oral  statements,  and  which,  among 
other  specifications,  contained  a  respectful  remonstrance 
against  the  projected  French  East  India  Company,  as  likely 
to  benefit  the  Spaniards  only,  while  seriously  injuring  the 
States,  complained  that  "the  representations  were  too 
general,  and  that  the  paper  seemed  to  contain  nothing 
but  compliments." 

The  ambassadors,    dilating  on  the  various   points  and 

1  "Rapport,"  &c.    (MS.)  s  Ibid. 


1610.  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  HIS  MINISTERS.  199 

articles,  maintained  warmly  that  there  was  much  more  than 
compliments  in  their  instructions.  The  ministers  wished  to 
know  what  the  States  practically  were  prepared  to  do  in  the 
affair  of  Cleve,  which  they  so  warmly  and  encouragingly 
recommended  to  the  King.  They  asked  whether  the  States' 
army  would  march  at  once  to  Diisseldorf  to  protect  the 
princes  at  the  moment  when  the  King  moved  from  Mezieres, 
and  they  made  many  enquiries  as  to  what  amount  of  sup- 
plies and  munitions  they  could  depend  upon  from  the  States' 
magazines. 

The  envoys  said  that  they  had  no  specific  instructions  on 
these  points,  and  could  give  therefore  no  conclusive  replies. 
More  than  ever  did  Henry  regret  the  absence  of  the  great 
Advocate  at  this  juncture.  If  he  could  have  come,  with  the 
bridle  on  his  neck,  as  Henry  had  so  repeatedly  urged  upon 
the  resident  ambassador,  affairs  might  have  marched  more 
rapidly.  The  despotic  king  could  never  remember  that 
Barneveld  was  not  the  unlimited  sovereign  of  the  United 
States,  but  only  the  seal-keeper  of  one  of  the  seven  pro- 
vinces and  the  deputy  of  Holland  to  the  General  Assembly. 
His  indirect  power,  however  vast,  was  only  great  because  it 
was  so  carefully  veiled. 

It  was  then  proposed  by  Villeroy  and  Sully,  and  agreed 
to  by  the  commissioners,  that  M.  de  Bethune,  a  relative  of 
the  great  financier,  should  be  sent  forthwith  to  the  Hague, 
to  confer  privately  with  Prince  Maurice  and  Barneveld 
especially,  as  to  military  details  of  the  coming  campaign. 

It  was  also  arranged  that  the  envoys  should  delay  their  de- 
parture until  de  Bethune's  return.  Meantime  Henry  and  the 
Nuncius  had  been  exchanging  plain  and  passionate  language. 
Ubaldini  reproached  the  King  with  disregarding  all  the  ad- 
monitions of  his  Holiness,  and  being  about  to  plunge  Chris- 
tendom into  misery  and  war  for  the  love  of  the  Princess  of 
Conde.  He  held  up  to  him  the  enormity  of  thus  converting 


200  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 

the  King  of  Spain  and  the  Archdukes  into  his  deadly  ene- 
mies, and  warned  him  that  he  would  by  such  desperate 
measures  make  even  the  States-General  and  the  King  of 
Britain  his  foes,  who  certainly  would  never  favour  such 
schemes.  The  King  replied  that  "he  trusted  to  his  own 
forces,  not  to  those  of  his  neighbours,  and  even  if  the  Hol- 
landers should  not  declare  for  him  still  he  would  execute  his 
designs.  On  the  15th  of  May  most  certainly  he  would  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  his  army,  even  if  he  was  obliged  to 
put  off  the  Queen's  coronation  till  October,  and  he  could  not 
consider  the  King  of  Spain  nor  the  Archdukes  his  friends 
unless  they  at  once  made  him  some  demonstration  of  friend- 
ship. Being  asked  by  the  Nuncius  what  demonstration  he 
wished,  he  answered  flatly  that  he  wished  the  Princess  to  be 
sent  back  to  the  Constable  her  father,  in  which  case  the 
affair  of  Jiilich  could  be  arranged  amicably,  and,  at  all 
events,  if  the  war  continued  there,  he  need  not  send  more 
than  4000  men."  ' 

Thus,  in  spite  of  his  mighty  preparations,  vehement 
demands  for  Barneveld,  and  profound  combinations  re- 
vealed to  that  statesman,  to  Aerssens,  and  to  the  Duke  of 
Sully  only,  this  wonderful  monarch  was  ready  to  drop  his 
sword  on  the  spot,  to  leave  his  friends  in  the  lurch,  to  em- 
brace his  enemies,  the  Archduke  first  of  all,  instead  of 
bombarding  Brussels 2  the  very  next  week,  as  he  had  been 
threatening  to  do,  provided  the  beautiful  Margaret  could 
be  restored  to  his  arms  through  those  of  her  venerable 
father. 

He  suggested  to  the  Nuncius  his  hope  that  the  Archduke 
would  yet  be  willing  to  wink  at  her  escape,  which  he  was 
now  trying  to  arrange  through  de  Preaux  at  Brussels,  while 
Ubaldini,  knowing  the  Archduke  incapable  of  anything  so 
dishonourable,  felt  that  the  war  was  inevitable. 
1  Pecquius  to  Archduke  Albert,  28  April  1610,  in  Henrard.  *  Ibid, 


1610.      DELICATE  POSITION  OF  DUTCH  GOVERNMENT.       201 


At  the  very  same  time  too,  Father  Cotton,  who  was  only 
too  ready  to  betray  the  secrets  of  the  confessional  when  there 
was  an  object  to  gam,  had  a  long  conversation  with  the 
Archduke's  ambassador,  in  which  the  holy  man  said  that 
the  King  had  confessed  to  him  that  he  made  the  war  ex- 
pressly to  cause  the  Princess  to  be  sent  back  to  France,  so 
that  as  there  could  be  no  more  doubt  on  the  subject  the 
father-confessor  begged  Pecquius,  in  order  to  prevent  so  great 
an  evil,  to  devise  "  some  prompt  and  sudden  means  to  induce 
his  Highness  the  Archduke  to  order  the  Princess  to  retire 
secretly  to  her  own  country."  The  Jesuit  had  different 
notions  of  honour,  reputation,  and  duty  from  those  which 
influenced  the  Archduke.  He  added  that  "at  Easter  the 
King  had  been  so  well  disposed  to  seek  his  salvation  that  he 
could  easily  have  forgotten  his  affection  for  the  Princess, 
had  she  not  rekindled  the  fire  by  her  letters,  in  which  she 
caressed  him  with  amorous  epithets,  calling  him  { my  heart/ 
'my  chevalier/  and  similar  terms  of  endearment."  Father 
Cotton  also  drew  up  a  paper,  which  he  secretly  conveyed  to 
Pecquius,  "  to  prove  that  the  Archduke,  in  terms  of  con- 
science and  honour,  might  decide  to  permit  this  escape,  but 
he  most  urgently  implored  the  Ambassador  that  for  the  love 
of  God  and  the  public  good  he  would  influence  his  Serene 
Highness  to  prevent  this  from  ever  coming  to  the  knowledge 
of  the  world,  but  to  keep  the  secret  inviolably." 1 

Thus,  while  Henry  was  holding  high  council  with  his  own 
most  trusted  advisers,  and  with  the  most  profound  statesmen 
of  Europe,  as  to  the  opening  campaign  within  a  fortnight 
of  a  vast  and  general  war,  he  was  secretly  plotting  with  his 
father-confessor  to  effect  what  he  avowed  to  be  the  only  pur- 


1  Pecqnias  to  Archduke  Albert, 28 
April  1610.  in  Henrard.  The  Chan- 
cellor (Sillery)  also  urjjed  Pecquius  to 
induce  his  master  "to  prive  up  me  mer- 
chandize which  he  held  in  deposit, 
and  s )  to  extinguish  the  torch  about 


to  blaze  through  Christendom.  lie 
who  could  induce  the  Archduke  to 
consent  would  do  the  most  salutary 
work  that  had  been  done  for  a  hun- 
dred years." — Pecquius  to  Archduke 
Albert,  30  April  1610. 


202  THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OP  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 

pose  of  that  war,  by  Jesuitical  bird-lime  to  be  applied  to  the 
chief  of  his  antagonists.  Certainly  Barneveld  and  his  col- 
lea<mes  were  justified  in  their  distrust.  To  move  one  step  in 
advance  of  their  potent  but  slippery  ally  might  be  a  step  on7 
a  precipice. 

On  the  1st  of  May,  Sully  made  a  long  visit  to  the  com- 
missioners. He  earnestly  urged  upon  them  the  necessity 

Mayi,     °f  making  the  most  of  the  present  opportunity. 

1610.  There  were  people  in  plenty,  he  said,  who  would 
gladly  see  the  King  take  another  course,  for  many  influential 
persons  about  him  were  altogether  Spanish  in  their  inclina- 
tions. 

The  King  had  been  scandalized  to  hear  from  the  Prince 
of  Anhalt,  without  going  into  details,  that  on  his  recent 
passage  through  the  Netherlands  he  had  noticed  some 
change  of  feeling,  some  coolness  in  their  High  Mightinesses. 
The  Duke  advised  that  they  should  be  very  heedful,  that 
they  should  remember  how  much  more  closely  these  matters 
regarded  them  than  anyone  else,  that  they  should  not  de- 
ceive themselves,  but  be  firmly  convinced  that  unless  they 
were  willing  to  go  head  foremost  into  the  business  the 
French  would  likewise  not  commit  themselves.  Sully  spoke 
with  much  earnestness  and  feeling,  for  it  was  obvious  that 
both  he  and  his  master  had  been  disappointed  at  the  cautious 
and  limited  nature  of  the  instructions  given  to  the  ambas- 
sadors.1 

An  opinion  had  indeed  prevailed,  and,  as  we  have  seen, 
was  to  a  certain  extent  shared  in  by  Aerssens,  and  even  by 
Sully  himself,  that  the  King's  military  preparations  were 
after  all  but  a  feint,  and  that  if  the  Prince  of  Conde,  and 
with  him  the  Princess,  could  be  restored  to  France,  the 
whole  war  cloud  would  evaporate  in  smoke.2 

It  was  even  asserted  that  Henry  had  made  a  secret  treaty 

'"Rapport."    (MS.  before  cited.)  Letters  of  Aerssens,  passim. 


1610.      DELICATE  POSITION  OF  DUTCH  GOVERNMENT.       203 

with  the  enemy,  according  to  which,  while  apparently  ready 
to  burst  upon  the  House  of  Austria  with  overwhelming  force, 
he  was  in  reality  about  to  shake  hands  cordially  with  that 
power,  on  condition  of  being  allowed  to  incorporate  into  his 
own  kingdom  the  very  duchies  in  dispute,  and  of  receiving 
the  Prince  of  Conde  and  his  wife  from  Spain.  He  was  thus 
suspected  of  being  about  to  betray  his  friends  and  allies  in 
the  most  ignoble  manner  and  for  the  vilest  of  motives.  The 
circulation  of  these  infamous  reports  no  doubt  paralysed  for 
a  time  the  energy  of  the  enemy  who  had  made  no  requisite 
preparations  against  the  threatened  invasion,  but  it  sickened 
his  friends  with  vague  apprehensions,  while  it  cut  the  King 
himself  to  the  heart  and  infuriated  him  to  madness.1 

He  asked  the  Nuncius  one  day  what  people  thought  in 
Rome  and  Italy  of  the  war  about  to  be  undertaken.  Ubal- 
dini  replied  that  those  best  informed  considered  the  Princess 
of  Condu  as  the  principal  subject  of  hostilities  ;  they  thought 
that  he  meant  to  have  her  back.  "  I  do  mean  to  have  her 
back,"  cried  Henry,  with  a  miglity  oath,  and  foaming  with 
rage,  "  and  I  shall  have  her  back.  No  one  shall  prevent  it, 
not  even  the  Lieutenant  of  God  on  earth." 2 

But  the  imputation  of  this  terrible  treason  weighed  upon 
his  mind  and  embittered  every  hour. 

The  commissioners  assured  Sully  that  they  had  no  know- 
ledge of  any  coolness  or  change  such  as  Anhalt  had  reported 
on  the  part  of  their  principals,  and  the  Duke  took  his 
leave. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Villeroy  had,  it  was  thought, 
been  making  mischief  between  Anhalt  and  the  States  by 
reporting  and  misreporting  private  conversations  between 
that  Prince  and  the  Dutch  ambassador. 


1  'Memoires  do  Sully,'  vii.  liv.  xxvii.  399. 

*  Ibid.     Notes  for  'Memoires  pour  servir  a  1'Hist.  do  France.' 

»  MS.  Report,  &c. 


204  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OP  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  IV. 

As  soon  as  Sully  had  gone,  van  der  Myle  waited  upon 
Villeroy  to  ask,  in  name  of  himself  and  colleagues,  for 
audience  of  leave-taking,  the  object  of  their  mission  having 
been  accomplished.  The  Secretary  of  State,  too,  like  Sully, 
urged  the  importance  of  making  the  most  of  the  occasion. 
The  affair  of  Cleve,  he  said,  did  not  very  much  concern  the 
King,  but  his  Majesty  had  taken  it  to  heart  chiefly  on 
account  of  the  States  and  for  their  security.  They  were 
bound,  therefore,  to  exert  themselves  to  the  utmost,  but 
more  would  not  be  required  of  them  than  it  would  be 
possible  to  fulfil. 

Van  der  Myle  replied  that  nothing  would  be  left  undone 
by  their  High  Mightinesses  to  support  the  King  faithfully 
and  according  to  their  promise. 

On  the  5th,  Yilleroy  came  to  the  ambassadors,  bringing 

Mays,     with  him  a  letter  from  the  King  for  the  States- 

161°-  General,  and  likewise  a  written  reply  to  the  de- 
clarations made  orally  and  in  writing  by  the  ambassadors 
to  his  Majesty. 

The  letter  of  Henry  to  "  his  very  dear  and  good  friends, 
allies,  and  confederates,"  was  chiefly  a  complimentary  ac- 
knowledgment of  the  expressions  of  gratitude  made  to  him 
on  part  of  the  States-General,  and  warm  approbation  of  their 
sage  resolve  to  support  the  cause  of  Brandenburg  and  Neu- 
burg.  He  referred  them  for  particulars  to  the  confidential' 
conferences  held  between  the  commissioners  and  himself. 
They  would  state  how  important  he  thought  it  that  this 
matter  should  be  settled  now  so  thoroughly  as  to  require  no 
second  effort  at  any  future  time  when  circumstances  might 
not  be  so  propitious  ;  and  that  he  intended  to  risk  his  person, 
at  the  head  of  his  army,  to  accomplish  this  result. 

To  the  ambassadors  he  expressed  his  high  satisfaction  at 
their  assurances  of  affection,  devotion,  and  gratitude  on  the 
1  MS.  Report,  &c. 


1610.      DELICATE  POSITION  OF  DUTCH  GOVERNMENT.         205 

part  of  the  States.  He  approved  and  commended  their 
resolution  to  assist  the  Elector  and  the  Palatine  in  the  affair 
of  the  duchies.  He  considered  this  a  proof  of  their  prudence 
and  good  judgment,  as  showing  their  conviction  that  they 
were  more  interested  and  bound  to  render  this  assistance 
than  any  other  potentates  or  states,  as  much  from  the  con- 
venience and  security  to  bo  derived  from  the  neighbourhood 
of  princes  who  were  their  friends  as  from  dangers  to  be 
apprehended  from  other  princes  who  were  seeking  to  ap- 
propriate those  provinces.  The  King  therefore  begged  the 
States  to  move  forward  as  soon  as  possible  the  forces  which 
they  offered  for  this  enterprise  according  to  his  Majesty's 
suggestion  sent  through  de  Bethune.  The  King  on  his  part 
would  do  the  same  with  extreme  care  and  diligence,  from 
the  anxiety  he  felt  to  prevent  My  Lords  the  States  from 
receiving  detriment  in  places  so  vital  to  their  preservation. 

He  begged  the  States  likewise  to  consider  that  it  was 
meet  not  only  to  make  a  first  effort  to  put  the  princes  into 
entire  possession  of  the  duchies,  but  to  provide  also  for  the 
durable  success  of  the  enterprise  ;  to  guard  against  any 
invasions  that  might  be  made  in  the  future  to  eject  those 
princes.  Otherwise  all  their  present  efforts  would  be  useless  ; 
and  his  Majesty  therefore  consented  on  this  occasion  to  enter 
into  the  new  league  proposed  by  the  States  with  all  the 
princes  and  states  mentioned  in  the  memoir  of  the  ambas- 
sadors for  mutual  assistance  against  all  unjust  occupations, 
attempts,  and  baneful  intrigues. 

Having  no  special  information  as  to  the  infractions  by  the 
Archdukes  of  the  recent  treaty  of  truce,  the  King  declined 
to  discuss  that  subject  for  the  moment,  although  holding 
himself  bound  to  all  required  of  him  as  one  of  the  guarantees 
of  that  treaty. 

In  regard  to  the  remonstrance  made  by  the  ambassadors 
concerning  the  trade  of  the  East  Indies,  his  Majesty  dls- 


206  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAENEVELD.         CHAP.  IV. 

claimed  any  intention  of  doing  injury  to  the  States  in  per- 
mitting his  subjects  to  establish  a  company  in  his  kingdom 
for  that  commerce.  He  had  deferred  hitherto  taking  action 
in  the  matter  only  out  of  respect  to  the  States,  but  he  could 
no  longer  refuse  the  just  claims  of  his  subjects  if  they 
should  persist  in  them  as  urgently  as  they  had  thus  far 
been  doing.  The  right  and  liberty  which  they  demanded 
was  common  to  all,  said  the  King,  and  he  was  certainly 
bound  to  have  as  great  care  for  the  interests  of  his  subjects 
as  for  those  of  his  friends  and  allies.1 

Here,  certainly,  was  an  immense  difference  in  tone  and  in 
terms  towards  the  Kepublic  adopted  respectively  by  their 
great  and  good  friends  and  allies  the  Kings  of  France  and 
Great  Britain.  It  was  natural  enough  that  Henry,  having 
secretly  expressed  his  most  earnest  hope  that  the  States 
would  move  at  his  side  in  his  broad  and  general  assault 
upon  the  House  of  Austria,  should  impress  upon  them  his 
conviction,  which  was  a  just  one,  that  no  power  in  the  world 
was  more  interested  in  keeping  a  Spanish  and  Catholic 
prince  out  of  the  duchies  than  they  were  themselves.  But 
while  thus  taking  a  bond  of  them  as  it  were  for  the  entire 
fulfilment  of  the  primary  enterprise,  he  accepted  with  cor- 
diality, and  almost  with  gratitude,  their  proposition  of  a 
close  alliance  of  the  Kepublic  with  himself  and  with 
the  Protestant  powers  which  James  had  so  superciliously 
rejected. 

It  would  have  been  difficult  to  inflict  a  more  petty  and 
more  studied  insult  upon  the  Republic  than  did  the  King  of 
Great  Britain  at  that  supreme  moment  by  his  preposterous 
claim  of  sovereign  rights  over  the  Netherlands.  He  would 
make  no  treaty  with  them,  he  said,  but  should  he  find  it 
worth  while  to  treat  with  his  royal  brother  of  France,  he 
should  probably  not  shut  the  door  in  their  faces. 

1  Letter  of  King,  5  May  1610,  in  the  MS.  Report. 


1610.  INDIA  TRADE— SIMON  DANZER.  207 

Certainly  Henry's  reply  to  the  remonstrances  of  the  am- 
bassadors in  regard  to  the  India  trade  was  as  moderate  as 
that  of  James  had  been  haughty  and  peremptory  in  regard 
to  the  herring  fishery.  It  is  however  sufficiently  amusing 
to  see  those  excellent  Hollanders  nobly  claiming  that  "  the 
sea  was  as  free  as  air  "  when  the  right  to  take  Scotch  pil- 
chards was  in  question,  while  at  the  very  same  moment  they 
were  earnest  for  excluding  their  best  allies  and  all  the  world 
besides  from  their  East  India  monopoly.  But  Isaac  Le  Maire 
and  Jacques  Le  Koy  had  not  lain  so  long  disguised  in  Zamet's 
house  hi  Paris  for  nothing,  nor  had  Aerssens  so  completely 
"broke  the 'neck  of  the  French  East  India  Company  "as 
he  supposed.  A  certain  Dutch  freebooter,  however,  Simon 
Danzer  by  name,  a  native  of  Dordrecht,  who  had  been  alter- 
nately in  the  service  of  Spain,  France,  and  the  States,  but 
a  general  marauder  upon  all  powers,  was  exercising  at  that 
moment  perhaps  more  influence  on  the  East  India  trade  than 
any  potentate  or  commonwealth. 

He  kept  the  seas  just  then  with  four  swift-sailing  and 
well-armed  vessels,  that  potent  skimmer  of  the  ocean,  and 
levied  tribute  upon  Protestant  and  Catholic,  Turk  or  Chris- 
tian, with  great  impartiality.  The  King  of  Spain  had  sent 
him  letters  of  amnesty  and  safe-conduct,  with  large  pecu- 
niary offers,  if  he  would  enter  his  service.  The  King  of 
France  had  outbid  his  royal  brother  and  enemy,  and  im- 
plored him  to  sweep  the  seas  under  the  white  flag. 

The  States' ambassador  begged  his  masters  to  reflect  whether 
this  "puissant  and  experienced  corsair"  should  be  permitted 
to  serve  Spaniard  or  Frenchman,  and  whether  they  could 
devise  no  expedient  for  turning  him  into  another  track. 
"  He  is  now  with  his  fine  ships  at  Marseilles,"  said  Aerssens. 
"  He  is  sought  for  in  all  quarters  by  the  Spaniard  and  by 
the  directors  of  the  new  French  East  India  Company,  private 
persons  who  equip  vessels  of  war.  If  he  is  not  satisfied  with 


208  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 

this  king's  offers,  he  is  likely  to  close  with  the  King  of 
Spain,  who  offers  him  1000  crowns  a  month.  Avarice  tickles 
him,  but  he  is  neither  Spaniard  nor  Papist,  and  I  fear  will 
be  induced  to  serve  with  his  ships  the  East  India  Com- 
pany, and  so  will  return  to  his  piracy,  the  evil  of  which  will 
always  fall  on  our  heads.  If  My  Lords  the  States  will  send 
me  letters  of  abolition  far  him,  in  imitation  of  the  French 
king,  on  condition  of  his  returning  to  his  home  in  Zealand 
and  quitting  the  sea  altogether,  something  might  be  done. 
Otherwise  he  will  be  off  to  Marseilles  again,  and  do  more 
harm  to  us  than  ever.  Isaac  Le  Maire  is  doing  as  much  evil 
as  he  can,  and  one  holds  daily  council  with  him  here."  * 

Thus  the  slippery  Simon  skimmed  the  seas  from  Marseilles 
to  the  Moluccas,  from  Java  to  Mexico,  never  to  be  held 
firmly  by  Philip,  or  Henry,  or  Barneveld.  A  dissolute 
but  very  daring  ship's  captain,  born  in  Zealand,  and  for- 
merly in  the  service  of  the  States,  out  of  which  he  had 
been  expelled  for  many  evil  deeds,  Simon  Danzer  had  now 
become  a  professional  pirate,  having  his  head-quarters  chiefly 
at  Algiers.  His  English  colleague  Warde  stationed  himself 
mainly  at  Tunis,  and  both  acted  together  in  connivance  with 
the  pachas  of  the  Turkish  government.  They  with  their 
considerable  fleet,  one  vessel  of  which  mounted  sixty  guns, 
were  the  terror  of  the  Mediterranean,  extorted  tribute  from 
the  commerce  of  all  nations  indifferently,  and  sold  licenses 
to  the  greatest  governments  of  Europe.  After  growing 
rich  with  his  accumulated  booty,  Simon  was  inclined  to 
become  respectable,  a  recourse  which  was  always  open  to 
him — France,  England,  Spain,  the  United  Provinces,  vicing 
with  each  other  to  secure  him  by  high  rank  and  pay  as  an 
honoured  member  of  their  national  marine.  He  appears 
however  to  have  failed  in  his  plan  of  retiring  upon  his 

1  "Rapport."  (MS.)  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  6  Sept.  1609.  Same  to  same, 
1  Nov.  1609.  Same  to  same,  22  Dec.  1609.  (MSS.) 


CONVERSATIONS  OF  HENRY  WITH  COMMISSIONERS.      209 

laurels,  having  been  stabbed  in  Paris  by  a  man  whom  he 
had  formerly  robbed  and  ruined.1 

Villeroy,  having  delivered  the  letters  with  his  own  hands 
to  the  ambassadors,  was  asked  by  them  when  and  where  it 
would  be  convenient  for  the  King  to  arrange  the  convention 
of  close  alliance.  The  Secretary  of  State — in  his  secret  heart 
anything  but  kindly  disposed  for  this  loving  union  with  a 
republic  he  detested  and  with  heretics  whom  he  would  have 
burned — answered  briefly  that  his  Majesty  was  ready  at  any 
time,  and  that  it  might  take  place  then  if  they  were  provided 
with  the  necessary  powers.  He  said  in  parting  that  the 
States  should  "  have  an  eye  to  everything,  for  occasions  like 
the  present  were  irrecoverable."  He  then  departed,  saying 
that  the  King  would  receive  them  in  final  audience  on  the 
following  day.2 

Next  morning  accordingly  Marshal  de  Boisdaulphin  and 
de  Bonoeil  came  with  royal  coaches  to  the  Hotel  Gondy 
and  escorted  the  ambassadors  to  the  Louvre.     On    May  6j 
the  way  they  met  de  Bethune,  who  had  returned      161°- 
from  the  Hague  bringing  despatches  for  the  King  and  for 
themselves.     While  in  the  antechamber,  they  had  oppor- 
tunity to  read  their  letters  from  the   States-General,  his 
Majesty  sending  word  that  he  was  expecting   them  with 
impatience,  but  preferred  that  they  should  read  the  des- 
patches before  the  audience. 

They  found  the  King  somewhat  out  of  humour.  He 
expressed  himself  as  tolerably  well  satisfied  with  the  general 
tenour  of  the  despatches  brought  by  de  Bethune,  but  com> 
plained  loudly  of  the  request  now  made  by  the  States,  that 
the  maintenance  and  other  expenses  of  4000  French  in  the 
States'  service  should  be  paid  in  the  coming  campaign 
out  of  the  royal  exchequer.  He  declared  that  this  pro- 

1  Meteren,  'Ned.  Hist.'  book  xxxi.  p.  673.  Ibid.  b.  xxxii.  584,  639. 
Wagenaar,  x.  51.  *  "  Rapport "  of  the  Ambassadors,  before  cited. 

VOL.  I.  P 


210  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  IV 

position  was  "  a  small  manifestation  of  ingratitude,"  that  my 
Lords  the  States  were  "  little  misers/'  and  that  such  pro- 
ceedings were  "  little  avaricious  tricks  "  such  as  he  had  not 
expected  of  them.1 

So  far  as  England  was  concerned,  he  said  there  was  a  great 
difference.  The  English  took  away  what  he  was  giving. 
He  did  cheerfully  a  great  deal  for  his  friends,  he  said,  and 
was  always  ready  doubly  to  repay  what  they  did  for  him. 
If,  however,  the  States  persisted  in  this  course,  he  should 
call  his  troops  home  again. 

The  King,  as  he  went  on,  became  more  and  more  excited, 
and  showed  decided  dissatisfaction  in  his  language  and 
manner.  It  was  not  to  be  wondered  at,  for  we  have  seen  how 
persistently  he  had  be.en  urging  that  the  Advocate  should 
come  in  person  with  "  the  bridle  on  his  neck,"  and  now  he 
had  sent  his  son-in-law  and  two  colleagues  tightly  tied  up 
by  stringent  instructions.  And  over  and  above  all  this, 
while  he  was  contemplating  a  general  war  with  intention  to 
draw  upon  the  States  for  unlimited  supplies,  behold,  they 
were  haggling  for  the  support  of  a  couple  of  regiments  which 
were  virtually  their  own  troops. 

There  were  reasons,  however,  for  this  cautiousness  besides 
those  unfounded,  although  not  entirely  chimerical,  suspicions 
as  to  the  King's  good  faith,  to  which  we  have  alluded.  It 
should  not  be  forgotten  that,  although  Henry  had  conversed 
secretly  with  the  States'  ambassador  at  full  length  on  his 
far-reaching  plans,  with  instructions  that  he  should  con- 
fidentially inform  the  Advocate  and  demand  his  co-opera- 
tion, not  a  word  of  it  had  been  officially  propounded  to  the 
States-General,  nor  to  the  special  embassy  with  whom  he 
was  now  negotiating.  No  treaty  of  alliance  offensive  or 
defensive  existed  between  the  Kingdom  and  the  Republic 

*  "Rapport"  of  the  Ambassadors,  before  cited  :  "  petit  temoigna^e  d'ia 
gratitude  " — "  petits  avaricieux  " — "  petits  avarices." 


CONVERSATIONS  OF  HENRY  WITH  COMMISSIONERS.     211 

or  between  the  Republic  and  any  power  whatever.  It  would 
have  been  culpable  carelessness  therefore  at  this  moment  for 
the  prime  minister  of  the  States  to  have  committed  his 
government  in  writing  to  a  full  participation  in  a  general 
assault  upon  the  House  of  Austria  ;  the  first  step  in  which 
would  have  been  a  breach  of  the  treaty  just  concluded  and 
instant  hostilities  with  the  Archdukes  Albert  and  Isabella. 

That  these  things  were  in  the  immediate  future  was  as 
plain  as  that  night  would  follow  day,  but  the  hour  had  not 
yet  struck  for  the  States  to  throw  down  the  gauntlet. 

Hardly  twro  months  before,  the  King,  in  his  treaty  with  the 
princes  at  Hall,  had  excluded  both  the  King  of  Great  Britain 
and  the  States-General  from  participation  in  those  arrange- 
ments, and  it  was  grave  matter  for  consideration,  therefore, 
for  the  States  whether  they  should  allow  such  succour  as 
they  might  choose  to  grant  the  princes  to  be  included  in 
the  French  contingent.  The  opportunity  for  treating  as  a 
sovereign  power  with  the  princes  and  making  friends  with 
them  was  tempting,  but  it  did  not  seem  reasonable  to  the 
States  that  France  should  make  use  of  them  in  this  war 
without  a  treaty,  and  should  derive  great  advantage  from 
the  alliance,  but  leave  the  expense  to  them. 

Henry,  on  the  other  hand,  forgetting,  when  it  was  con- 
venient to  him,  all  about  the  Princess  of  Conde,  his  hatred 
of  Spam,  and  his  resolution  to  crush  the  House  of  Austria, 
chose  to  consider  the  war  as  made  simply  for  the  love  of  the 
States-General  and  to  secure  them  for  ever  from  danger. 

The  ambassadors  replied  to  the  King's  invectives  with 
great  respect,  and  endeavoured  to  appease  his  anger.  They 
had  sent  a  special  despatch  to  their  government,  they  said, 
in  regard  to  all  those  matters,  setting  forth  all  the  difficulties 
that  had  been  raised,  but  had  not  wished  to  trouble  his 
Majesty  with  premature  discussions  of  them.  They  did  not 
1  Aeresens  to  Baroeveld,  22  Feb.  1610.  (MS.) 


212  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  IV. 

doubt,  however,  that  their  High  Mightinesses  would  so 
conduct  this  great  affair  as  to  leave  the  King  no  ground  of 
complaint. 

Henry  then  began  to  talk  of  the  intelligence  brought  by 
de  Bethune  from  the  Hague,  especially  in  regard  to  the  send- 
ing of  States'  troops  to  Diisseldorf  and  the  supply  of  food  for 
the  French  army.  He  did  not  believe,  he  said,  that  the  Arch- 
dukes would  refuse  him  the  passage  with  his  forces  through 
their  territory,  inasmuch  as  the  States'  army  would  be  on  the 
way  to  meet  him.  In  case  of  any  resistance,  however,  he 
declared  his  resolution  to  strike  his  blow  and  to  cause  people 
to  talk  of  him.  He  had  sent  his  quartermaster-general  to 
examine  the  passes,  who  had  reported  that  it  would  be 
impossible  to  prevent  his  Majesty's  advance.  He  was  also 
distinctly  informed  that  Marquis  Spinola,  keeping  his  places 
garrisoned,  could  not  bring  more  than  8000  men  into 
the  field.  The  Duke  of  Bouillon,  however,  was  sending 
advices  that  his  communications  were  liable  to  be  cut  off, 
and  that  for  this  purpose  Spinola  could  set  on  foot  about 
16,000  infantry  and  4000  horse. 

If  the  passage  should  be  allowed  by  the  Archdukes,  the 
King  stated  his  intention  of  establishing  magazines  for  his 
troops  along  the  whole  line  of  march  through  the  Spanish 
Netherlands  and  neighbouring  districts,  and  to  establish  and 
fortify  himself  everywhere  in  order  to  protect  his  supplies 
and  cover  his  possible  retreat.  He  was  still  in  doubt,  he 
said,  whether  to  demand  the  passage  at  once  or  to  wait  until 
he  had  began  to  move  his  army.  He  was  rather  inclined  to 
make  the  request  instantly  in  order  to  gain  time,  being 
persuaded  that  he  should  receive  no  answer  either  of  consent 
or  refusal. 

Leaving  all  these  details,  the  King  then  frankly  observed 
that  the  affair  of  Cleve  had  a  much  wider  outlook  than 
1  MS.  Report,  before  cited. 


CONVERSATIONS  OF  HENRY  WITH  COMMISSIONERS.    213 

people  thought.  Therefore  the  States  must  consider  well 
what  was  to  be  done  to  secure  the  whole  work  as  soon  as  the 
Cleve  business  had  been  successfully  accomplished.  Upon 
this  subject  it  was  indispensable  that  he  should  consult 
especially  with  his  Excellency  (Prince  Maurice)  and  some 
members  of  the  General  Assembly,  whom  he  wished  that 
My  Lords  the  States-General  should  depute  to  the  army. 

"  For  how  much  good  will  it  do,"  said  the  King,  "  if  we 
drive  off  Archduke  Leopold  without  establishing  the  princes 
in  security  for  the  future  ?  Nothing  is  easier  than  to  put 
the  princes  in  possession.  Every  one  will  yield  or  run  away 
before  our  forces,  but  two  months  after  we  have  withdrawn 
the  enemy  will  return  and  drive  the  princes  out  again.  I 
cannot  always  be  ready  to  spring  out  of  my  kingdom,  nor 
to  assemble  such  great  armies.  I  am  getting  old,  and  my 
army  moreover  costs  me  400,000  crowns  a  month,  which 
is  enough  to  exhaust  all  the  treasures  of  France,  Spain, 
Venice,  and  the  States-General  together." 1 

He  added  that,  if  the  present  occasion  were  neglected,  the 
States  would  afterwards  bitterly  lament  and  never  recover 
it.  The  Pope  was  very  much  excited,  and  was  sending  out 
his  ambassadors  everywhere.  Only  the  previous  Saturday 
the  new  nuncius  destined  for  France  had  left  Borne.  If  My 
Lords  the  States  would  send  deputies  to  the  camp  with  full 
powers,  he  stood  there  firm  and  unchangeable,  but  if  they 
remained  cool  in  the  business,  he  warned  them  that  they 
would  enrage  him. 

The  States  must  seize  the  occasion,  he  repeated.  It  was 
bald  behind,  and  must  be  grasped  by  the  forelock.  It  was 
not  enough  to  have  begun  welL  One  must  end  well.  "Finis 
coronat  opus."  It  was  very  easy  to  speak  of  a  league,  but  a 
league  was  not  to  be  made  in  order  to  sit  with  arms  tied,  but 

D  * 

to  do  good  work.     The  States  ought  not  to  suffer  that  the 
1  MS.  "  Rapport,"  &c. 


214  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 

Germans  should  prove  themselves  more  energetic,  more 
courageous,  than  themselves. 

And  again  the  King  vehemently  urged  the  necessity  of 
his  Excellency  and  some  deputies  of  the  States  coming  to 
Mm  "  with  absolute  power "  to  treat.  He  could  not  doubt 
in  that  event  of  something  solid  being  accomplished.1 

"  There  are  three  things/'  he  continued,  "  which  cause  me 
to  speak  freely.  I  am  talking  with  my  friends  whom  I  hold 
dear — yes,  dearer,  perhaps,  than  they  hold  themselves.  I 
am  a  great  king,  and  say  what  I  choose  to  say.  I  am  old, 
and  know  by  experience  the  ways  of  this  world's  affairs.  I 
tell  you,  then,  that  it  is  most  important  that  you  should 
come  to  me  resolved  and  firm  on  all  points.2 

He. then  requested  the  ambassadors  to  make  full  report  of 
all  that  he  had  said  to  their  masters,  to  make  the  journey  as 
rapidly  as  possible,  in  order  to  encourage  the  States  to  the 
great  enterprise  and  to  meet  his  wishes.  He  required  from 
them,  he  said,  not  only  activity  of  the  body,  but  labour  of 
the  intellect. 

He  was  silent  for  a  few  moments,  and  then  spoke  again. 
"  I  shall  not  always  be  here,"  he  said,  "  nor  will  you  always 
have  Prince  Maurice,  and  a  few  others  whose  knowledge  of 
your  commonwealth  is  perfect.  My  Lords  the  States  must 
be  up  and  doing  while  they  still  possess  them.  Next  Tues- 
day I  shall  cause  the  Queen  to  be  crowned  at  Saint-Denis  ; 
the  following  Thursday  she  will  make  her  entry  into  Paris. 
1  Next  day,  Friday,  I  shall  take  my  departure.  At  the  end 
of  this  month  I  shall  cross  the  Meuse  at  Mezieres  or  in  that 
neighbourhood." 3 

He  added  that  he  should  write  immediately  to  Holland, 
to  urge  upon  his  Excellency  and  the  States  to  be  ready  to 
make  the  junction  of  their  army  with  his  forces  without 
delay.  He  charged  the  ambassadors  to  assure  their  High 

1  MS.  "  Rapport,"  &c.  2  Ibid.  3  Ibid. 


CONVERSATIONS  OF  HENRY  WITH  COMMISSIONERS.    215 

Mightinesses  that  he  was  and  should  remain  their  truest 
friend,  their  dearest  neighbour.  He  then  said  a  few  gracious 
and  cordial  words  to  each  of  them,  warmly  embraced  each, 
and  bade  them  all  farewell.1 

The  next  day  was  passed  by  the  ambassadors  in  paying 
and  receiving  farewell  visits,  and  on  Saturday,  the      May  8, 
8th,  they  departed  from  Paris,  being  escorted  out       161°- 
of  the  gate  by  the  Marshal  de  Boisdaulphin,  with  a  caval- 
cade of  noblemen.     They  slept  that  night  at  Saint- 
Denis,  and  then  returned  to  Holland  by  the  way  of 
Calais  and  Rotterdam,  reaching  the  Hague  on  the  16th  of 
May. 

I  make  no  apology  for  the  minute  details  thus  given  of 
the  proceedings  of  this  embassy,  and  especially  of  the  con- 
versations of  Henry. 

The  very  words  of  those  conversations  were  taken  down 
on  the  spot  by  the  commissioners  who  heard  them,  and  were 
carefully  embodied  in  their  report  made  to  the  States- 
General  on  their  return,  from  which  I  have  transcribed  them. 

It  was  a  memorable  occasion.  The  great  king — for 
great  he  was,  despite  his  numerous  vices  and  follies — 
stood  there  upon  the  threshold  of  a  vast  undertaking,  at 
which  the  world,  still  half  incredulous,  stood  gazing,  half 
sick  with  anxiety.  He  relied  on  his  own  genius  and  valour 
chiefly,  and  after  these  on  the  brain  of  Barneveld  and  the 
sword  of  Maurice.  Nor  was  his  confidence  misplaced. 

But  let  the  reader  observe  the  date  of  the  day  when  those 
striking  utterances  were  made,  and  which  have  never  before 
been  made  public.  It  was  Thursday,  the  6th  May.  "  I  shall 
not  always  be  here,"  said  the  King.  ...  "I  cannot  be 
ready  at  any  moment  to  spring  out  of  my  kingdom."  .  .  . 
"  Friday  of  next  week  I  take  my  departure." 

How  much  of  heroic  pathos  in  Henry's  attitude  at  this 
1  MS.  "  Rapport,"  &c. 


216  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 

supreme  moment !      How  mournfully  ring    those    closing 
words  of  his  address  to  the  ambassadors  ! 

The  die  was  cast.  A  letter  drawn  up  by  the  Due  de  Sully 
was  sent  to  Archduke  Albert  by  the  King. 

"  My  brother,"  he  said  ;  "  Not  being  able  to  refuse  my  best 
allies  and  confederates  the  help  which  they  have  asked  of 
me  against  those  who  wish  to  trouble  them  in  the  succes- 
sion to  the  duchies  and  counties  of  Cleve,  Julich,  Mark, 
Berg,  Ravensberg,  and  Ravenstein,  I  am  advancing  towards 
them  with  my  army.  As  my  road  leads  me  through  your 
country,  I  desire  to  notify  you  thereof,  and  to  know  whether 
or  not  I  am  to  enter  as  a  friend  or  enemy." 

Such  was  the  draft  as  delivered  to  the  Secretary  of  State  ; 
"and  as  such  it  was  sent,"  said  Sully,  "unless  Villeroy 
changed  it,  as  he  had  a  great  desire  to  do."  * 

Henry  was  mistaken  in  supposing  that  the  Archduke 
would  leave  the  letter  without  an  answer.  A  reply  was  sent 
in  due  time,  and  the  permission  demanded  was  not  refused. 
For  although  France  was  now  full  of  military  movement, 
and  the  regiments  everywhere  were  hurrying  hourly  to  the 
places  of  rendezvous,  though  the  great  storm  at  last  was 
ready  to  burst,  the  Archdukes  made  no  preparations  for 
resistance,  and  lapped  themselves  in  fatal  security  that 
nothing  was  intended  but  an  empty  demonstration.2 

Six  thousand  Swiss  newly  levied,  with  20,000  French 
infantry  and  6000  horse,  were  waiting  for  Henry  to  place 
himself  at  their  head  at  Mezieres.  Twelve  thousand  foot 
and  2000  cavalry,  including  the  French  and  English  con- 
tingents— a  splendid  army,  led  by  Prince  Maurice — were 
ready  to  march  from  Holland  to  Diisseldorf.  The  army  of 
the  princes  under  Prince  Christian  of  Anhalt  numbered 
10,000  men.  The  last  scruples  of  the  usually  unscrupulous 
Charles  Emmanuel  had  been  overcome,  and  the  Duke  was 

1  '  Memoires  de  Sully,'  vii.  875.  *  Ibid.  360,  notes. 


1610. 


PREPARATIONS   FOR  WAR. 


217 


quite  ready  to  act,  25,000  strong,  with  Marshal  de  Les- 
diguieres,  in  the  Milanese ;  while  Marshal  de  la  Force  was 
already  at  the  head  of  his  forces  in  the  Pyrenees,  amounting 
to  12,000  foot  and  2000  horse. 

Sully  had  already  despatched  his  .splendid  trains  of  artil- 
lery to  the  frontier.  "Never  was  seen  in  France,  and 
perhaps  never  will  be  seen  there  again,  artillery  more  com- 
plete and  better  furnished,"  1  said  the  Duke,  thinking  pro- 
bably that  artillery  had  reached  the  climax  of  perfect  de- 
structiveness  in  the  first  decade  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

His  son,  the  Marquis  de  Rosny,  had  received  the  post  of 
grand  master  of  artillery,  and  placed  himself  at  its  head. 
His  father  was  to  follow  as  its  chief,  carrying  with  him  as 
superintendent  of  finance  a  cash-box  of  eight  millions. 

The  King  had  appointed  his  wife,  Mary  de'  Medici, 
regent,  with  an  eminent  council.2 

The  new  nuncius  had  been  requested  to  present  himself  with 
his  letters  of  credence  in  the  camp.  Henry  was  unwilling 
that  he  should  enter  Paris,  being  convinced  that  he  came 
to  do  his  best,  by  declamation,  persuasion,  and  intrigue,  to 
paralyse  the  enterprise.  Sull/s  promises  to  Ubaldini,  the 
former  nuncius,  that  his  Holiness  should  be  made  king, 
however  flattering  to  Paul  V.,  had  not  prevented  his  repre- 
sentatives from  vigorously  denouncing  Henry's  monstrous 
scheme  to  foment  heresy  and  encourage  rebellion.3 

The  King's  chagrin  at  the  cautious  limitations  imposed 
upon  the  States'  special  embassy  was,  so  he  hoped,  to  be 
removed  by  full  conferences  in  the  camp.  Certainly  he  had 
shown  in  the  most  striking  manner  the  respect  he  felt  for 
the  States,  and  the  confidence  he  reposed  in  them. 


1  'Memoires  do  Sully,'  vii.  874. 

*  It  consisted  of  the  Cardinals  do 
Joyeusf)  and  da  Perron,  the  Dukes  of 
Mayenr.e,  Montmorcticv,  and  Mont- 
baron,  the  Marshals  dc  Brissac  and  do 


Ferraques.with  Chateanncnf,  Ilarlay, 
Nicolay,  Chateauvieux,  do  Liancourt, 
do  Pontcarre,  de  Qevrcs,  de  Villemon- 
to«.  «md  de  Maupeon. 
s  Ibid.  357. 


218  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAENEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 

"  In  the  reception  of  your  embassy,"  wrote  Aerssens  to  the 
Advocate,  "  certainly  the  King  has  so  loosened  the  strap  of 
his  affection  that  he  has  reserved  nothing  by  which  he  could 
put  the  greatest  king  in  the  world  above  your  level." * 

He  warned  the  StateSj  however,  that  Henry  had  not  found 
as  much  in  their  propositions  as  the  common  interest  had 
caused  him  to  promise  himself.  "  Nevertheless  he  informs 
me  in  confidence,"  said  Aerssens,  "  that  he  will  engage  him- 
self in  nothing  without  you ;  nay,  more,  he  has  expressly 
told  me  that  he  could  hardly  accomplish  his  task  without 
your  assistance,  and  it  was  for  our  sakes  alone  that  he  has  put 
himself  into  this  position  and  incurred  this  great  expense." 2 

Some  days  later  he  informed  Barneveld  that  he  would 
leave  to  van  der  Myle  and  his  colleagues  the  task  of 
describing  the  great  dissatisfaction  of  the  King  at  the  letters 
brought  by  de  Bethune.  He  told  him  in  confidence  that 
the  States  must  equip  the  French  regiments  and  put  them 
in  marching  order  if  they  wished  to  preserve  Henry's  friend- 
ship. He  added  that  since  the  departure  of  the  special 
embassy  the  King  had  been  vehemently  and  seriously 
urging  that  Prince  Maurice,  Count  Lewis  William,  Barne- 
veld, and  three  or  four  of  the  most  qualified  deputies 
of  the  States-General,  entirely  authorized  to  treat  for  the 
common  safety,  should  meet  with  him  in  the  territory  of 
Jiilich  on  a  fixed  day.3 

The  crisis  was  reached.  The  King  stood  fully  armed, 
thoroughly  prepared,  with  trustworthy  allies  at  his  side, 
disposing  of  overwhelming  forces  ready  to  sweep  down  with 
irresistible  strength  upon  the  House  of  Austria,  which,  as  he 
said  and  the  States  said,  aspired  to  give  the  law  to  the  whole 
world.  Nothing  was  left  to  do  save,  as  the  Ambassador  said, 
to  "  uncouple  the  dogs  of  war  and  let  them  run." 

1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  26  April  1610.     (MS.)  2  Ibid. 

3  Same  to  same,  11  May  1610.    (MS.) 


ARRANGEMENTS  FOR  THE  QUEEN'S  CORONATION.        219 

What  preparations  had  Spain  and  the  Empire,  the  Pope 
and  the  League,  set  on  foot  to  beat  back  even  for  a  moment 
the  overwhelming  onset  ?  None  whatever.  Spinola  in  the 
Netherlands,  Fuentes  in  Milan,  Bucquoy  and  Lobkowitz  and 
Liechtenstein  in  Prague,  had  hardly  the  forces  of  a  moderate 
peace  establishment  at  their  disposal,  and  all  the  powers 
save  France  and  the  States  were  on  the  verge  of  bankruptcy. 

Even  James  of  Great  Britain — shuddering  at  the  vast 
thundercloud  which  had  stretched  itself  over  Christendom 
growing  blacker  and  blacker,  precisely  at  this  moment,  in 
which  he  had  proved  to  his  own  satisfaction  that  the  peace 
just  made  would  perpetually  endure — even  James  did  not 
dare  to  traverse  the  designs  of  the  king  whom  he  feared, 
and  the  republic  which  he  hated,  in  favour  of  his  dearly 
loved  Spain,  Sweden,  Donm:irk,  the  Hanse  Towns,  were  in 
harmony  with  France,  Holland,  Savoy,  and  the  whole  Pro- 
testant force  of  Germany — a  majority  both  in  population 
and  resources  of  the  whole  empire.  What  army,  what  com- 
bination, what  device,  what  talisman,  could  save  the  House 
of  Austria,  the  cause  of  Papacy,  from  the  impending  ruin  ? 

A  sudden,  rapid,  conclusive  victory  for  the  allies  seemed 
as  predestined  a  result  as  anything  could  be  in  the  future  of 
human  affairs. 

On  the  14th  or  15th  day  of  May,  as  he  had  just  been 
informing  the  States'  ambassadors,  Henry  meant    May  14, 
to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  his  army.     That       161°- 
was  the  moment  fixed  by  himself  for   "  taking  his   de- 
parture." 

And  now  the  ides  of  May  had  come — but  not  gone. 

In  the  midst  of  all  the  military  preparations  with  which 
Paris  had  been  resounding,  the  arrangements  for  the  Queen's 
coronation  had  been  simultaneously  going  forward.  Partly 
to  give  check  in  advance  to  the  intrigues  which  would 
probably  at  a  later  date  be  made  by  Conde,  supported  by 


220  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BABNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 

the  power  of  Spain,  to  invalidate  the  legitimacy  of  the 
Dauphin,  but  more  especially  perhaps  to  further  and  to  con- 
ceal what  the  faithful  Sully  called  the  "  damnable  artifices  " 
of  the  Queen's  intimate  councillors — sinister  designs  too  dark 
to  be  even  whispered 1  at  that  epoch,  and  of  which  history, 
during  the  lapse  of  more  than  two  centuries  and  a  half,  has 
scarcely  dared  to  speak  above  its  breath — it  was  deemed  all 
important  that  the  coronation  should  take  place. 

A  certain  astrologer,  Thomassin  byname,  was  said  to  have 
bidden  the  King  to  beware  the  middle  of  the  next  month  of 
May.  Henry  had  tweaked  the  soothsayer  by  the  beard  and 
made  him  dance  twice  or  thrice  about  the  room.2  To  the 
Due  de  Vendome  expressing  great  anxiety  in  regard  to 
Thomassin,  Henry  replied,  "The  astrologer  is  an  old  fool,  and 
you  are  a  young  fool."  A  certain  prophetess  called  Pasithea 
had  informed  the  Queen  that  the  King  could  not  survive 
his  fifty-seventh  year.  She  was  much  in  the  confidence  of 
Mary  de'  Medici,  who  had  insisted  this  year  on  her  returning 
to  Paris.3  Henry,  who  was  ever  chafing  and  struggling  to 
escape  the  invisible  and  dangerous  net  which  he  felt  closing 
about  him,  and  who  connected  the  sorceress  with  all  whom 
he  most  loathed  among  the  intimate  associates  of  the  Queen, 
swore  a  mighty  oath  that  she  should  not  show  her  face  again 
at  court.  "  My  heart  presages  that  some  signal  disaster  will 
befall  me  on  this  coronation.  Concini  and  his  wife  are 
urging  the  Queen  obstinately  to  send  for  this  fanatic.  If 
she  should  come,  there  is  no  doubt  that  my  wife  and  I  shall 
squabble  well  about  her.  If  I  discover  more  about  these 
private  plots  of  hers  with  Spain,  I  shall  be  in  a  mighty 
passion."  And  the  King  then  assured  the  faithful  minister 
of  his  conviction  that  all  the  jealousy  affected  by  the  Queen 
in  regard  to  the  Princess  of  Conde  was  but  a  veil  to  cover 

1  '  Memoires  de  Sully,'  vii.  175. 
8  L'Estoile,  iii.  433.    Sully,  '  Mem.'  vii.  381.  3  Ibid.  175. 


1610.  PERPLEXITIES  OF  HENRY.  221 

dark  designs.  It  was  necessary  in  the  opinion  of  those  who 
governed  her,  the  vile  Concini  and  his  wife,  that  there 
should  be  some  apparent  and  flagrant  cause  of  quarrel.  The 
public  were  to  receive  payment  in  these  pretexts  for  want  of 
better  coin.  Henry  complained  that  even  Sully  and  all  the 
world  besides  attributed  to  jealousy  that  which  was  really 
the  effect  of  a  most  refined  malice.1 

And  the  minister  sometimes  pauses  in  the  midst  of  these 
revelations  made  in  his  old  age,  and  with  self-imposed  and 
shuddering  silence  intimates  that  there  are  things  he  could 
tell  which  are  too  odious  and  dreadful  to  be  breathed. 

Henry  had  an  invincible  repugnance  to  that  coronation 
on  which  the  Queen  had  set  her  heart.  Nothing  could  be 
more  pathetic  than  the  isolated  position  in  which  he  found 
himself,  standing  thus  as  he  did  on  the  threshold  of  a  mighty 
undertaking  in  which  he  was  the  central  figure,  an  object  for 
the  world  to  gaze  upon  with  palpitating  interest.  At  his 
hearth  in  the  Louvre  were  no  household  gods.  Danger 
lurked  behind  every  tapestry  in  that  magnificent  old  palace. 
A  nameless  dread  dogged  his  footsteps  through  those 
resounding  corridors. 

And  by  an  exquisite  refinement  in  torture  the  possible 
father  of  several  of  his  children  not  only  dictated  to  the 
Queen  perpetual  outbreaks  of  frantic  jealousy  against  her 
husband,  but  moved  her  to  refuse  with  suspicion  any  food 
and  drink  offered  her  by  his  hands.  The  Concini's  would 
even  with  unparalleled  and  ingenious  effrontery  induce  her  tc 
make  use  of  the  kitchen  arrangements  in  their  apartments 
for  the  preparation  of  her  daily  meals.2 

Driven  from  house  and  home,  Henry  almost  lived  at  the 
Arsenal.  There  he  would  walk  for  hours  in  the  long  alleys 
of  the  garden,  discussing  with  the  great  financier  and  soldier 
his  vast,  dreamy,  impracticable  plans.  Strange  combina- 

1  Sully,  vii.  175.  *  Ibid.  177,  178. 


222  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  IV. 

tion  of  the  hero,  the  warrior,  the  voluptuary,  the  sage,  and 
the  schoolboy — it  would  be  difficult  to  find  in  the  whole 
range  of  history  a  more  human,  a  more  attractive,  a  more 
provoking,  a  less  venerable  character. 

Haunted  by  omens,  dire  presentiments,  dark  suspicions 
with  and  without  cause,  he  was  especially  averse  from  the 
coronation  to  which  in  a  moment  of  weakness  he  had  given 
his  consent. 

Sitting  in  Sully's  cabinet,  in  a  low  chair  which  the  Duke 
had  expressly  provided  for  his  use,  tapping  and  drumming 
on  his  spectacle  case,  or  starting  up  and  smiting  himself  on 
the  thigh,  he  would  pour  out  his  soul  hours  long  to  his  one 
confidential  minister.  "  Ah,  my  friend,  how  this  sacrament 
displeases  me,"  he  said ; *  "  I  know  not  why  it  is,  but  my 
heart  tells  me  that  some  misfortune  is  to  befall  me.  By  God  ! 
I  shall  die  in  this  city,  I  shall  never  go  out  of  it ;  I  see  very 
well  that  they  are  finding  their  last  resource  in  my  death.  Ah, 
accursed  coronation  !  thou  wilt  be  the  cause  of  my  death." 

So  many  times  did  he  give  utterance  to  these  sinister 
forebodings  that  Sully  implored  him  at  last  for  leave  to 
countermand  the  whole  ceremony  notwithstanding  the  great 
preparations  which  had  been  made  for  the  splendid  festival. 
"  Yes,  yes,"  replied  the  King,  "  break  up  this  coronation  at 
once.  Let  me  hear  no  more  of  it.  Then  I  shall  have  my 
mind  cured  of  all  these  impressions.  I  shall  leave  the  town 
and  fear  nothing." 

He  then  informed  his  friend  that  he  had  received  intima- 
tions that  he  should  lose  his  life  at  the  first  magnificent 
festival  he  should  give,  and  that  he  should  die  in  a  carriage. 
Sully  admitted  that  he  had  often,  when  in  a  carriage  with  him, 
been  amazed  at  his  starting  and  crying  out  at  the  slightest 
shock,  having  so  often  seen  him  intrepid  among  guns  and 
cannon,  pikes  and  naked  swords.2 

1  Sully,  vii.  383.  s  Ibid. 


1610.  FOREBODINGS  AND  WARNINGS.  223 

The  Duke  went  to  the  Queen  three  days  in  succession, 
and  with  passionate  solicitations  and  arguments  and  almost 
upon  his  knees  implored  her  to  yield  to  the  King's  earnest 
desire,  and  renounce  for  the  time  at  least  the  coronation. 
In  vain.  Mary  de'  Medici  was  obdurate  as  marble  to  his 
prayers.1 

The  coronation  was  fixed  for  Thursday,  the  13th  May,  two 
days  later  than  the  time  originally  appointed  when  the 
King  conversed  with  the  States'  ambassadors.  On  the  fol- 
lowing Sunday  was  to  be  the  splendid  and  solemn  entrance 
of  the  crowned  Queen.  On  the  Monday,  Henry,  postponing 
likewise  for  two  days  his  original  plan  of  departure,  would 
leave  for  the  army. 

Meantime  there  were  petty  annoyances  connected  with 
the  details  of  the  coronation.  Henry  had  set  his  heart  on 
having  his  legitimatized  children,  the  offspring  of  the  fair 
Gabrielle,  take  their  part  in  the  ceremony  on  an  equal 
footing  with  the  princes  of  the  blood.  They  were  not 
entitled  to  wear  the  lilies  of  France  upon  their  garments, 
and  the  King  was  solicitous  that "  the  Count " — as  Soissons, 
brother  of  Prince  Conti  and  uncle  of  Conde,  was  always 
called — should  dispense  with  those  ensigns  for  his  wife  upon 
this  solemn  occasion,  and  that  the  other  princesses  of  the 
blood  should  do  the  same.  Thus  there  would  be  no  appear- 
ance of  inferiority  on  the  part  of  the  Duchess  of  Vendome.2 

The  Count  protested  that  he  would  have  his  eyes  torn  out 
of  his  head  rather  than  submit  to  an  arrangement  which 
would  do  him  so  much  shame.  He  went  to  the  Queen  and 
urged  upon  her  that  to  do  this  would  likewise  be  an  injury 
to  her  children,  the  Dukes  of  Orleans  and  of  Anjou.  He 
refused  flatly  to  appear  or  allow  his  wife  to  appear  except  in 
the  costume  befitting  their  station.  The  King  on  his  part 
was  determined  not  to  abandon  his  purpose.  He  tried  to 

1  Sully,  vii.  383.  •  Aeresens  to  Barncveld,  11  May  1610.    (MS.) 


224  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.     .  CHAP.  IV. 

gain  over  the  Count  by  the  most  splendid  proposals,  offering 
him  the  command  of  the  advance-guard  of  the  army,  or  the 
lieutenancy-general  of  France  in  the  absence  of  the  King, 
30,000  crowns  for  his  equipment  and  an  increase  of  his 
pension  if  he  would  cause  his  wife  to  give  up  the  fleurs- 
de-lys  on  this  occasion.  The  alternative  was  to  be  that,  if 
she  insisted  upon  wearing  them,  his  Majesty  would  never 
look  upon  him  again  with  favourable  eyes. 

The  Count  never  hesitated,  but  left  Paris,  refusing  to 
appear  at  the  ceremony.  The  King  was  in  a  towering 
passion,  for  to  lose  the  presence  of  this  great  prince  of  the 
blood  at  a  solemnity  expressly  intended  as  a  demonstration 
against  the  designs  hatching  by  the  first  of  all  the  princes 
of  the  blood  under  patronage  of  Spain  was  a  severe  blow  to 
his  pride  and  a  check  to  his  policy.1 

Yet  it  was  inconceivable  that  he  could  at  such  a  moment 
commit  so  superfluous  and  unmeaning  a  blunder.  He  had 
forced  Conde  into  exile,  intrigue  with  the  enemy,  and 
rebellion,  by  open  and  audacious  efforts  to  destroy  his 
domestic  peace,  and  now  he  was  willing  to  alienate  one  of 
his  most  powerful  subjects  in  order  to  place  his  bastards  on 
a  level  with  royalty.  While  it  is  sufficiently  amusing  to 
contemplate  this  proposed  barter  of  a  chief  command  in  a 
great  army  or  the  lieutenancy-general  of  a  mighty  kingdom 
at  the  outbreak  of  a  general  European  war  against  a  bit  of 
embroidery  on  the  court  dress  of  a  lady,  yet  it  is  impossible 
not  to  recognize  something  ideal  and  chivalrous  from  his 
own  point  of  view  in  the  refusal  of  Soissons  to  renounce 
those  emblems  of  pure  and  high  descent,  those  haughty  lilies 
of  St.  Louis,  against  any  bribes  of  place  and  pelf  however 
dazzling. 

The  coronation  took  place  on  Thursday,  13th  May,  with  the 
pomp  and  glitter  becoming  great  court  festivals  ;  the  more 
1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  11  May  1610.    (MS.) 


1610.  THE  MURDER  ACCOMPLISHED.  225 

pompous  and  glittering  the  more  the  monarch's  heart  was 
wrapped  in  gloom.  The  representatives  of  the  great  powers 
were  conspicuous  in  the  procession  ;  Aerssens,  the  Dutch 
ambassador,  holding  a  foremost  place.  The  ambassadors  of 
Spam  and  Venice  as  usual  squabbled  about  precedence  and 
many  other  things,  and  actually  came  to  fisticuffs,  the  fight 
lasting  a  long  time  and  ending  somewhat  to  the  advantage 
of  the  Venetian.1  But  the  sacrament  was  over,  and  Mary  de' 
Medici  was  crowned  Queen  of  France  and  Eegent  of  the 
Kingdom  during  the  absence  of  the  sovereign  with  his  army. 

Meantime  there  had  been  mysterious  warnings  darker  and 
more  distinct  than  the  babble  of  the  soothsayer  Thomassin 
or  the  ravings  of  the  lunatic  Pasithea.  Count  Schomberg, 
dining  at  the  Arsenal  with  Sully,  had  been  called  out  to 
converse  with  Mademoiselle  de  Gournay,  who  implored  that 
a  certain  Madame  d'Escomans  might  be  admitted  to  audience 
of  the  King.2  That  person,  once  in  direct  relations  with  the 
Marchioness  of  Verneuil,  the  one  of  Henry's  mistresses  who 
most  hated  him,  affirmed  that  a  man  from  the  Duke  of 
Epernon's  country  was  in  Paris,  agent  of  a  conspiracy  seeking 
the  King's  life. 

The  woman  not  enjoying  a  very  reputable  character  found 
it  impossible  to  obtain  a  hearing,  although  almost  frantic 
with  her  desire  to  save  her  sovereign's  life.  The  Queen 
observed  that  it  was  a  wicked  woman,  who  was  accusing  all 
the  world,  and  perhaps  would  accuse  her  too.3 

The  fatal  Friday  came.     Henry  drove  out  in  his  carriage 
to  see  the  preparations  making  for  the  triumphal    May  14> 
entrance  of  the  Queen  into  Paris  on  the  following      1G1°- 
Sunday.   What  need  to  repeat  the  tragic,  familiar  tale  ?   The 


1  Aeresens  to  Barn c veld,  15  May 
1610.  (MS.)  "  .  .  .  lo  Jeudi  so  bat- 
tirent  longuement  a  coups  do  points 
los  ambassadeurs  d'Espagne  ct  Ve- 
nice pour  1'oxcellence  et  illustris- 


Ce  seroit  une  belle  comedio  sans  cette 
sanglante  tragt'die  quo  ne  cesserai 
oncques  de  pleurer,"  &c. 

»  Stilly,  vii.  387,  sqq. 

3  '  Mi'm.   pour  servir  it   1'hist.  do 


Bime.    Lo  Venitien  cut  1'avantage.    France,' 857.    Sully,  vil.  889,  note. 
VOL.   I. 


226 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  EARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 


coach  was  stopped  by  apparent  accident  in  the  narrow  street 
de  la  Feronniere,  and  Francis  Ravaillac,  standing  on  the 
wheel,  drove  his  knife  through  the  monarch's  heart.  The 
Duke  of  Epernon,  sitting  at  his  side,  threw  his  cloak  over  the 
body  and  ordered  the  carriage  back  to  the  Louvre. 

"They  have  killed  him,  e  ammazato,"  cried  Concini  (so 
says  tradition),  thrusting  his  head  into  the  Queen's  bed- 
chamber.1 

That  blow  had  accomplished  more  than  a  great  army 
could  have  done,  and  Spain  now  reigned  in  Paris.  The 
House  of  Austria,  without  making  any  military  preparations, 
had  conquered,  and  the  great  war  of  religion  and  politics 
was  postponed  for  half  a  dozen  years. 

This  history  has  no  immediate  concern  with  solving  the 
mysteries  of  that  stupendous  crime.  The  woman  who  had 
sought  to  save  the  King's  life  now  denounced  Epernon  as 
the  chief  murderer,  and  was  arrested,  examined,  accused  of 
lunacy,  proved  to  be  perfectly  sane,  and,  persisting  in  her 
statements  with  perfect  coherency,  was  imprisoned  for  life 
for  her  pains ;  the  Duke  furiously  demanding  her  instant 
execution. 

The  documents  connected  with  the  process  were  carefully 
suppressed.  The  assassin,  tortured  and  torn  by  four  horses, 
was  supposed  to  have  revealed  nothing  and  to  have  denied 
the  existence  of  accomplices. 

The  great  accused  were  too  omnipotent  to  be  dealt  with 
by  humble  accusers  or  by  convinced  but  powerless  tribunals. 
The  trial  was  all  mystery,  hugger-mugger,  horror.  Yet  the 


1  Michelet,  197.  It  is  not  pro- 
bable that  the  documents  concerning 
the  trial,  having  been  so  carefully 
suppressed  from  thebeginning,  especi- 
ally theconfession  dictatedto  Voisin— 
who  wrote  it  kneeling  on  the  ground, 
and  was  perhaps  so  appalled  at  its 
purport  that  he  was  afraid  to  write  it 


legibly — will  ever  see  the  light.  I 
add  in  the  Appendix  some  contem- 
porary letters  of  persons,  as  likely 
as  any  one  to  know  what  could  be 
known,  which  show  how  dreadful 
were  the  suspicions  which  men  enter- 
tained, and  which  they  hardly  ven- 
tured to  whisper  to  each  other. 


1610. 


TERRIBLE  CHANGE  IN  FRANCE. 


227 


murderer  is  known  to  have  dictated  to  the  Greffier  Voisin, 
just  before  expiring  on  the  Greve,  a  declaration  which  that 
functionary  took  down  in  a  handwriting  perhaps  purposely 
illegible. 

Two  centuries  and  a  half  have  passed  away,  yet  the  illegible 
original  record  is  said  to  exist,  to  have  been  plainly  read,  and 
to  contain  the  names  of  the  Queen  and  the  Duke  of  Epernon.1 

Twenty-six  years  before,  the  pistol  of  Balthasar  Gerard 
had  destroyed  the  foremost  man  in  Europe  and  the  chief  of 
a  commonwealth  just  straggling  into  existence.  Yet  Spain 
and  Borne,  the  instigators  and  perpetrators  of  the  crime, 
had  not  reaped  the  victory  which  they  had  the  right  to 
expect.  The  young  republic,  guided  by  Barneveld  and  loyal 
to  the  son  of  the  murdered  stadholder,  was  equal  to  the 
burthen  suddenly  descending  upon  its  shoulders.  Instead 
of  despair  there  had  been  constancy.  Instead  of  distracted 
counsels  there  had  been  heroic  union  of  heart  and  hand. 
Bather  than  bend  to  Borne  and  grovel  to  Philip,  it  had  taken 
its  sovereignty  in  its  hands,  offered  it  successively,  without 
a  thought  of  self-aggrandizement  on  the  part  of  its  children, 
to  the  crowns  of  France  and  Great  Britain,  and,  having  been 
repulsed  by  both,  had  learned  after  fiery  trials  and  incredible 
exertions  to  assert  its  own  high  and  foremost  place  among 
the  independent  powers  of  the  world. 

And  now  the  knife  of  another  priest-led  fanatic,  the 
wretched  but  unflinching  instrument  of  a  great  conspiracy, 
had  at  a  blow  decapitated  France.  No  political  revolution 
could  be  much  more  thorough  than  that  \vhich  had  been 
accomplished  in  a  moment  of  time  by  Francis  Bavaillac. 

On  the  14th  of  May,  France,  while  in  spiritual  matters 


1  See  'Memoiros  de  Sully,'  t.  vii. 
(ed.  cit.  1747),  857,  8K6-440.  and  the 
notoa  See  also  le  P<-rc  Daniel, '  Hist, 
de  la  Franco '  (ed.  cit.),  t.  xii.  644-050, 
sqq. ;  t.  xiii.  51-53.  See  especially 


the  remarkable  volume  of  the  creat 
historian  Michelet,  '  Henry  IV  et 
Richelieu,'  chs.  xii.  and  xiii.  passim, 
pp.  209  and  225. 


228 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  IV. 


obedient  to  the  Pope,  stood  at  the  head  of  the  forces  of  Pro- 
testantism throughout  Europe,  banded  together  to  effect  the 
downfall  of  the  proud  house  of  Austria,  whose  fortunes  and 
fate  were  synonymous  with  Catholicism.  The  Baltic  powers, 
the  majority  of  the  Teutonic  races,  the  Kingdom  of  Britain, 
the  great  Eepublic  of  the  Netherlands,  the  northernmost 
and  most  warlike  governments  of  Italy,  all  stood  at  the 
disposition  of  the  warrior-king.  Venice,  who  had  hitherto, 
in  the  words  of  a  veteran  diplomatist,  "shunned  to  look 
a  league  or  a  confederation  in  the  face,  if  there  was  any 
Protestant  element  in  it,  as  if  it  had  been  the  head  of 
Medusa," *  had  formally  forbidden  the  passage  of  troops 
northwards  to  the  relief  of  the  assailed  power.  Savoy,  after 
direful  hesitations,  had  committed  herself  body  and  soul  to 
the  great  enterprise.  Even  the  Pope,2  who  feared  the  over- 
shadowing personality  of  Henry,  and  was  beginning  to 
believe  his  house's  private  interests  more  likely  to  flourish 
under  the  protection  of  the  French  than  the  Spanish  king, 
was  wavering  in  his  fidelity  to  Spain  and  tempted  by  French 
promises.  If  he  should  prove  himself  incapable  of  effecting 
a  pause  in  the  great  crusade,  it  was  doubtful  on  which  side 
he  would  ultimately  range  himself ;  for  it  was  at  least  cer- 
tain that  the  new  Catholic  League,  under  the  chieftainship 
of  Maximilian  of  Bavaria,  was  resolved  not  to  entangle  its 
fortunes  inextricably  with  those  of  the  Austrian  house. 

The  great  enterprise,  first  unfolding  itself  with  the  episode 
of  Cleve  and  Berg  and  whimsically  surrounding  itself  with 
the  fantastic  idyl  of  the  Princess  of  Conde,  had  attained  vast 


1  '  Letters  from  and  to  Sir  Dudley 
Carleton'  (London,  1757),  p.  384. 

8  "  '  Dominus  exercituum  fecit  hoc/ 
thus  moralized  his  Holiness  on  hear- 
ing of  the  murder, '  etquia  erat  datus 
in  reprobum  sensum,'  through  the 
blindness  of  love  and  the  instigations 
of  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  both  being  re- 


solved to  disturb  the  repose  of  Italy. 
Now,  therefore,  his  Holiness  was  re- 
presented as  'hoping  a  change  for 
the  better  in  public  affairs. ' " — Ortem- 
berg,  ambassador  at  Rome,  to  the 
Archdukes.  29  Ma?  1610,  in  Hen- 
rard. 


1610.  TEKRIBLE  CHANGE  IN  FRANCE.  229 

and  misty  proportions  in  the  brain  of  its  originator.  Few 
political  visions  are  better  known  in  history  than  the 
"  grand  design  "  of  Henry  for  rearranging  the  map  of  the 
•world  at  the  moment  when,  in  the  middle  of  May,  he  was 
about  to  draw  his  sword.  Spain  reduced  to  the  Medi- 
terranean and  the  Pyrenees,  but  presented  with  both  the 
Indies,  with  all  America  and  the  whole  Orient  in  fee ;  the 
Empire  taken  from  Austria  and  given  to  Bavaria ;  a  con- 
stellation of  States  in  Italy,  with  the  Pope  for  president- 
king  ;  throughout  the  rest  of  Christendom  a  certain  number 
of  republics,  of  kingdoms,  of  religions — a  great  confederation 
of  the  world,  in  short — with  the  most  Christian  king  for  its 
dictator  and  protector,  and  a  great  Amphictyonic  council 
to  regulate  all  disputes  by  solemn  arbitration,  and  to  make 
war  in  the  future  impossible,  such  in  little  was  his  great 
design. 

Nothing  could  be  more  humane,  more  majestic,  more 
elaborate,  more  utterly  preposterous.  And  all  this  gigantic 
fabric  had  passed  away  in  an  instant — at  one  stroke  of  a 
broken  table  knife  sharpened  on  a  carriage  wheel. 

Most  pitiful  was  the  condition  of  France  on  the  day  after, 
and  for  years  after,  the  murder  of  the  King.  Not  only  was 
the  kingdom  for  the  time  being  effaced  from  the  roll  of 
nations,  so  far  as  external  relations  were  concerned,  but  it 
almost  ceased  to  be  a  kingdom.  The  ancient  monarchy  of 
Hugh  Capet,  of  Saint-Louis,  of  Henry  of  France  and  Navarre, 
was  transformed  into  a  turbulent,  self-seeking,  quarrelsome, 
pillaging,  pilfering  democracy  of  grandees.  The  Queen- 
Regent  was  tossed  hither  and  thither  at  the  sport  of  the 
winds  and  waves  which  shifted  every  hour  in  that  tem- 
pestuous court. 

No  man  pretended  to  think  of  the  State.  J^very  man 
thought  only  of  himself.  The  royal  exchequer  was  plun- 
dered with  a  celerity  and  cynical  recklessness  sucb  as  have 


230 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAKNEVELD.        CHAP.  IV. 


been  rarely  seen  in  any  age  or  country.  The  millions  so 
carefully  hoarded  by  Sully,  and  exhibited  so  dramatically 
by  that  great  minister  to  the  enraptured  eyes  of  his  sove- 
reign ;  that  treasure  in  the  Bastille  on  which  Henry  relied 
for  payment  of  the  armies  with  which  he  was  to  transform 
the  world,  all  disappeared  in  a  few  weeks  to  feed  the 
voracious  maw  of  courtiers,  paramours,  and  partisans.1 

The  Queen  showered  gold  like  water  upon  her  beloved  Con- 
cini  that  he  might  purchase  his  Marquisate  of  Ancre,  and  the 
charge  of  first  gentleman  of  the  court  from  Bouillon ;  that 
he  might  fit  himself  for  the  government  of  Picardy ;  that 
he  might  elevate  his  marquisate  into  a  dukedom.  Conde, 
having  no  further  reason  to  remain  in  exile,  received  as  a 
gift  from  the  trembling  Mary  de'  Medici  the  magnificent 
Hotel  Gondy,  where  the  Dutch  ambassadors  had  so  recently 
been  lodged,  for  which  she  paid  65,000  crowns,  together 
with  25,000  crowns  to  furnish  it,  50,000  crowns  to  pay  his 
debts,  50,000  more  as  yearly  pension.2 

He  claimed  double,  and  was  soon  at  sword's  point  with  the 
Queen  in  spite  of  her  lavish  bounty. 

Epernon,  the  true  murderer  of  Henry,  trampled  on  courts 
of  justice 3  and  councils  of  ministers,  frightened  the  court 
by  threatening  to  convert  his  possession  of  Metz  into  an  in- 
dependent sovereignty,  as  Balagny  had  formerly  seized  upon 
Cambray,  smothered  for  ever  the  process  of  Kavaillac, 
caused  those  to  be  put  to  death  or  immured  for  life  in  dun- 
geons who  dared  to  testify  to  his  complicity  in  the  great 
crime,  and  strode  triumphantly  over  friends  and  enemies 
throughout  France,  although  so  crippled  by  the  gout  that 
he  could  scarcely  walk  up  stairs. 


1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  29  July 
1610  (MS.),  et  passim. 

8  Aerssens,  iM  sup.  J.  Simons  to 
Prats,  6  Aug.  1610,  in  Henrard. 

3  P.  Pecquius  to  Archduke  Albert, 


28  Jan.  1611.  Same  to  same,  2  Feb. 
1611.  (Archives  of  Belgium,  at  Brus- 
sels, MSS.)  Aerssens  to  Barneveld, 
Jan.,  Feb.,  and  March  1611.  (Hague 

Archives  MS.) 


1610. 


TEIUMPH  OP   CONCENI  AND  OF  SPAIN. 


231 


There  was  an  end  to  the  triumvirate.  Siilly's  influence 
was  gone  for  ever.  The  other  two  dropped  the  mask.  The 
Chancellor  and  Villeroy  revealed  themselves  to  be  what 
they  secretly  had  always  been — humble  servants  and  stipen- 
diaries of  Spain.1  The  formal  meetings  of  the  council 
were  of  little  importance,  and  were  solemn,  tearful,  and 
stately ;  draped  in  woe  for  the  great  national  loss.  In  the 
private  cabinet  meetings  in  the  entresol  of  the  Louvre,  where 
the  Nuncius  and  the  Spanish  ambassador  held  counsel  with 
Epemon  and  Villeroy  and  Jeannin  and  Sillery,  the  tone 
was  merry  and  loud  ;  the  double  Spanish  marriage  and  con- 
fusion to  the  Dutch  being  the  chief  topics  of  consultation. 

But  the  anarchy  grew  day  by  day  into  almost  hopeless 
chaos.  There  was  no  satisfying  the  princes  of  the  blood  nor 
the  other  grandees.  Conde,  whose  reconciliation  with  the 
Princess  followed  not  long  after  the  death  of  Henry  and  his 
own  return  to  France,  was  insatiable  in  his  demands  for 
money,  power,  and  citadels  of  security.  Soissons,  who  might 
formerly  have  received  the  lieutenancy-general  of  the 
kingdom  by  sacrificing  the  lilies  on  his  wife's  gown,  now 
disputed  for  that  office  with  his  elder  brother  Conti,  the 
Prince  claiming  it  by  right  of  seniority,  the  Count  de- 
nouncing Conti  as  deaf,  dumb,  and  imbecile,  till  they  drew 
poniards  on  each  other  in  the  very  presence  of  the  Queen  ; 2 
while  Conde  on  one  occasion,  having  been  refused  the  cita- 
dels which  he  claimed,  Blaye  and  Chateau  Trompette,  threw 
his  cloak  over  his  nose  and  put  on  his  hat  while  the  Queen 
was  speaking,  and  left  the  council  in  a  fury,  declaring  that 


1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  16  Nov. 
1610.  (MS.):  "Etant  plus  que  no- 
toirc  que  Messrs.  Ic  chancelier  et  de 
Villeroy  sont  de  tous  points  Espa- 
gnols  et  le  lonp  temps  pensionnaires 
d'Espagne."  Same  to  same,  6  Dec. 
1610:  "la  faibles.se  de  la  Reine  lui 
pet 
&c. 


Rrmft  (Villeroy)  a  lever  le  masque," 
c.  " Villeroy,  quiscul,posscdetoutea 


les  affaires  du  royaume  avec  une  ja- 
lousie incroyable  de  tous  les  grands 

et  petits Rome  gouverne  tout  et 

1'Espagne  grande  part  aux  affaires." 
—Same  to  same,  8  Sept.  1610.  (H. 
Archives  MS.) 

*  Same  to  Jacques  v.  Maldere,  8 
Aug.  1610.    (MS.) 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  IV. 


Villeroy  and  the  Chancellor  were  traitors,  and  that  he  would 
have  them  both  soundly  cudgelled.1  Guise,  Lorraine,  Eper- 
non,  Bouillon,  and  other  great  lords  always  appeared  in 
the  streets  of  Paris  at  the  head  of  three,  four,  or  five  hun- 
dred mounted  and  armed  retainers ;  while  the  Queen  in 
her  distraction  gave  orders  to  arm  the  Paris  mob  to  the 
number  of  fifty  thousand,  and  to  throw  chains  across  the 
streets  to  protect  herself  and  her  son  against  the  turbulent 
nobles.2 

Sully,  hardly  knowing  to  what  saint  to  burn  his  candle, 
being  forced  to  resign  his  great  posts,  was  found  for  a  time 
in  strange  political  combination  with  the  most  ancient  foes 
of  his  party  and  himself.  The  kaleidoscope  whirling  with 
exasperating  quickness  showed  ancient  Leaguers  and  Lor- 
rainers  banded  with  and  protecting  Huguenots  against  the 
Crown,  while  princes  of  the  blood,  hereditary  patrons  and 
chiefs  of  the  Huguenots,  became  partisans  and  stipendiaries! 
of  Spain. 

It  is  easy  to  see  that  circumstances  like  these  rendered 
the  position  of  the  Dutch  commonwealth  delicate  and 
perilous. 

Sully  informed  Aerssens  and  van  der  Myle,  who  had  been 
sent  back  to  Paris  on  special  mission  very  soon  after  the 
death  of  the  King,  that  it  took  a  hundred  hours  now  to 
accomplish  a  single  affair,  whereas  under  Henry  a  hundred 
affairs  were  transacted  in  a  single  hour.  But  Sully 's  sun 
had  set,  and  he  had  few  business  conferences  now  with  the 
ambassadors.3 

Villeroy  and  the  Chancellor  had  fed  fat  their  ancient 
grudge  to  the  once  omnipotent  minister,  and  had  sworn  his 
political  ruin.  The  old  secretary  of  state  had  held  now  coni- 


1  Aerssens  to  Jacques  v.  Maldere 
U  Dec.  1610.    (MS.) 
»  Ibid. 


3  Same  to  Barneveld,  14  June 
1610.  (MS.)  Van  der  Myle,  Report 
of  the  Special  Embassy.  (MS.) 


1610.  DOWNFALL  OP  SULLY.  233 

plete  control  of  the  foreign  alliances  and  combinations  of 
France,  and  the  Dutch  ambassadors  could  be  under  no 
delusion  as  to  the  completeness  of  the  revolution. 

"  You  will  find  a  passion  among  the  advisers  of  the 
Queen,"  said  Villeroy  to  Aerssens  and  van  der  Myle,  "  to 
move  in  diametrical  opposition  to  the  plans  of  the  late 
king."  *  And  well  might  the  ancient  Leaguer  and  present 
pensionary  of  Spain  reveal  this  foremost  fact  in  a  policy 
of  which  he  was  in  secret  the  soul.  He  wept  profusely 
when  he  first  received  Francis  Aerssens,  but  after  these 
"  useless  tears,"  as  the  Envoy  called  them,  he  soon  made  it 
manifest  that  there  was  no  more  to  be  expected  of  France, 
in  the  great  project  which  its  government  had  so  elaborately 
set  on  foot.2 

Villeroy  was  now  sixty-six  years  of  age,  and  had  been 
secretary  of  state  during  forty-two  years  and  under  four 
kings.  A  man  of  delicate  health,  frail  body,  methodical 
habits,  capacity  for  routine,  experience  in  political  intrigue, 
he  was  not  personally  as  greedy  of  money  as  many  of  his 
contemporaries,  and  was  not  without  generosity;  but  he 
loved  power,  the  Pope,  and  the  House  of  Austria.  He  was 
singularly  reserved  in  public,  practised  successfully  the 
talent  of  silence,  and  had  at  last  arrived  at  the  position 
he  most  coveted,  the  virtual  presidency  of  the  council,  and 
saw  the  men  he  most  hated  beneath  his  feet. 

At  the  first  interview  of  Aerssens  with  the  Queen-Regent 
she  was  drowned  in  tears,  and  could  scarcely  articulate  an 
intelligible  sentence.  So  far  as  could  be  understood  she 
expressed  her  intention  of  carrying  out  the  King's  plans, 
of  maintaining  the  old  alliances,  of  protecting  both  reli- 
gions. Nothing,  however,  could  be  more  preposterous  than 
such  phrases.  Villeroy,  who  now  entirely  directed  the 
foreign  affairs  of  the  kingdom,  assured  the  Ambassador  that 
1  Aerseens'  letter  last  cited.  *  Ibid. 


234  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  IV. 

France  was  much  more  likely  to  apply  to  the  States  for 
assistance  than  render  them  aid  in  any  enterprise  whatever. 
"  There  is  no  doubt,"  said  Aerssens,  "  that  the  Queen  is 
entirely  in  the  hands  of  Spain  and  the  priests."  Villeroy, 
whom  Henry  was  wont  to  call  the  pedagogue  of  the  council, 
went  about  sighing  dismally,  wishing  himself  dead,  and 
perpetually  ejaculating,  "  Ho  !  poor  France,  how  much  hast 
thou  still  to  suffer  !  "  In  public  he  spoke  of  nothing  but  of 
union,  and  of  the  necessity  of  carrying  out  the  designs 
of  the  King,  instructing  the  docile  Queen  to  hold  the  same 
language.  In  private  he  was  quite  determined  to  crush 
those  designs  for  ever,  and  calmly  advised  the  Dutch 
government  to  make  an  amicable  agreement  with  the 
Emperor  in  regard  to  the  Cleve  affair  as  soon  as  possible  ; 
a  treaty  which  would  have  been  shameful  for  France  and 
the  possessory  princes,  and  dangerous,  if  not  disastrous, 
for  the  States-General.  "Nothing  but  feverish  and  sick 
counsels,"  he  said,  "could  be  expected  from  France, 
which  had  now  lost  its  vigour  and  could  do  nothing  but 
groan."  1 

Not  only  did  the  French  council  distinctly  repudiate  the 
idea  of  doing  anything  more  for  the  princes  than  had  been 
stipulated  by  the  treaty  of  Hall — that  is  to  say,  a  contingent 
of  8000  foot  and  2000  horse — but  many  of  them  vehemently 
maintained  that  the  treaty,  being  a  personal  one  of  the 
late  king,  was  dead  with  him.2  The  duty  of  France  was 
now  in  their  opinion  to  withdraw  from  these  mad  schemes 
as  soon  as  possible,  to  make  peace  with  the  House  of 
Austria  without  delay,  and  to  cement  the  friendship  by 
the  double  marriages.3 


1  Aeresens  to  Barneveld,  26  May 
1610.  Same  to  same,  5  June  1610. 
Same  to  same,  19  May  1610.  Same 
to  van  Maldere,  25  May  1610.  (MSS.) 

8  Van  der  Myle,  MS.  Report.  Vil- 
leroy  took  this  ground,  saying,  "  dat 


hare  M'  hierinne  niet  gehouden  en 
waeren  de  beloften  vand'  overleden 
Coninck  personeel  zynde,"  &c. 

3  Aerssens  to  Prince  Maurice,  14 
June  1610.  (MS.)  Van  der  Myle, 
MS.  Report. 


1610. 


DISPUTES  OF  THE  GRANDEES. 


235 


Bouillon,  who  at  that  moment  hated  Sully  as  much  as  the 
most  vehement  Catholic  could  do,  assured  the  Dutch  envoy 
that  the  government  was,  under  specious  appearances, 
attempting  to  deceive  the  States  ;  a  proposition  which  it 
needed  not  the  evidence  of  that  most  intriguing  duke  to 
make  manifest  to  so  astute  a  politician  ;  particularly  as  there 
was  none  more  bent  on  playing  the  most  deceptive  game 
than  Bouillon.1  There  would  be  no  troops  to  send,  he  said, 
and  even  if  there  were,  there  would  be  no  possibility  of 
agreeing  on  a  chief.  The  question  of  religion  would  at 
once  arise.  As  for  himself,  the  Duke  protested  that  he  would 
not  accept  the  command  if  offered  him.  He  would  not  agree 
to  serve  under  the  Prince  of  Anhalt,  nor  would  he  for  any 
consideration  in  the  world  leave  the  court  at  that  moment. 
At  the  same  time  Aerssens  was  well  aware  that  Bouillon, 
in  his  quality  of  first  marshal  of  France,  a  Protestant  and 
a  prince  having  great  possessions  on  the  frontier,  and  the 
brother-in-law  of  Prince  Maurice,  considered  himself  entitled 
to  the  command  of  the  troops  should  they  really  be  sent,  and 
was  very  indignant  at  the  idea  of  its  being  offered  to  any 
one  else.2 

He  advised  earnestly  therefore  that  the  States  should 
make  a  firm  demand  for  money  instead  of  men,  specifying 
the  amount  that  might  be  considered  the  equivalent  of  the 
number  of  troops  originally  stipulated. 

It  is  one  of  the  most  singular  spectacles  in  history ;  France 
sinking  into  the  background  of  total  obscurity  in  an  instant 
of  time,  at  one  blow  of  a  knife,  while  the  Kepublic,  which 


1  Aerssens  worked  assiduously,  two 
hours  long  on  one  occasion,  to  effect  a 
reconciliation  between  the  two  great 
Protestant  chiefs,  but  found  Bouil- 
lon's demands  "  so  shameful  and  un- 
reasonable "  that  he  felt  obliged  to 
renounce  all  further  attempts.  In 
losing  Sully  from  the  royal  councils, 
the  States'  envoy  acknowledged  that 


the  Republic  had  lost  every  thing  that 
could  be  depended  on  at  the  French 
court.  "  All  the  others  are  time- 
serving friends,"  he  said,  "or  saints 
without  miracles." — Aersscns  to 
Barneveld,  11  June,  1010.  Sumo 
to  same,  29  May  1610.  (MSB.) 

1  Same  to  same,  31  March  1010. 
(MS.) 


236  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAKNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV.. 

she  had  been  patronizing,  protecting,  but  keeping  always 
in  a  subordinate  position  while  relying  implicitly  upon  its 
potent  aid,  now  came  to  the  front,  and  held  up  on  its  strong 
shoulders  an  almost  desperate  cause.  -Henry  had  been  wont 
to  call  the  States-General  "  his  courage  and  his  right  arm/' 1 
but  he  had  always  strictly  forbidden  them  to  move  an  inch 
in  advance  of  him,  but  ever  to  follow  his  lead,  and  to  take 
their  directions  from  himself.  They  were  a  part,  and  an 
essential  one,  in  his  vast  designs  ;  but  France,  or  he  who 
embodied  France,  was  the  great  providence,  the  destiny,  the 
all-directing,  all-absorbing  spirit,  that  was  to  remodel  and 
control  the  whole  world.  He  was  dead,  and  France  and  her 
policy  were  already  in  a  state  of  rapid  decomposition. 

Barnevcld  wrote  to  encourage  and  sustain  the  sinking 
state.  "  Our  courage  is  rising  in  spite  and  in  consequence 
of  the  great  misfortune,"  he  said.  He  exhorted  the  Queen 
to  keep  her  kingdom  united,  and  assured  her  that  My 
Lords  the  States  would  maintain  themselves  against  all  who 
dared  to  assail  them.  He  offered  in  their  name  the  whole 
force  of  the  Kepublic  to  take  vengeance  on  those  who  had 
procured  the  assassination,  and  to  defend  the  young  king 
and  the  Queen-Mother  against  all  who  might  make  any 
attempt  against  their  authority.  He  further  declared,  in 
language  not  to  be  mistaken,  that  the  States  would  never 
abandon  the  princes  and  their  cause.2 

This  was  the  earliest  indication  on  the  part  of  the  Ad- 
vocate of  the  intention  of  the  Republic — so  long  as  it  should 
be  directed  by  his  counsels — to  support  the  cause  of  the 
young  king,  helpless  and  incapable  as  he  was,  and  directed 
for  the  time  being  by  a  weak  and  wicked  mother,  against 
the  reckless  and  depraved  grandees,  who  were  doing  their 
best  to  destroy  the  unity  and  the  independence  of  France, 

1  Aerssens  to  Prince  Maurice,  14  June  1610.     (MS.) 
*  Same  to  Duplessis-Mornay,  27  May  1610.    (MS.) 


1610.     MISSION  OF  CONDOLENCE  FROM  THE  REPUBLIC.      237 

and  to  convert  it  into  a  group  of  outlying  provinces  of 
Spain. 

Cornells  van  der  Myle  was  sent  back  to  Paris  on  special 
mission  of  condolence  and  comfort  from  the  States-General 
to  the  sorely  afflicted  kingdom. 

On  the  7th  of  June,  accompanied  by  Aerssens,  he  had  a 
long  interview  with  Villeroy.1  That  minister,  as  usual,  wept 
profusely,  and  said  that  in  regard  to  Cleve  it  was  impos- 
sible for  France  to  carry  out  the  designs  of  the  late  king. 
He  then  listened  to  what  the  ambassadors  had  to  urge,  and 
continued  to  express  his  melancholy  by  weeping.2  Drying 
his  tears  for  a  tune,  he  sought  by  a  long  discourse  to  prove 
that  France  during  this  tender  minority  of  the  King  would 
be  incapable  of  pursuing  the  policy  of  his  father.  It  would 
be  even  too  burthcnsome  to  fulfil  the  Treaty  of  Hall.  The 
friends  of  the  crown,  he  said,  had  no  occasion  to  further  it, 
and  it  would  be  much  better  to  listen  to  propositions  for  a 
treaty.  Archduke  Albert  was  content  not  to  interfere  in 
the  quarrel  if  the  Queen  would  likewise  abstain  ;  Leopold's 
forces  were  altogether  too  weak  to  make  head  r.gainst  the 
army  of  the  princes,  backed  by  the  power  of  My  Lords  the 
States,  and  Jiilich  was  neither  strong  nor  well  garrisoned. 
He  concluded  by  calmly  proposing  that  the  States  should 
take  the  matter  in  hand  by  themselves  alone,  in  order  to 
lighten  the  burthen  of  France,  whose  vigour  had  been  cut 
in  two  by  that  accursed  knife.3 

A  more  sneaking  and  shameful  policy  was  never  an- 
nounced by  the  minister  of  a  great  kingdom.  Surely  it 
might  seem  that  Ravaillac  had  cut  in  twain  not  the  vigour 
only  but  the  honour  and  the  conscience  of  France.  But  the 

1  "  Rapport  ofte  Verhaal  van  het  '  (MS.  Hague  Archives.) 
besoigneerde  in  dc  lepatic  die  ik  van  !      8  Ibid.     Acrescns  to  Barneveld,  7 
\vo£o  dc  II.  M.  H.  Staaten  General  I  June  1610.    (MS.) 
der  V.  N.  gedaan  hel>l>e  aan  dc  Co-  J      a  Ibid.     Ibid. 
riinckendeConinckinRe<rcntin  1610."  i 


238  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 

envoys,  knowing  in  their  hearts  that  they  were  talking  not 
with  a  French  but  a  Spanish  secretary  of  state,  were  not  dis- 
posed to  be  the  dupes  of  his  tears  or  his  blandishments. 

They  reminded  him  that  the  Queen-Regent  and  her 
ministers  since  the  murder  of  the  King  had  assured  the 
States-General  and  the  princes  of  their  firm  intention  to 
carry  out  the  Treaty  of  Hall,  and  they  observed  that  they 
had  no  authority  to  talk  of  any  negotiation.  The  affair  of 
the  duchies  was  not  especially  the  business  of  the  States, 
and  the  Secretary  was  well  aware  that  they  had  promised 
their  succour  on  the  express  condition  that  his  Majesty  and 
his  army  should  lead  the  way,  and  that  they  should  follow. 
This  was  very  far  from  the  plan  now  suggested,  that  they 
should  do  it  all,  which  would  be  quite  out  of  the  question. 
France  had  a  strong  army,  they  said,  and  it  would  be  better 
to  use  it  than  to  efface  herself  so  pitiably.  The  proposition 
of  abstention  on  the  part  of  the  Archduke  was  a  delusion 
intended  only  to  keep  France  out  of  the  field. 

Villeroy  replied  by  referring  to  English  affairs.  King 
James,  he  said,  was  treating  them  perfidiously.  His  first 
letters  after  the  murder  had  been  good,  but  by  the  following 
ones  England  seemed  to  wish  to  put  her  foot  on  France's 
throat,  in  order  to  compel  her  to  sue  for  an  alliance.  The 
British  ministers  had  declared  their  resolve  not  to  carry  out 
that  convention  of  alliance,  although  it  had  been  nearly 
concluded  in  the  lifetimo  of  the  late  king,  unless  the  Queen 
would  bind  herself  to  make  good  to  the  King  of  Great 
Britain  that  third  part  of  the  subsidies  advanced  by  France 
to  the  States  which  had  been  furnished  on  English  account.1 

This  was  the  first  announcement  of  a  grievance  devised 

by  the  politicians  now  governing  France  to  make  trouble 

for  the  States  with  that  kingdom  and  with  Great  Britain 

likewise.    According  to  a  treaty  made  at  Hampton  Court 

1  Van  der  Myle,  "  Rapport,"  ubi  sup.    Aerssens,  ubi  sup. 


1610.         CONFERENCE  ON  THE  GREAT  ENTERPRISE.          239 

by  Sully  during  his  mission  to  England  at  the  accession  of 
James,  it  had  been  agreed  that  one-third  of  the  moneys  ad- 
vanced by  France  in  aid  of  the  United  Provinces  should  be 
credited  to  the  account  of  Great  Britain,  in  diminution 
of  the  debt  for  similar  assistance  rendered  by  Elizabeth  to 
Henry.  In  regard  to  this  treaty  the  States  had  not  been  at 
all  consulted,  nor  did  they  acknowledge  the  slightest  obliga- 
tion in  regard  to  it.  The  subsidies  in  men  and  in  money 
provided  for  them  both  by  France  and  by  England  in  their 
struggle  for  national  existence  had  always  been  most  grate- 
fully acknowledged  by  the  Republic,  but  it  had  always  been 
perfectly  understood  that  these  expenses  had  been  incurred 
by  each  kingdom  out  of  an  intelligent  and  thrifty  regard 
for  its  own  interest.  Nothing  could  be  more  ridiculous  than 
to  suppose  France  and  England  actuated  by  disinterested 
sympathy  and  benevolence  when  assisting  the  Netherland 
people  in  its  life-and-death  struggle  against  the  dire  and 
deadly  enemy  of  both  crowns.1  Henry  protested  that,  while 
adhering  to  Rome  in  spiritual  matters,  his  true  alliances 
and  strength  had  been  found  in  the  United  Provinces,  in 
Germany,  and  in  Great  Britain.  As  for  the  States,  he  had 
spent  sixteen  millions  of  livres,  he  said,  in  acquiring  a 
perfect  benevolence  on  the  part  of  the  States  to  his  person. 
It  was  the  best  bargain  he  had  ever  made,  and  he  should 
take  care  to  preserve  it  at  any  cost  whatever,  for  he  con- 
sidered himself  able,  when  closely  united  with  them,  to  bid 
defiance  to  all  the  kings  in  Europe  together.2 

Yet  it  was  now  the  settled  policy  of  the  Queen-Regent's 
council,  so  far  as  the  knot  of  politicians  guided  by  the 
Nuncius  and  the  Spanish  ambassador  in  the  entresols  of  the 
Louvre  could  be  called  a  council,  to  force  the  States  to 
refund  that  third,  estimated  at  something  between  three 

1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  25  Dec.  1010.    (MS.) 
8  Ibid. 


240  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 

and  four  million  livres,  which  France  had  advanced  them 
on  account  of  Great  Britain. 

Villeroy  told  the  two  ambassadors  at  this  interview  that, 
if  Great  Britain  continued  to  treat  the  Queen-Eegent  in 
such  fashion,  she  would  be  obliged  to  look  about  for  other 
allies.  There  could  hardly  be  doubt  as  to  the  quarter  in 
which  Mary  de'  Medici  was  likely  to  look.  Meantime,  the 
Secretary  of  State  urged  the  envoys  "  to  intervene  at  once 
to  mediate  the  difference."  There  could  be  as  little  doubt 
that  to  mediate  the  difference  was  simply  to  settle  an 
account  which  they  did  not  owe. 

The  whole  object  of  the  Minister  at  this  first  interview 
was  to  induce  the  States  to  take  the  whole  Cleve  enter- 
prise upon  their  own  shoulders,  and  to  let  France  off"  alto- 
gether. The  Queen-Regent  as  then  advised  meant  to  wash 
her  hands  of  the  possessory  princes  once  and  for  ever.  The 
envoys  cut  the  matter  short  by  assuring  Villeroy  that  they 
would  do  nothing  of  the  kind.  He  begged  them  piteously 
not  to  leave  the  princes  in  the  lurch,  and  at  the  same  time 
not  to  add  to  the  burthens  of  France  at  so  disastrous  a 
moment.1 

So  they  parted.  Next  day,  however,  they  visited  the 
Secretary  again,  and  found  him  more  dismal  and  flaccid 
than  ever. 

He  spoke  feebly  and  drearily  about  the  succour  for  the 
great  enterprise,  recounted  all  the  difficulties  in  the  way, 
and,  having  thrown  down  everything  that  the  day  before 
had  been  left  standing,  he  tried  to  excuse  an  entire  change 
of  policy  by  the  one  miserable  crime.2 

He  painted  a  forlorn  picture  of  the  council  and  of 
France.  "  I  can  myself  do  nothing  as  I  wish/'  added  the 
undisputed  controller  of  that  government's  policy,  and  then 

1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  7  June  1610.    (MS.) 
*  "  Rapport "  of  van  der  Myle. 


1010.  CONFERENCE  ON  THE  GREAT  ENTERPRISE.  241 

with  a  few  more  tears  he  concluded  by  requesting  the  envoys 
to  address  their  demands  to  the  Queen  in  writing. 

This  was  done  with  the  customary  formalities  and  fine 
speeches  on  both  sides ;  a  dull  comedy  by  which  no  one 
was  amused. 

Then  Bouillon  came  again,  and  assured  them  that  there 
had  been  a  chance  that  the  engagements  of  Henry,  followed 
up  by  the  promise  of  the  Queen-Regent,  would  be  earned 
out,  but  now  the  fact  was  not  to  be  concealed  that  the 
continued  battery  of  the  Nuncius,  of  the  ambassadors 
of  Spain  and  of  the  Archdukes,  had  been  so  effective  that 
nothing  sure  or  solid  was  thenceforth  to  be  expected  ;  the 
council  being  resolved  to  accept  the  overtures  of  the  Arch- 
duke for  mutual  engagement  to  abstain  from  the  Jiilich 
enterprise.2 

Nothing  in  truth  could  be  more  pitiable  than  the  helpless 
drifting  of  the  once  mighty  kingdom,  whenever  the  men 
who  governed  it  withdrew  their  attention  for  an  instant  from 
their  private  schemes  of  advancement  and  plunder  to  cast 
a  glance  at  affairs  of  State.  In  their  secret  heart  they 
could  not  doubt  that  France  was  rushing  on  its  ruin,  and 
that  in  the  alliance  of  the  Dutch  commonwealth,  Britain, 
and  the  German  Protestants,  was  its  only  safety.  But  they 
trembled  before  the  Pope,  grown  bold  and  formidable  since 
the  death  of  the  dreaded  Henry.  To  offend  his  Holiness, 
the  King  of  Spain,  the  Emperor,  and  the  great  Catholics 
of  France,  was  to  make  a  crusade  against  the  Church. 
Gamier,  the  Jesuit,  preached  from  his  pulpit  that  "  to  strike 
a  blow  in  the  Cleve  enterprise  was  no  less  a  sin  than  to 
inflict  a  stab  in  the  body  of  our  Lord."  3  The  Parliament 
of  Paris  having  ordered  the  famous  treatise  of  the  Jesuit 


1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  7  Juno  1610.     (MS.) 
*  Same  to  same,  11  Juno  1610.    (MS.) 
»  Ibid. 

VOL.   I. 


242  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAENEVELD.        CHAP.  IV. 

Mariana — -justifying  the  killing  of  excommunicated  kings 
by  their  subjects — to  be  publicly  burned  before  Notre 
Dame,  the  Bishop  opposed  the  execution  of  the  decree. 
The  Parliament  of  Paris,  although  crushed  by  Epcrnon  in 
its  attempts  to  fix  the  murder  of  the  King  upon  himself  as 
the  true  culprit,  was  at  least  strong  enough  to  cany  out  this 
sentence  upon  a  printed  volume  recommending  the  deed, 
and  the  Queen's  council  could  only  do  its  best  to  mitigate 
the  awakened  wrath  of  the  Jesuits  at  this  exercise  of  legal 
authority.1  At  the  same  time  it  found  on  the  whole  so 
many  more  difficulties  in  a  cynical  and  shameless  with- 
drawal from  the  Treaty  of  Hall  than  in  a  nominal  and  tardy 
fulfilment  of  its  conditions  that  it  resolved  at  last  to  furnish 
the  8000  foot  and  2000  horse  promised  to  the  possessory 
princes.  The  next  best  thing  to  abandoning  entirely  even 
this  little  shred,  this  pitiful  remnant,  of  the  splendid  designs 
of  Henry  was  to  so  arrange  matters  that  the  contingent 
should  be  feebly  commanded,  and  set  on  foot  in  so  dilatory 
a  manner  that  the  petty  enterprise  should  on  the  part  of 
France  be  purely  perfunctory.  The  grandees  of  the  king- 
dom had  something  more  important  to  do  than  to  go 
crusading  in  Germany,  with  the  help  of  a  heretic  republic, 
to  set  up  the  possessory  princes.  They  were  fighting  over 
the  prostrate  dying  form  of  their  common  mother  for  their 
share  of  the  spoils,  stripping  France  before  she  was  dead, 
and  casting  lots  for  her  vesture. 

Soissbns  was  on  the  whole  in  favour  of  the  Cleve  ex- 
pedition. Epernon  was  desperately  opposed  to  it,  and 
maltreated  Yilleroy  in  full  council  when  he  affected  to  say 
a  word,  insincere  as  the  Duke  knew  it  to  be,  in  favour  of 
executing  agreements  signed  by  the  monarch,  and  sealed 
with  the  great  seal  of  France.2  The  Duke  of  Guise,  finding 

1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  11  June  1610.    (MS.) 
*  Same  to  same,  8  Aug.  1610.    (MS.) 


1610.  CONFERENCE  ON  THE  GREAT  ENTERPRISE.  243 

himself  abandoned  by  the  Queen,  and  bitterly  opposed  and 
hated  by  Soissons,  took  sides  with  his  deaf  and  dumb  and 
imbecile  brother,  and  for  a  brief  interval  the  Duke  of  Sully 
joined  this  strange  combination  of  the  House  of  Lorraine 
and  chiefs  of  ancient  Leaguers,  who  welcomed  him  with 
transport,  and  promised  him  security. 

Then  Bouillon,  potent  by  his  rank,  his  possessions,  and  his 
authority  among  the  Protestants,  publicly  swore  that  he  would 
ruin  Sully  and  change  the  whole  order  of  the  government. 
What  more  lamentable  spectacle,  what  more  desolate  future 
for  the  cause  of  religious  equality,  which  for  a  moment  had 
been  achieved  in  France,  than  this  furious  alienation  of  the 
trusted  leaders  of  the  Huguenots,  while  their  adversaries 
were  carrying  everything  before  them  ?  At  the  council 
board  Bouillon  quarrelled  ostentatiously  with  Sully,  shook 
his  fist  in  his  face,  and  but  for  the  Queen's  presence  would 
have  struck  him.1  Next  day  he  found  that  the  Queen  was 
intriguing  against  himself  as  well  as  against  Sully,  was 
making  a  cat's-paw  of  him,  and  was  holding  secret  councils 
daily  from  which  he  as  well  as  Sully  was  excluded.  At 
once  he  made  overtures  of  friendship  to  Sully,  and  went 
about  proclaiming  to  the  world  that  all  Huguenots  were 
to  be  removed  from  participation  in  affairs  of  state.2  His 
vows  of  vengeance  were  for  a  moment  hushed  by  the  unani- 
mous resolution  of  the  council  that,  as  first  marshal  of 
France,  having  his  principality  on  the  frontier,  and  being 
of  the  Reformed  religion,  he  was  the  fittest  of  all  to  com- 
mand the  expedition.  Surely  it  might  be  said  that  the  winds 
and  tides  were  not  more  changeful  than  the  politics  of  the 
Queen's  government.3  The  Dutch  ambassador  was  secretly 
requested  by  Villeroy  to  negotiate  with  Bouillon  and  offer 
him  the  command  of  the  Jiilich  expedition.  The  Duke 

1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  8  Aug.  1010.    (MS.) 
»  Ibid.  3  Ibid. 


244  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV 

affected  to  make  difficulties,  although  burning  to  obtain  the 
post,  but  at  last  consented.  All  was  settled.  Aerssens 
communicated  at  once  with  Villeroy,  and  notice  of  Bouillon's 
acceptance  was  given  to  the  Queen,  when,  behold,  the  very 
next  day  Marshal  de  la  Chatre  was  appointed  to  the  com- 
mand expressly  because  he  was  a  Catholic.  Of  course  the 
Duke  of  Bouillon,  furious  with  Soissons  and  ^Ipernon  and 
the  rest  of  the  government,  was  more  enraged  than  ever 
against  the  Queen.  His  only  hope  was  now  in  Conde,  but 
Conde  at  the  outset,  on  arriving  at  the  Louvre,  offered  his 
heart  to  the  Queen  as  a  sheet  of  white  paper,  ^peraon  and 
Soissons  received  him  with  delight,  and  exchanged  vows  of  an 
eternal  friendship  of  several  weeks'  duration.  And  thus  all 
the  princes  of  the  blood,  all  the  cousins  of  Henry  of  Navarre, 
except  the  imbecile  Conti,  were  ranged  on  the  side  of  Spain, 
Rome,  Mary  de'  Medici,  and  Concino  Concini,  while  the  son 
of  the  Balafre,  the  Duke  of  Mayenne,  and  all  their  adherents 
were  making  common  cause  with  the  Huguenots.  What 
better  example  had  been  seen  before,  even  in  that  country 
of  pantomimic  changes,  of  the  effrontery  with  which  Keligion 
was  made  the  strumpet  of  Political  Ambition  ? 

All  that  day  and  the  next  Paris  was  rife  with  rumours 
that  there  was  to  be  a  general  massacre  of  the  Huguenots 
to  seal  the  new-born  friendship  of  a  Conde  with  a  Medici.1 
France  was  to  renounce  all  her  old  alliances  and  publicly  to 
enter  into  treaties  offensive  and  defensive  with  Spain.  A 
league  like  that  of  Bayonne  made  by  the  former  Medicean 
Queen-Regent  of  France  was  now,  at  Villeroy's  instigation,  to 
be  signed  by  Mary  de'  Medici.  Meantime,  Marshal  de  la  Chatre, 
an  honest  soldier  and  fervent  Papist,  seventy- three  years  of 
age,  ignorant  of  the  language,  the  geography,  the  politics 
of  the  country  to  which  he  was  sent,  and  knowing  the 
road  thither  about  as  well,  according  to  Aerssens,  who  was 
1  Aerssens,  ubi  sup.  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  8  Sept.  1610. 


1610.         DEPARTURE  OF  VAN  DER  MYLE  FROM  PARIS.        245 


requested  to  give  him  a  little  preliminary  instruction,  as  he 
did  the  road  to  India,  was  to  co-operate  with  Barneveld  and 
Maurice  of  Nassau  in  the  enterprise  against  the  duchies.1 

These  were  the  cheerful  circumstances  amid  which  the 
first  step  in  the  dead  Henry's  grand  design  against  the 
House  of  Austria  and  in  support  of  Protestantism  in  half 
Europe  and  of  religious  equality  throughout  Christendom, 
was  now  to  be  ventured. 

Cornelis  van  der  Myle  took  leave  of  the  Queen  on  termi- 
nating his  brief  special  embassy,  and  was  fain  to  content 
himself  with  languid  assurances  from  that  corpulent  Tuscan, 
dame  of  her  cordial  friendship  for  the  United  Provinces. 
Villeroy  repeated  that  the  contingent  to  be  sent  was  fur- 
nished out  of  pure  love  to  the  Netherlands,  the  present 
government  being  in  no  wise  bound  by  the  late  king's 
promises.2  He  evaded  the  proposition  of  the  States  for 
renewing  the  treaty  of  close  alliance  by  saying  that  he  was 
then  negotiating  with  the  British  government  on  the  subject, 
who  insisted  as  a  preliminary  step  on  the  repayment  of  the 
third  part  of  the  sums  advanced  to  the  States  by  the  late 
king. 

He  exchanged  affectionate  farewell  greetings  and  good 
wishes  with  Jeannin  and  with  the  dropsical  Duke  of  Mayenne, 
who  was  brought  in  his  chair  to  his  old  fellow  Leaguer's 
apartments  at  the  moment  of  the  Ambassador's  parting 
interview.3 

There  was  abundant  supply  of  smooth  words,  in  the 
plentiful  lack  of  any  substantial  nutriment,  from  the  repre- 
sentatives of  each  busy  faction  into  which  the  Medicean 
court  was  divided.  Even  Epernon  tried  to  say  a  gracious 
word  to  the  retiring  envoy,  assuring  him  that  he  would  do 


1  Aerssens  to  Prince  Maurice,  14 
June  1610.  Same  to  same,  23  July 
1010.  Same  to  Barneveld,  1  July 
1810.  (MSS.) 


1  Van  der  Myle,  "  Rapport." 
already  cited.) 
»  Ibid. 


(MS 


246  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IV. 

as  much  for  the  cause  as  a  good  Frenchman  and  lover  of  his 
fatherland  could  do.  He  added,  in  rather  a  surly  way,  that 
he  knew  very  well  how  foully  he  had  been  described  to  the 
States,  but  that  the  devil  was  not  as  black  as  he  was  painted. 
It  was  necessary,  he  said,  to  take  care  of  one's  own  house 
first  of  all,  and  he  knew  very  well  that  the  States  and  all 
prudent  persons  would  do  the  same  thing.1 

1  Van  der  Myle,  "  Rapport."    (MS.  already  cited.) 


EFFECT  OF  HENRY'S  DEATH  ON  THE  NETHERLANDS.  247 


CHAPTER   V. 

Interviews  between  the  Dutch  Commissioners  and  King  James — Prince 
Maurice  takes  command  of  the  Troops  —  Surrender  of  Jiilich  —  Matthias 
crowned  King  of  Bohemia  —  Death  of  Rudolph — James's  Dream  of  a 
Spanish  Marriage — Appointment  of  Vorstius  in  place  of  Arminius  at 
Leyden  —  Interview  between  Maurice  and  Win  wood  —  Increased  Bitter- 
ness between  Barneveld  and  Maurice  —  Projects  of  Spanish  Marriages  in 
France. 

IT  is  refreshing  to  escape  from  the  atmosphere  of  self- 
seeking  faction,  feverish  intrigue,  and  murderous  stratagem 
in  which  unhappy  France  was  stifling  into  the  colder  and 
calmer  regions  of  Netherland  policy. 

No  sooner  had  the  tidings  of  Henry's  murder  reached  the 
States  than  they  felt  that  an  immense  responsibility  had 
fallen  on  their  shoulders.  It  is  to  the  eternal  honour  of  the 
Republic,  of  Barneveld,  who  directed  her  councils,  and  of 
Prince  Maurice,  who  wielded  her  sword,  that  she  was  equal  to 
the  task  imposed  upon  her. 

There  were  open  bets  on  the  Exchange  in  Antwerp,  after 
the  death  of  Henry,  that  Maurice  would  likewise  be  killed 
within-  the  month.  Nothing  seemed  more  probable,  and  the 
States  implored  the  Stadholder  to  take  special  heed  to  him- 
self. But  this  was  a  kind  of  caution  which  the  Prince  was 
not  wont  to  regard.  Nor  was  there  faltering,  distraction, 
cowardice,  or  parsimony  in  Republican  councils.1 

We  have  heard  the  strong  words  of  encouragement  and 
sympathy  addressed  by  the  Advocate's  instructions  to  the 
1  Van  Recs  and  Brill's  Continuation  of  Arend,  i.  Ill ;  ii.  40G. 


248  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  V. 

Queen-Kegent  and  the  leading  statesmen  of  France.  We 
have  seen  their  effects  in  that  lingering  sentiment  of  shame 
which  prevented  the  Spanish  stipendiaries  who  governed  the 
kingdom  from  throwing  down  the  mask  as  cynically  as  they 
were  at  first  inclined  to  do. 

Not  less  manful  and  statesmanlike  was  the  language  held 
to  the  King  of  Great  Britain  and  his  ministers  by  the 
Advocate's  directions.  The  news  of  the  assassination  reached 
the  special  ambassadors  in  London  at  three  o'clock  of 
Monday,  the  17th  May.  James  returoed  to  Whitehall  from 
a  hunting  expedition  on  the  21st,  and  immediately  signified 
his  intention  of  celebrating  the  occasion  by  inviting  the 
high  commissioners  of  the  States  to  a  banquet  and  festival 
at  the  palace.1 

Meantime  they  were  instructed  by  Barneveld  to  com- 
municate the  results  of  the  special  embassy  of  the  States  to 
the  late  king  according  to  the  report  just  delivered  to  the 
Assembly.  Thus  James  was  to  be  informed  of  the  common 
resolution  and  engagement  then  taken  to  support  the  cause 
of  the  princes.  He  was  now  seriously  and  explicitly  to  be 
summoned  to  assist  the  princes  not  only  with  the  stipulated 
4000  men,  but  with  a  much  greater  force,  proportionate  to 
the  demands  for  the  sejcurity  and  welfare  of  Christendom, 
endangered  by  this  extraordinary  event.  He  was  assured 
that  the  States  would  exert  themselves  to  the  full  measure 
of  their  ability  to  fortify  and  maintain  the  high  interests 
of  France,  of  the  possessory  princes,  and  of  Christendom,  so 
that  the  hopes  of  the  perpetrators  of  the  foul  deed  would  be 
confounded.2 

"  They  hold  this  to  be  the  occasion,"  said  the  envoys,  "  to 
show  to  all  the  world  that  it  is  within  your  power  to  rescue 
the  affairs  of  France,  Germany,  and  of  the  United  Provinces 

1  Report  of  the  Special  Ambassadors  to  England.    (MS.  before  cited.) 

2  Ibid. 


INTERVIEWS  BETWEEN  COMMISSIONERS  AND  JAMES.  249 

from  the  claws  of  those  who  imagine  for  themselves  universal 
monarchy." l 

They  concluded  by  requesting  the  King  to,  come  to 
"  a  resolution  on  this  affair  royally,  liberally,  and  promptly, 
in  order  to  take  advantage  of  the  time,  and  not  to  allow  the 
adversary  to  fortify  himself  in  his  position "  ;  and  they 
pledged  the  States-General  to  stand  by  and  second  him  with 
all  their  power. 

The  commissioners,  having  read  this  letter  to  Lord  Salis- 
bury before  communicating  it  to  the  King,  did  not  find  the 
Lord  Treasurer  very  prompt  or  sympathetic  in  his  reply 
There  had  evidently  been  much  jealousy  at  the  English 
court  of  the  confidential  and  intimate  relations  recently 
established  with  Henry,  to  which  allusions  were  made  in  the 
documents  read  at  the  present  conference.  Cecil,  while  ex- 
pressing satisfaction  in  formal  terms  at  the  friendly  language 
of  the  States,  and  confidence  in  the  sincerity  of  their  friend- 
ship for  his  sovereign,  intimated  very  plainly  that  more  had 
passed  between  the  late  king  and  the  authorities  of  the 
Republic  than  had  been  revealed  by  either  party  to  the 
King  of  Great  Britain,  or  than  could  be  understood  from 
the  letters  and  papers  now  communicated.  He  desired 
further  information  from  the  commissioners,  especially  in 
regard  to  those  articles  of  their  instructions  which  referred 
to  a  general  rupture.  They  professed  inability  to  give  more 
explanations  than  were  contained  in  the  documents  them- 
selves. 'If  suspicion  was  felt,  they  said,  that  the  French 
King  had  been  proposing  anything  in  regard  to  a  general 
rupture,  either  on  account  of  the  retreat  of  Conde,  the  affair 
of  Savoy,  or  anything  else,  they  would  reply  that  the  ambas- 
sadors in  France  had  been  instructed  to  decline  committing 
the  States  until  after  full  communication  and  advice  and 

1  Report  of  tho  Special  Ambassadors  to  England,     (MS.  before  cited.) 
9  Letter  of  24  May  1010,  in  Report.    (MS.) 


250  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAEXEVELD.         CHAT.  V. 

ripe  deliberation  with  his  British  Majesty  and  council,  as 
well  as  the  Assembly  of  the  States-General ;  and  it  had  been 
the  intention  of  the  late  king  to  have  conferred  once  more 
and  very  confidentially  with  Prince  Maurice  and  Count 
Lewis  William  before  coming  to  a  decisive  resolution. 

It  was  very  obvious  however  to  the  commissioners  that 
their  statement  gave  no  thorough  satisfaction,  and  that 
grave  suspicions  remained  of  something  important  kept 
back  by  them.  Cecil's  manner  was  constrained  and  cold, 
and  certainly  there  were  no  evidences  of  profound  sorrow  at 
the  English  court  for  the  death  of  Henry. 

"  The  King  of  France/'  said  the  High  Treasurer,  "  meant 
to  make  a  master-stroke — a  coup  de  maistre — but  he  who 
would  have  all  may  easily  lose  all.  Such  projects  as  these 
should  not  have  been  formed  or  taken  in  hand  without  pre- 
vious communication  with  his  Majesty  of  Great  Britain." 1 

All  arguments  on  the  part  of  the  ambassadors  to  induce 
the  Lord  Treasurer  or  other  members  of  the  government  to 
enlarge  the  succour  intended  for  the  Cleve  affair  were  fruit- 
less. The  English  troops  regularly  employed  in  the  States' 
service  might  be  made  use  of  with  the  forces  sent  by  the 
Republic  itself.  More  assistance  than  this  it  was  idle  to 
expect,  unless  after  a  satisfactory  arrangement  with  the  pre- 
sent regency  of  France.  The  proposition,  too,  of  the  States 
for  a  close  and  general  alliance  was  coldly  repulsed.  "  No 
resolution  can  be  taken  as  to  that,"  said  Cecil ;  "  the  death 
of  the  French  king  has  very  much  altered  such  matters." 2 

At  a  little  later  hour  on  the  same  clay  the  commissioners, 
according  to  previous  invitation,  dined  with  the  King. 

May  24,    No  one  sat  at  the  table  but  his  Majesty  and  them- 

leio.  selves,  and  they  all  kept  their  hats  on  their  heads.3 
The  King  was  hospitable,  gracious,  discursive,  loquacious, 
very  theological. 

J  MS.  Report.  *  Ibid.  «  Ibid. 


INTERVIEWS  BETWEEN  COMMISSIONERS  AND  JAMES.  251 


He  expressed  regret  for  the  death  of  the  King  of 
France,  and  said  that  the  pernicious  doctrine  out  of 
which  such  vile  crimes  grew  must  be  uprooted.  He  asked 
many  questions  in  regard  to  the  United  Netherlands,  en- 
quiring especially  as  to  the  late  commotions  at  Utrecht,  and 
the  conduct  of  Prince  Maurice  on  that  occasion.  He  praised 
the  resolute  conduct  of  the  States-General  in  suppressing 
those  tumults  with  force,  adding,  however,  that  they  should 
have  proceeded  with  greater  rigour  against  the  ringleaders 
of  the  riot.  He  warmly  recommended  the  Union  of  the 
Provinces.1 

He  then  led  the  conversation  to  the  religious  controversies 
in  the  Netherlands,  and  in  reply  to  his  enquiries  was 
informed  that  the  points  hi  dispute  related  to  predestination 
and  its  consequences.' 

"  I  have  studied  that  subject/'  said  James,  "  as  well  as 
anybody,  and  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  nothing 
certain  can  be  laid  down  in  regard  to  it.  I  have  myself  not 
always  been  of  one  mind  about  it,  but  I  will  bet  that  my 
opinion  is  the  best  of  any,  although  I  would  not  hang  my 
salvation  upon  it.  My  Lords  the  States  would  do  well  to 
order  their  doctors  and  teachers  to  be  silent  on  this  topic. 
I  have  hardly  ventured,  moreover,  to  touch  upon  the  matter 
of  justification  in  my  own  writings,  because  that  also  seemed 
to  hang  upon  predestination." 2 

Thus  having  spoken  with  the  air  of  a  man  who  had  left 
nothing  further  to  be  said  on  predestination  or  justification, 


1  MS.  Report. 

*  "  .  .  .  verstaende  datter  verechil 
was  int  poinct  vando  predestinatie 
ende  t'  ccene  daervan  dependecrde 
verclaerde  Z.  M.  dat  hy  dat  stuck 
eoewel  als  jcmant  andore  liaddo  ge- 
examineert  cnde  bevonden  baddc  dat 
men  daerinne  nyet  seeckers  conde 
Btatueren  dat  hy  selffs  darinno  nyot 
altyt  van  een  pevoelen  hadde  gewcest 
dat  by  wel  wilde  wedden  dat  zyu 


opinie  de  bcste  was  maer  nyct  dier 
dat  hy  zyn  salicheit  daeran  wilde 
hangen,  dat  d'hecren  staten  wel 
souden  doen  endo  do  doctoren  en 
Leeraers  gebieden  van  die  materio  te 
swyjfon.dat  Syne  Mat.  selffs  het  stuck 
van  do  Justificatio  in  zyne  grscriftcn 
qualyck  hadde  derven  roeren  om  dat 
t'  selve  oock  scheen  aen  predestinate 
te  hangen." — MS.  "  Rapport "  of  the 
Ambassadors. 


252 


THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.V. 


the  King  rose,  took  off  his  hat,  and  drank  a  bumper  to  the 
health  of  the  States-General  and  his  Excellency  Prince 
Maurice,  and  success  to  the  affair  of  Cleve. 

After  dinner  there  was  a  parting  interview  in  the  gallery. 
The  King,  attended  by  many  privy  councillors  and  high 
functionaries  of  state,  bade  the  commissioners  a  cordial 
farewell,  and,  in  order  to  show  his  consideration  for  their 
government,  performed  the  ceremony  of  knighthood  upon 
them,  as  was  his  custom  in  regard  to  the  ambassadors  of 
Venice.  The  sword  being  presented  to  him  by  the  Lord 
Chamberlain,  James  touched  each  of  the  envoys  on  the 
shoulder  as  he  dismissed  him.  "  Out  of  respect  to  My  Lords 
the  States,"  said  they  in  their  report,  "  we  felt  compelled  to 
allow  ourselves  to  be  burthened  with  this  honour."  1 

Thus  it  became  obvious  to  the  States-General  that  there 
was  but  little  to  hope  for  from  Great  Britain  or  France. 
France,  governed  by  Concini  and  by  Spain,  was  sure  to  do 
her  best  to  traverse  the  designs  of  the  Republic,  and,  while 
perfunctorily  and  grudgingly  complying  with  the  letter  of 
the  Hall  treaty,  was  secretly  neutralizing  by  intrigue  the 
slender  military  aid  which  de  la  Chatre  was  to  bring  to 
Prince  Maurice.3  The  close  alliance  of  France  and  Pro- 
testantism had  melted  into  air.  On  the  other  hand  the  new 
Catholic  League  sprang  into  full  luxuriance  out  of  the 
grave  of  Henry,  and  both  Spain  and  the  Pope  gave  their 
hearty  adhesion  to  the  combinations  of  Maximilian  of 
Bavaria,  now  that  the  mighty  designs  of  the  French  king 
were  buried  with  him.  The  Duke  of  Savoy,  caught  in  the 
trap  of  his  own  devising,  was  fain  to  send  his  son  to  sue  to 
Spain  for  pardon  for  the  family  upon  his  knees,3  and  expiated 


1  "  .  .  .  genoodsaeckt  geweest  ten 
respecte  van  de  Ho.  Mo.  Heeren  Sta- 
ten  ons  metdeseEere  te  laatenbeswae- 
ren." — "  Rapport,"  &c. 

*  "  Pendant  que  vous  battcz  Juliers 


on  combat  secrStement  vos  desseins 
en  cette  cour." — Aerssens  to  Prince 
Maurice,  22  Aug.  1610.  CMS.) 

3  '  Memoires  de  Sully,'  viii.  nntea 
'Mem.  de  Nevers/  torn.  ii.  p.  880. 


PRINCE  MAURICE  TAKES  COMMAND  OF  THE  TROOPS.     253 

by  draining  a  deep  cup  of  humiliation  his  ambitious  designs 
upon  the  Milanese  and  the  matrimonial  alliance  with  France. 
Venice  recoiled  in  horror  from  the  position  she  found  her- 
self in  as  soon  as  the  glamour  of  Henry's  seductive  policy 
was  dispelled,  while  James  of  Great  Britain,  rubbing  his 
hands  with  great  delight  at  the  disappearance  from  the 
world  of  the  man  he  so  admired,  bewailed,  and  hated,  had 
no  comfort  to  impart  to  the  States-General  thus  left  in 
virtual  isolation.  The  barren  burthen  of  knighthood  and  a 
sermon  on  predestination  were  all  he  could  bestow  upon  the 
high  commissioners  in  place  of  the  alliance  which  he  eluded, 
and  the  military  assistance  which  he  point-blank  refused. 
The  possessory  princes,  in  whose  cause  the  sword  was  drawn, 
were  too  quarrelsome  and  too  fainthearted  to  serve  for 
much  else  than  an  incumbrance  either  in  the  cabinet  or  the 
field. 

And  the  States-General  were  equal  to  the  immense 
responsibility.  Steadily,  promptly,  and  sagaciously  they 
confronted  the  wrath,  the  policy,  and  the  power  of  the 
Empire,  of  Spain,  and  of  the  Pope.  Had  the  Kepublic  not 
existed,  nothing  could  have  prevented  that  debateable  and 
most  important  territory  from  becoming  provinces  of  Spain, 
whose  power  thus  dilated  to  gigantic  proportions  in  the  very 
face  of  England  would  have  been  more  menacing  than  in 
the  days  of  the  Armada.  Had  the  Kepublic  faltered,  she 
would  have  soon  ceased  to  exist.  But  the  Republic  did  not 
falter. 

On  the  13th  July,  Prince  Maurice  took  command  of  the 
States'  forces,  13,000  foot  and  3000  horse,  with  thirty  pieces 
of  cannon,    assembled    at    Schcnkenschans.     The    juiyi3, 
English  and  French  regiments  in  the  regular  ser-     1(51°- 
vice  of  the  United  Provinces  were  included  in  these  armies, 
but  there  were  no  additions  to  them.    "  The  States  did  seven 
times  as  much,"  Barneveld  justly  averred,  "as  they  had 


254  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  V. 

stipulated  to  do."  Maurice,  moving  with  the  precision  and 
promptness  which  always  marked  his  military  operations, 
marched  straight  upon  Jiilich,  and  laid  siege  to  that  impor- 
tant fortress.  The  Archdukes  at  Brussels,  determined  to 
keep  out  of  the  fray  as  long  as  possible,  offered  no  oppo- 
sition to  the  passage  of  his  supplies  up  the  Khine,  which 
might  have  been  seriously  impeded  by  them  at  Rheinberg. 
The  details  of  the  siege,  as  of  all  the  Prince's  sieges,  possess 
no  more  interest  to  the  general  reader  than  the  working 
out  of  a  geometrical  problem.  He  was  incapable  of  a  flaw 
in  his  calculations,  but  it  was  impossible  for  him  quite  to 
complete  the  demonstration  before  the  arrival  of  de  la 
Chatre.  Maurice  received  with  courtesy  the  Marshal,  who 
arrived  on  the  18th  August,  at  the  head  of  his  contingent 
of  8000  foot  and  a  few  squadrons  of  cavalry,  and  there  was 
great  show  of  harmony  between  them.  For  any  practical 
purposes,  de  la  Chatre  might  as  well  have  remained  in 
France.  For  political  ends  his  absence  would  have  been 
preferable  to  his  presence. 

Maurice  would  have  rejoiced,  had  the  Marshal  blundered 
longer  along  the  road  to  the  debateable  land  than  he  had 
done.  He  had  almost  brought  Jiilich  to  reduction.  A  fort- 
night later  the  place  surrendered.  The  terms  granted  by 
the  conqueror  were  equitable.  No  change  was  to  be  made 
in  the  liberty  of  Koman  Catholic  worship,  nor  in  the  city 
magistracy.  The  citadel  and  its  contents  were  to  be  handed 
over  to  the  Princes  of  Brandenburg  and  Neuburg.  Archduke 
Leopold  and  his  adherents  departed  to  Prague,  to  carry  out 
as  he  best  could  his  farther  designs  upon  the  crown  of 
Bohemia,  this  first  portion  of  them  having  so  lamentably 
failed,  and  Sergeant-Major  Frederick  Pithan,  of  the  regiment 
of  Count  Ernest  Casimir  of  Nassau,  was  appointed  governor 
of  Jiilich  in  the  interest  of  the  possessory  princes.1 

1  Van  Rees  and  Brill's  Continuation  of  Arend,  iii.  ii.  p.  410,  sqq. 


1610.  SURRENDER  OF  JULICH.  255 

Thus  without  the  loss  of  a  single  life,  the  Republic, 
guided  by  her  consummate  statesman  and  unrivalled 
general,  had  gained  an  immense  victory,  had  installed  the 
Protestant  princes  in  the  full  possession  of  those  splendid 
and  important  provinces,  and  had  dictated  her  decrees  on 
German  soil  to  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  and  had  towed, 
as  it  were,  Great  Britain  and  France  along  in  her  wake, 
instead  of  humbly  following  those  powers,  and  had  accom- 
plished all  that  she  had  ever  proposed  to  do,  even  in 
alliance  with  them  both. 

The  King  of  England  considered  that  quite  enough  had 
been  done,  and  was  in  great  haste  to  patch  up  a  reconcilia- 
tion. He  thought  his  ambassador  would  soon  "have  as  good 
occasion  to  employ  his  tongue  and  his  pen  as  General  Cecil 
and  his  soldiers  have  done  their  swords  and  their  mattocks." 

He  had  no  sympathy  with  the  cause  of  Protestantism,  and 
steadily  refused  to  comprehend  the  meaning  of  the  great 
movements  in  the  duchies.  "  I  only  wish  that  I  may  hand- 
somely wind  myself  out  of  this  quarrel,  where  the  principal 
parties  do  so  little  for  themselves/'  he  said.1 

De  la  Chatre  returned  with  his  troops  to  France  within  a 
fortnight  after  his  arrival  on  the  scene.     A  mild  proposition 
made  by  the  French  government  through  the  Mar-   Sept  8> 
shal,  that  the  provinces  should  be  held  in  seques-      161°- 
tration  by  France  until  a  decision  as  to  the  true  sovereignty 
could  be  reached,   was  promptly  declined.2      Maurice   of 
Nassau  had  hardly  gained  so  signal  a   triumph  for  the 
Republic  and  for  the  Protestant  cause  only  to  hand  it  over 
to  Concini  and  Villeroy  for  the  benefit  of  Spain.     Jiilich  was 
thought  safer  in  the  keeping  of  Sergeant  Pithan. 

By  the  end  of  September  the  States'  troops  had  returned 
to  their  own  country. 

1  Kins  to  Earl  of  Salisbury,  1610.    (TTatfiVld  Archives  MS.)  See  Appendix. 
1  Aerssens  to  Barneveld,  8  Sept.  1010.    (MS.) 


256  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  V. 

Thus  the  Kepublic,  with  eminent  success,  had  accom- 
plished a  brief  and  brilliant  campaign,  but  no  statesman 
could  suppose  that  the  result  was  more  than  a  temporary 
one.  These  coveted  provinces,  most  valuable  in  themselves 
and  from  their  important  position,  would  probably  not  be 
suffered  peacefully  to  remain  very  long  under  the  protection 
of  the  heretic  States-General  and  in  the  Condominium  of  two 
Protestant  princes.  There  was  fear  among  the  Imperialists, 
Catholics,  and  Spaniards,  lest  the  baleful  constellation  of 
the  Seven  Provinces  might  be  increased  by  an  eighth  star. 
And  this  was  a  project  not  to  be  tolerated.  It  was  much 
already  that  the  upstart  confederacy  had  defied  Pope,  Em- 
peror, and  King,  as  it  were,  on  their  own  domains,  had  dic- 
tated arrangements  in  Germany  directly  in  the  teeth  of  its 
emperor,  using  France  as  her  subordinate,  and  compelling 
the  British  king  to  acquiesce  in  what  he  most  hated. 

But  it  was  not  merely  to  surprise  Julich,  and  to  get  a 
foothold  in  the  duchies,  that  Leopold  had  gone  forth  on  his 
adventure.  His  campaign,  as  already  intimated,  was  part 
of  a  wide  scheme  hi  which  he  had  persuaded  his  emperor- 
cousin  to  acquiesce.  Poor  Kudolph  had  been  at  last  goaded 
into  a  feeble  attempt  at  revolt  against  his  three  brothers 
and  his  cousin  Ferdinand.  Peace-loving,  inert,  fond  of  his 
dinner,  fonder  of  his  magnificent  collections  of  gems  and 
intagli,  liking  to  look  out  of  window  at  his  splendid  col- 
lection of  horses,  he  was  willing  to  pass  a  quiet  life,  afar 
from  the  din  of  battles  and  the  turmoil  of  affairs.  As  he 
happened  to  be  emperor  of  half  Europe,  these  harmless 
tastes  could  not  well  be  indulged.  Moon-faced  and  fat,  silent 
and  slow,  he  was  not  imperial  of  aspect  on  canvas  or  coin, 
even  when  his  brows  were  decorated  with  the  conventional 
laurel  wreath.  He  had  been  stripped  of  his  authority  and 
all  but  discrowned  by  his  more  bustling  brothers  Matthias 
and  Max,  while  the  sombre  figure  of  Styrian  Ferdinand, 


1610.  MATTHIAS  CROWNED  KING  OF  BOHEMIA.  257 

pupil  of  the  Jesuits,  and  passionate  admirer  of  Philip  II., 
stood  ever  in  the  background,  casting  a  prophetic  shadow 
over  the  throne  and  over  Germany. 

The  brothers  were  endeavouring  to  persuade  Rudolph  that 
he  would  find  more  comfort  in  Innsbruck  than  in  Prague  ; 
that  he  required  repose  after  the  strenuous  labours  of 
government.  They  told  him,  too,  that  it  would  be  wise  to 
confer  the  royal  crown  of  Bohemia  upon  Matthias,  lest,  being 
elective  and  also  an  electorate,  the  crown  and  vote  of  that 
country  might  pass  out  of  the  family,  and  so  both  Bohemia 
and  the  Empire  be  lost  to  the  Habsburgs.  The  kingdom 
being  thus  secured  to  Matthias  and  his  heirs,  the  next  step, 
of  course,  was  to  proclaim  him  King  of  the  Romans.  Other- 
wise there  would  be  great  danger  and  detriment  to  Hungary, 
and  other  hereditary  states  of  that  conglomerate  and  anony- 
mous monarchy  which  owned  the  sway  of  the  great  Habsburg 
family. 

The  unhappy  emperor  was  much  piqued.  He  had  been 
deprived  by  his  brother  of  Hungary,  Moravia,  and  Austria, 
while  Matthias  was  now  at  Prague  with  an  army,  ostensibly  to 
obtain  ratification  of  the  peace  with  Turkey,  but  in  reality 
to  force  the  solemn  transfer  of  those  realms  and  extort  the 
promise  of  Bohemia.  Could  there  be  a  better  illustration  of 
the  absurdities  of  such  a  system  of  Imperialism  ? 

And  now  poor  Rudolph  was  to  be  turned  out  of  the 
Hradschin,  and  sent  packing  with  or  without  his  collec- 
tions to  the  Tyrol.1 

The  bellicose  bishop  of  Strassburg  and  Passau,  brother  of 
Ferdinand,  had  little  difficulty  in  persuading  the  down- 
trodden man  to  rise  to  vengeance.  It  had  been  secretly 
agreed  between  the  two  that  Leopold,  at  the  head  of  a  con- 
siderable army  of  mercenaries  which  he  had  contrived  to  levy, 
should  dart  into  Jiilich  as  the  Emperor's  representative, 

1  Van  Meteren,  b.  xxx.  and  xxxii.  fo.  645,  sqq. 
VOL.   I.  S 


258 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD. 


CHAP.  V. 


seize  the  debateable  duchies,  and  hold  them  in  seques- 
tration until  the  Emperor  should  decide  to  whom  they 
belonged,  and,  then,  rushing  back  to  Bohemia,  should  anni- 
hilate Matthias,  seize  Prague,  and  deliver  Rudolph  from 
bondage.  It  was  further  agreed  that  Leopold,  in  requital 
of  these  services,  should  receive  the  crown  of  Bohemia, 
be  elected  King  of  the  Romans,  and  declared  heir  to  the 
Emperor,  so  far  as  Rudolph  could  make  him  his  heir.1 

The  first  point  in  the  program  he  had  only  in  part 
accomplished.  He  had  taken  Jiilich,  proclaimed  the  in- 
tentions of  the  Emperor,  and  then  been  driven  out  of  his 
strong  position  by  the  wise  policy  of  the  States  under  the 
guidance  of  Barneveld  and  by  the  consummate  strategy  of 
Maurice.  It  will  be  seen  therefore  that  the  Republic  was 
playing  a  world's  game  at  this  moment,  and  doing  it  with 
skill  and  courage.  On  the  issue  of  the  conflict  which  had 
been  begun  and  was  to  be  long  protracted  in  the  duchies, 
and  to  spread  over  nearly  all  Christendom  besides,  would 
depend  the  existence  of  the  United  Netherlands  and  the  fate 
of  Protestantism. 

The  discomfited  Leopold  swept  back  at  the  head  of  his 
mercenaries,  9000  foot  and  3000  horse,  through  Alsace  and 
along  the  Danube  to  Linz  and  so  to  Prague,  marauding, 
harrying,  and  black-mailing  the  country  as  he  went.  He 
entered  the  city  on  the  15th  of  February  1611,  fighting 
his  way  through  crowds  of  exasperated  burghers.  Sitting 
in  full  harness  on  horseback  in  the  great  square  before 
the  cathedral,  the  warlike  bishop  compelled  the  popu- 
lation to  make  oath  to  him  as  the  Emperor's  commissary.2 
The  street  fighting  went  on  however  day  by  day,  poor 
Rudolph  meantime  cowering  in  the  Hradschin.  On  the 


1  Teynagel's  Confession.  His  state- 
ments were  confirmed  by  those  of 
other  prisoners,  especially  Hagenmiil- 


ler,  Welser,  and  Count  von  Zollern 
Van  Meteren,  xxxii.  655. 
*  Van  Meteren,  ubi  sup. 


1010.  MATTHIAS  CROWNED  KING  OF  BOHEMIA.  259 

third  day,  Leopold,  driven  out  of  the  town,  took  up  a  posi- 
tion on  the  heights,  from  which  he  commanded  it  with  his 
artillery.  Then  came  a  feeble  voice  from  the  Hradschin, 
telling  all  men  that  these  Passau  marauders  and  their 
episcopal  chief  were  there  by  the  Emperor's  orders.  The 
triune  city — the  old,  the  new,  and  the  Jew — was  bidden  to 
send  deputies  to  the  palace  and  accept  the  Imperial  decrees. 
No  deputies  came  at  the  bidding.  The  Bohemians,  espe- 
rially  the  Praguers,  being  in  great  majority  Protestants 
knew  very  well  that  Leopold  was  fighting  the  cause  of  the 
Papacy  and  Spain  in  Bohemia  as  well  as  in  the  duchies.1 

And  now  Matthias  appeared  upon  the  scene.  The  Estates 
had  already  been  in  communication  with  him,  better  hopes, 
for  the  time  at  least,  being  entertained  from  him  than 
from  the  flaccid  Kudolph.  Moreover  a  kind  of  compromise 
had  been  made  in  the  autumn  between  Matthias  and  the 
Emperor  after  the  defeat  of  Leopold  in  the  duchies.  The 
real  king  had  fallen  at  the  feet  of  the  nominal  one  by  proxy 
of  his  brother  Maximilian.  Seven  thousand  men  of  the  army 
of  Matthias  now  came  before  Prague  under  command  Oct.  9, 
of  Colonitz.  The  Passauers,  receiving  three  months'  1G1°- 
pay  from  the  Emperor,  marched  quietly  off.  Leopold  disap- 
peared for  the  time.  His  chancellor  and  counsellor  in  the 
duchies,  Francis  Tcynagel,  a  Geldrian  noble,  taken  prisoner 
and  put  to  the  torture,  revealed  the  little  plot  of  the  Emperor 
in  favour  of  the  Bishop,  and  it  was  believed  that  the  Pope,  the 
King  of  Spain,  and  Maximilian  of  Bavaria  were  friendly  to 
the  scheme.  This  was  probable,  for  Leopold  at  lQ.ast  made 
no  mystery  of  his  resolve  to  fight  Protestantism  to  the 
death,  and  to  hold  the  duchies,  if  he  could,  for  the  cause  of 
Rome  and  Austria. 

Both  Rudolph  and  Matthias  had  committed  themselves 
to   the   toleration  of  the  Reformed  religion.     The  famous 
1  Van  Metcrcn,  645-655. 


260  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  V. 

"  Majesty-Letter,"  freshly  granted  by  the  Emperor  (1609), 
and  the  Compromise  between  the  Catholic  and  Protestant 
Estates  had  become  the  law  of  the  land.  Those  of  the 
Bohemian  confession,  a  creed  commingled  of  Hussism, 
Lutheranisrn,  and  Calvinism,1  had  obtained  toleration.  In  a 
country  where  nine-tenths  of  the  population  were  Protestants 
it  was  permitted  to  Protestants  to  build  churches  and 
to  worship  God  in  them  unmolested.  But  these  privileges 
had  been  extorted  by  force,  and  there  was  a  sullen,  dogged 
determination  which  might  be  easily  guessed  at  to  revoke 
them  should  it  ever  become  possible.  The  House  of  Austria, 
reigning  in  Spain,  Italy,  and  Germany,  was  bound  by  the 
very  law  of  their  being  to  the  Roman  religion.  Toleration 
of  other  worship  signified  in  their  eyes  both  a  defeat  and  a 
crime. 

Thus  the  great  conflict,  to  be  afterwards  known  as  the 
Thirty  Years'  War,  had  in  reality  begun  already,  and  the 
Netherlands,  in  spite  of  the  truce,  were  half  unconsciously 
taking  a  leading  part  in  it.  The  odds  at  that  moment  in 
Germany  seemed  desperately  against  the  House  of  Austria, 
so  deep  and  wide  was  the  abyss  between  throne  and  subjects 
which  religious  difference  had  created.  But  the  reserved 
power  in  Spain,  Italy,  and  Southern  Germany  was  sure 
enough  to  make  itself  felt  sooner  or  later  on  the  Catholic 
side. 

Meantime  the  Estates  of  Bohemia  knew  well  enough  that 
the  Imperial  house  was  bent  on  destroying  the  elective 
principle  of  the  Empire,  and  on  keeping  the  crown  of  Bo- 
hemia in  perpetuity.  -  They  had  also  discovered  that  Bishop- 
Archduke  Leopold  had  been  selected  by  Rudolph  as  chief 
of  the  reactionary  movement  against  Protestantism.  They 
could  not  know  at  that  moment  whether  his  plans  were 
likely  to  prove  fantastic  or  dangerous. 

1  Gindely, '  Gesch.  des  dreissigjahr.  Kriegs '  (Prag.  1669),  b.  i.  60-62. 


1611.  DEATH  OF  RUDOLPH.  261 

So  Matthias  came  to  Prague1  at  the  invitation  of  the 
Estates,  entering  the  city  with  all  the  airs  of  a  conqueror. 
Rudolph  received  his  brother  with  enforced  polite-  March  23 
ness,  and  invited  him  to  reside  in  the  Hradschin.       16n- 
This  proposal  was  declined  by  Matthias,  who  sent  a  colonel 
however,  with  six  pieces  of  artillery,  to  guard  and  occupy 
that  palace.     The   Passau  prisoners  were    pardoned    and 
released,  and   there  was  a  general  reconciliation.    May  23, 
A  month  later,2   Matthias  went  in  pomp  to  the       1G11- 
chapel  of  the  holy  Wcnceslaus,  that  beautiful  and  barbarous 
piece  of  mediseval,  Sclavonic  architecture,  with  its  sombre 
arches,  and  its  walls  encrusted  with  huge  precious  stones. 
The  Estates  of  Bohemia,  arrayed  in  splendid  Zchech  cos- 
tume, and  kneeling  on  the  pavement,  were  asked  whether 
they  accepted  Matthias,  King  of  Hungary,  as  their  lawful 
king.     Thrice  they  answered  Aye.     Cardinal  Dietrichstein 
then  put  the  historic  crown  of  St.  Wenceslaus  on  the  King's 
head,  and  Matthias  swore  to  maintain  the  laws  and  privi- 
leges of  Bohemia,  including  the  recent  charters  granting 
liberty  of  religion  to  Protestants.     Thus  there  was  tempo- 
rary, if  hollow,  truce  between  the  religious  parties,  and  a 
sham  reconciliation  between  the  Emperor  and  his  brethren. 
The  forlorn  Eudolph  moped  away  the  few  months    Jan  go, 
of  life  left  to  him  in  the   Hradschin,  and   died 
soon  after  the  new  year.3     The  House  of  Austria  had  not 
been  divided,   Matthias   succeeded   his   brother,   Leopold's 
visions  melted  into  air,  and  it  was  for  the  future  to  reveal 
whether  the  Majesty-Letter  and  the  Compromise  had  been 
written  on  very  durable  material. 

And  while  such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Germany 
immediately  following  the  Cleve  and  Jiilich  campaign,  the 
relations  of  the  Republic  both  to  England  and  France  were 

1  Van  Metcrcn,  G5  j-659.  »  Ibid. 

8  Ibid.  673. 


262  THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OP  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  V. 

become  rapidly  more  dangerous  than  they  ever  had  been. 
It  was  a  severe  task  for  Barneveld,  and  enough  to  overtax 
the  energies  of  any  statesman,  to  maintain  his  hold  on  two 
such  slippery  governments  as  both  had  become  since  the 
death  of  their  great  monarchs.  It  had  been  an  easier  task 
for  William  the  Silent  to  steer  his  course,  notwithstanding 
all  the  perversities,  short-comings,  brow-beatings,  and  incon- 
sistencies that  he  had  been  obliged  to  endure  from  Elizabeth 
and  Henry.  Genius,  however  capricious  and  erratic  at 
times,  has  at  least  vision,  and  it  needed  no  elaborate  argu- 
ments to  prove  to  both  those  sovereigns  that  the  severance 
of  their  policy  from  that  of  the  Netherlands  was  impossible 
without  ruin  to  the  Eepublic  and  incalculable  danger  to 
themselves, 

But  now  France  and  England  were  both  tending  towards 
Spain  through  a  stupidity  on  the  part  of  their  rulers  such 
as  the  gods  are  said  to  contend  against  in  vain.  Barneveld 
was  not  a  god  nor  a  hero,  but  a  courageous  and  wide-seeing 
statesman,  and  he  did  his  best.  Obliged  by  his  position  to 
affect  admiration,  or  at  least  respect,  where  no  emotion  but 
contempt  was  possible,  his  daily  bread  was  bitter  enough. 
It  was  absolutely  necessary  to  humour  those  whom  he 
knew  to  be  traversing  his  policy  and  desiring  his  ruin,  for 
there  was  no  other  way  to  serve  his  country  and  save  it  from 
impending  danger.  So  long  as  he  was  faithfully  served  by 
his  subordinates,  and  not  betrayed  by  those  to  whom  he  gave 
his  heart,  he  could  confront  external  enemies  and  mould  the 
policy  of  wavering  allies. 

Few  things  in  history  are  more  pitiable  than  the  position 
of  James  in  regard  to  Spain.  For  seven  long  years  he  was 
as  one  entranced,  the  slave  to  one  idea,  a  Spanish  marriage 
for  his  son.  It  was  in  vain  that  his  counsellors  argued,  Par- 
liament protested,  allies  implored.  Parliament  was  told  that 
a  royal  family  matter  regarded  himself  alone,  and  that  inter- 


1611.          JAMES'S  DREAM  OP  A  SPANISH  MARRIAGE.          263 

ference  on  their  part  was  an  impertinence.  Parliament's 
duty  was  a  simple  one,  to  give  him  advice  if  he  asked  it,  and 
money  when  he  required  it,  without  asking  for  reasons.  It 
was  already  a  great  concession  that  he  should  ask  for  it  in 
person.  They  had  nothing  to  do  with  his  affairs  nor  with 
general  politics.  The  mystery  of  government  was  a  science 
beyond  their  reach,  and  with  which  they  were  not  to  meddle. 
"  Ne  sutor  ultra  crepidam"  said  the  pedant.1 

Upon  that  one  point  his  policy  was  made  to  turn.  Spain 
held  him  in  the  hollow  of  her  hand.  The  Infanta,  with  two 
million  crowns  in  dowry,  was  promised,  withheld,  brought 
forward  again  like  a  puppet  to  please  or  irritate  a  froward 
child.  Gondemar,  the  Spanish  ambassador,  held  him  spell- 
bound. Did  he  falter  in  his  opposition  to  the  States — did 
he  cease  to  goad  them  for  their  policy  in  the  duchies — did 
he  express  sympathy  with  Bohemian  Protestantism,  or,  as 
time  went  on,  did  he  dare  to  lift  a  finger  or  touch  his  pocket 
in  behalf  of  his  daughter  and  the  unlucky  Elector-Palatine  ; 
did  he,  in  short,  move  a  step  in  the  road  which  England  had 
ever  trod  and  was  bound  to  tread — the  road  of  determined 
resistance  to  Spanish  ambition — instantaneously  the  Infanta 
was  withheld,  and  James  was  on  his  knees  again.  A  few 
years  later,  when  the  great  Raleigh  returned  from  his  trans- 
Atlantic  expedition,  Gondemar  fiercely  denounced  him  to  the 
King  as  the  worst  enemy  of  Spain.  The  usual  threat  was 
made,  the  wand  was  waved,  and  the  noblest  head  in  England 
fell  upon  the  block,  in  pursuance  of  an  obsolete  sentence 
fourteen  years  old.2 

It  is  necessary  to  hold  fast  this  single  clue  to  the  crooked 
and  amazing  entanglements  of  the  policy  of  James.  The 
insolence,  the  meanness,  and  the  prevarications  of  this  royal 
toad-eater  are  only  thus  explained. 

Yet  Philip  III.  declared  on  his  death-bed  that  he  had 

1  Rapin,  iii.  180.  187.  «  Ibid.  122. 


264  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAENEVELD.         CHAP.  V. 

never  had  a  serious  intention  of  bestowing  his  daughter  on 
the  Prince. 

The  vanity  and  the  hatreds  of  theology  furnished  the  chief 
additional  material  in  the  policy  of  James  towards  the  Pro- 
vinces. The  diplomacy  of  his  reign  so  far  as  the  Republic 
was  concerned  is  often  a  mere  mass  of  controversial  divinity, 
and  gloomy  enough  of  its  kind.  Exactly  at  this  moment 
Conrad  Vorstius  had  been  called  by  the  University  of 
Leyden  to  the  professorship  vacant  by  the  death  of  Arminius, 
and  the  wrath  of  Peter  Plancius  and  the  whole  orthodox 
party  knew  no  bounds.  Born  in  Cologne,  Vorstius  had  been 
a  lecturer  in  Geneva,  and  beloved  by  Beza.  He  had  written 
a  book  against  the  Jesuit  Belarmino,  which  he  had  dedicated 
to  the  States-General.  But  he  was  now  accused  of  Arnri- 
nianism,  Socianism,  Pelagianism,  Atheism — one  knew  not 
what.  He  defended  himself  in  writing  against  these  various 
charges,  and  declared  himself  a  believer  in  the  Trinity,  in 
the  Divinity  of  Christ,  in  the  Atonement.2  But  he  had 
written  a  book  on  the  Nature  of  God,  and  the  wrath  of 
Gomarus  and  Plancius  and  Bogerman  was  as  nothing  to  the 
ire  of  James  when  that  treatise  was  one  day  handed  to  him 
on  returning  from  hunting.  He  had  scarcely  looked  into  it 
before  he  was  horror-struck,  and  instantly  wrote  to  Sir  Ralph 
Winwood,  his  ambassador  at  the  Hague,  ordering  him  to 
insist  that  this  blasphemous  monster  should  at  once  be 
removed  from  the  country.3  Who  but  James  knew  any- 
thing of  the  Nature  of  God,  for  had  he  not  written  a  work 
in  Latin  explaining  it  all,  so  that  humbler  beings  might  read 
and  be  instructed. 

Sir  Ealph  accordingly  delivered  a  long  sermon  to  the 
States  on  the  brief  supplied  by  his  Majesty,  told  them  that 
to  have  Vorstius  as  successor  to  Arminius  was  to  fall  out  of 

1  Rapin,  vii.  201.  «  Van  Rees  and  Brill,  iii.  470,  sqq. 

a  Ibid. 


161L  APPOINTMENT  OP  VORSTIUS.  265 

the  frying-pan  into  the  fire,1  and  handed  them  a  "  cata- 
logue "  prepared  by  the  King  of  the  blasphemies,  heresies, 
and  atheisms  of  the  Professor.  "Notwithstanding  that 
the  man  in  full  assembly  of  the  States  of  Holland,"  said 
the  Ambassador  with  headlong  and  confused  rhetoric,  "  had 
found  the  means  to  palliate  and  plaster  the  dung  of  his 
heresies,  and  thus  to  dazzle  the  eyes  of  good  people,"  yet 
it  was  necessary  to  protest  most  vigorously  against  such  an 
appointment,  and  to  advise  that  "  his  works  should  be  pub- 
licly burned  in  the  open  places  of  all  the  cities." 

The  Professor  never  was  admitted  to  perform  his  functions 
of  theology,  but  he  remained  at  Leyden,  so  Win  wood  com- 
plained, "  honoured,  recognized  as  a  singularity  and  orna- 
ment to  the  Academy  in  place  of  the  late  Joseph  Scaliger." 
"  The  friendship  of  the  King  and  the  heresy  of  Vorstius 
are  quite  incompatible,"  said  the  Envoy.2 

Meantime  the  Advocate,  much  distressed  at  the  animosity 
of  England  bursting  forth  so  violently  on  occasion  of  the 
appointment  of  a  divinity  professor  at  Leyden,  and  at  the 
very  instant  too  when  all  the  acuteness  of  his  intellect  was 
taxed  to  keep  on  good  or  even  safe  terms  with  France,  did 
his  best  to  stem  these  opposing  currents.  His  private  letters 
to  his  old  and  confidential  friend,  Noel  de  Caron,  States' 
ambassador  in  London,  reveal  the  perplexities  of  his  soul 
and  the  upright  patriotism  by  which  he  was  guided  in  these 
gathering  storms.  And  this  correspondence,  as  well  as  that 
maintained  by  him  at  a  little  later  period  with  the  successor 
of  Aerssens  at  Paris,  will  bo  seen  subsequently  to  have  had 
a  direct  and  most  important  bearing  upon  the  policy  of  the 
Republic  and  upon  his  own  fate.  It  is  necessary  therefore 
that  the  reader,  interested  in  these  complicated  afiairs  which 
were  soon  to  bring  on  a  sanguinary  war  on  a  scale  even 

1  "...  tombcr  do  fif'vrc  en  chaucl  mal." — Winwood'a  '  Memorials,'  iii.  294. 
»  Ibid.  304,  309,  317. 


266  THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAP.  V. 

vaster  than  the  one  which  had  been  temporarily  suspended, 
should  give  close  attention  to  papers  never  before  exhumed 
from  the  musty  sepulchre  of  national  archives,  although  con- 
stantly alluded  to  in  the  records  of  important  state  trials. 
It  is  strange  enough  to  observe  the  apparent  triviality  of  the 
circumstances  out  of  which  gravest  events  seem  to  follow. 
But  the  circumstances  were  in  reality  threads  of  iron  which 
led  down  to  the  very  foundations  of  the  earth. 

"  I  wish  to  know/'  wrote  the  Advocate  to  Caron,1  "  from 
whom  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  received  the  advices 
concerning  Vorstius  in  order  to  find  out  what  is  meant  by 
all  this." 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Whitgift  was  of  opinion  that 
James  was  directly  inspired  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  that  as 
he  affected  to  deem  him  the  anointed  High-priest  of  England, 
it  was  natural  that  he  should  encourage  the  King  in  his 
claims  to  be  Pontifex  maximus  for  the  Netherlands  likewise. 

"  We  are  busy  here,"  continued  Barneveld,  "  in  examining 
all  things  for  the  best  interests  of  the  country  and  the 
churches.  I  find  the  nobles  and  cities  here  well  resolved  in 
this  regard,  although  there  be  some  disagreements  in  modo. 
Vorstius,  having  been  for  many  years  professor  and  minister 
of  theology  at  Steinfurt,  having  manifested  his  learning  in 
many  books  written  against  the  Jesuits,  and  proved  himself 
pure  and  moderate  in  doctrine,  has  been  called  to  the  vacant 
professorship  at  Leyden.  This  appointment  is  now  counter- 
mined by  various  means.  We  are  doing  our  best  to  arrange 
everything  for  the  highest  good  of  the  Provinces  and  the 
churches.  Believe  this  and  believe  nothing  else.  Pay  heed 
to  no  other  information.  Kemember  what  took  place  in 
Flanders,  events  so  well  known  to  you.  It  is  not  for  me  to 
pass  judgment  in  these  matters.  Do  you,  too,  suspend  your 
judgment." 

1  Barneveld  to  Caron,  13  Sept.  1611.    (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


1611.  APPOINTMENT  OF  VORSTIUS.  267 

The  Advocate's  allusion  was  to  the  memorable  course 
of  affairs  in  Flanders  at  an  epoch  when  many  of  the  most 
inflammatory  preachers  and  politicians  of  the  Reformed 
religion,  men  who  refused  to  employ  a  footman  or  a  house- 
maid not  certified  to  be  thoroughly  orthodox,  subsequently 
after  much  sedition  and  disturbance  went  over  to  Spain  and 
the  Catholic  religion. 

A  few  weeks  later !  Barneveld  sent  copies  to  Caron  of  the 
latest  harangues  of  Winwood  in  the  Assembly  and  the  reply 
of  My  Lords  on  the  Vorstian  business  ;  that  is  to  say,  the 
freshest  dialogue— on  predestination  between  the  King  and 
the  Advocate.  For  as  James  always  dictated  word  for  word 
the  orations  of  his  envoy,  so  had  their  Mightinesses  at  this 
period  no  head  and  no  mouthpiece  save  Barneveld  alone. 
Nothing  could  be  drearier  than  these  controversies,  and  the 
reader  shall  be  spared  as  much  as  possible  the  infliction 
of  reading  them.  It  will  be  necessary,  however,  for  the 
proper  understanding  of  subsequent  events  that  he  should 
be  familiar  with  portions  of  tae  Advocate's  confidential 
letters. 

"  Sound  well  the  gentleman  you  wot  of,"  suid  Barneveld, 
"and  other  personages  as  to  the  conclusive  opinions  over 
there.  The  course  of  the  propositions  docs  not  harmonize 
with  what  I  have  myself  heard  out  of  the  King's  mouth  at 
other  times,  nor  with  the  reports  of  former  ambassadors.  I 
cannot  well  understand  that  the  King  should,  with  such  pre- 
ciseness,  condemn  all  other  opinions  save  those  of  Calvin  and 
Bcza.  It  is  important  to  the  service  of  this  country  that 
one  should  know  the  final  intention  of  his  Majesty." 

And  this  was  the  misery  of  the  position.     For  it  was  soon 

to  appear  that  the  King's  definite  and  final  intentions  varied 

from  day  to  day.     It  was  almost  humorous  to  find  him  at 

that  moment  condemning  all  opinions  but  those  of  Calvin 

1  Barneveld  to  Caron,  3  Oct.  1011.     (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


268  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  V. 

and  Beza  in  Holland,  while  his  course  to  the  strictest  con- 
fessors of  that  creed  in  England  was  so  ferocious. 

But  Vorstius  was  a  rival  author  to  his  Majesty  on  subjects 
treated  of  by  both,  so  that  literary  spite  of  the  most  veno- 
mous kind,  stirred  into  theological  hatred,  was  making  a 
dangerous  mixture.  Had  a  man  with  the  soul  and  sense  of 
the  Advocate  sat  on  the  throne  which  James  was  regarding 
at  that  moment  as  a  professor's  chair,  the  world's  history 
would  have  been  changed. 

"  I  fear,"  continued  Barneveld,  "  that  some  of  our  own 
precisians  have  been  spinning  this  coil  for  us  over  there,1 
and  if  the  civil  authority  can  be  thus  countermined,  things 
will  go  as  in  Flanders  in  your  time.  Pray  continue  to  be 
observant,  discreet,  and  moderate." 

The  Advocate  continued  to  use  his  best  efforts  to  smooth 
the  rising  waves.  He  humoured  and  even  flattered  the 
King,  although  perpetually  denounced  by  Winwood  in  his 
letters  to  his  sovereign  as  tyrannical,  over-bearing,  malignant, 
and  treacherous.2  He  did  his  best  to  counsel  moderation 
and  mutual  toleration,  for  he  felt  that  these  needless  theo- 
logical disputes  about  an  abstract  and  insoluble  problem 
of  casuistry  were  digging  an  abyss  in  which  the  Republic 
might  be  swallowed  up  for  ever.  If  ever  man  worked  steadily 
with  the  best  lights  of  experience  and  inborn  sagacity  for 
the  good  of  his  country  and  in  defence  of  a  constitutional 
government,  horribly  defective  certainly,  but  the  only  legal 
one,  and  on  the  whole  a  more  liberal  polity  than  any  then 
existing,  it  was  Barneveld.  Courageously,  steadily,  but 
most  patiently,  he  stood  upon  that  position  so  vital  and 
daily  so  madly  assailed ;  the  defence  of  the  civil  authority 
against  the  priesthood.  He  felt  instinctively  and  keenly 
that  where  any  portion  of  the  subjects  or  citizens  of 

1  "  Ick  dachte  dat  eenige  van  onse  precyste  ons  dit  spel  aldaer  berok- 
kenden."  (MS.  just  cited.)  *  Winwood's  '  Memorials/  vol.  iii.  passim. 


1611.  APPOINTMENT  OF  VORSTIUS.  269 

a  country  can  escape  from  the  control  of  government  and 
obey  other  head  than  the  lawful  sovereignty,  whether 
monarchical  or  republican,  social  disorder  and  anarchy 
must  be  ever  impending. 

"  We  are  still  tortured  by  ecclesiastical  disputes,"  he 
wrote1  a  few  weeks  later  to  Caron.  "Besides  many  libels 
which  have  appeared  in  print,  the  letters  of  his  Majesty  and 
the  harangues  of  Winwood  have  been  published  ;  to  what 
end  you  who  know  these  things  by  experience  can  judge. 
The  truth  of  the  matter  of  Vorstius  is  that  he  was  legally 
called  in  July  1610,  that  he  was  heard  last  May  before  My 
Lords  the  States  with  six  preachers  to  oppose  him,  and  in 
the  same  month  duly  accepted  and  placed  in  office.  He  has 
given  no  public  lectures  as  yet.  You  will  cause  this  to 
be  known  on  fitting  opportunity.  Believe  and  cause  to  be 
believed  that  his  Majesty's  letters  and  Sir  B.  Winwood's 
propositions  have  been  and  shall  be  well  considered,  and 
that  I  am  working  with  all  my  strength  to  that  end.  You 
know  the  constitution  of  our  country,  and  can  explain  every- 
thing for  the  best.  Many  pious  and  intelligent  people  in 
this  State  hold  themselves  assured  that  his  Majesty  accord- 
ing to  his  royal  exceeding  great  wisdom,  foresight,  and 
affection  for  the  welfare  of  this  land  will  not  approve  that 
his  letters  and  Winwood's  propositions  should  be  scattered 
by  the  press  among  the  common  people.  Believe  and  cause 
to  be  believed,  to  your  best  ability,  that  My  Lords  the 
States  of  Holland  desire  to  maintain  the  true  Christian, 
Reformed  religion  as  well  in  the  University  of  Leyden  as  in 
all  their  cities  and  villages.  The  only  dispute  is  on  the 
high  points  of  predestination  and  its  adjuncts,  concerning 
which  moderation  and  a  more  temperate  teaching  is  furthered 
by  some  amongst  us.  Many  think  that  such  is  the  edifying 
practice  in  England.  Pray  have  the  kindness  to  send  mo 
1  Barneveld  to  Caron,  17  Nov  1011.  (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


270  THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  V. 

the  English  Confession  of  the  year  1572,  with  the  corrections 
and  alterations  up  to  this  year." 

But  the  fires  were  growing  hotter,  fanned  especially  by 
Flemish  ministers,  a  brotherhood  of  whom  Barneveld  had 
an  especial  distrust,  and  who  certainly  felt  great  animosity 
to  him.  His  moderate  counsels  were  but  oil  to  the  flames. 
He  was  already  depicted  by  zealots  and  calumniators  as  false 
to  the  Keformed  creed. 

"  Be  assured  and  assure  others,"  he  wrote  again  to  Caron,1 
"  that  in  the  matter  of  religion  I  am,  and  by  God's  grace 
shall  remain,  what  I  ever  have  been.  Make  the  same  as- 
surances as  to  my  son-in-law  and  brother.  We  are  not  a 
little  amazed  that  a  few  extraordinary  Puritans,  mostly 
Flemings  and  Frisians,  who  but  a  short  time  ago  had 
neither  property  nor  kindred  in  the  country,  and  have  now 
very  little  of  either,  and  who  have  given  but  slender  proofs 
of  constancy  or  service  to  the  fatherland,  could  through  pre- 
tended zeal  gain  credit  over  there  against  men  well  proved 
in  all  respects.  We  wonder  the  more  because  they  are 
endeavouring,  in  ecclesiastical  matters  at  least,  to  usurp  an 
extraordinary  authority,  against  which  his  Majesty,  with 
very  weighty  reasons,  has  so  many  times  declared  his  opi- 
nion founded  upon  God's  Word  and  upon  all  laws  and  prin- 
ciples of  justice." 

It  was  Barneveld's  practice  on  this  as  en  subsequent 
occasions  very  courteously  to  confute  the  King  out  of  his 
own  writings  and  speeches,  and  by  so  doing  to  be  uncon- 
sciously accumulating  an  undying  hatred  against  himself  in 
the  royal  breast.  Certainly  nothing  could  be  easier  than  to 
show  that  James,  while  encouraging  in  so  reckless  a  manner 
the  emancipation  of  the  ministers  of  an  advanced  sect  in 
the  Reformed  Church  from  control  of  government,  and  their 
usurpation  of  supreme  authority  which  had  been  destroyed 
1  Barneveld  to  Caron,  21  Jan.  1612.  (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


1612.  APPOINTMENT  OF  VORSTIUS.  271 

in  England,  was  outdoing  himself  in  dogmatism  and  incon- 
sistency. A  king-highpriest,  who  dictated  his  supreme  will 
to  bishops  and  ministers  as  well  as  to  courts  and  parlia- 
ments, was  ludicrously  employed  in  a  foreign  country  in 
enforcing  the  superiority  of  the  Church  to  the  State. 

"  You  will  give  good  assurances,"  said  the  Advocate, 
"  upon  my  word,  that  the  conservation  of  the  true  Reformed 
religion  is  as  warmly  cherished  here,  especially  by  me,  as  at 
any  time  during  the  war." 

He  next  alluded  to  the  charges  then  considered  very 
grave  against  certain  writings  of  Vorstius,  and  with  equal 
fairness  to  his  accusers  as  he  had  been  to  the  Professor  gave 
a  pledge  that  the  subject  should  be  examined. 

"  If  the  man  in  question,"  he  said,  "  bo  the  author,  as  per- 
haps falsely  imputed,  of  the  work  De  Filiations  Christi  or 
things  of  that  sort,  you  may  be  sure  that  he  shall  have  no 
furtherance  here."  He  complained,  however,  that  before 
proof  the  cause  was  much  prejudiced  by  the  circulation 
through  the  press  of  letters  on  the  subject  from  important 
personages  in  England.  His  own  efforts  to  do  justice  in  the 
matter  were  traversed  by  such  machinations.  If  the  Pro- 
fessor proved  to  be  guilty  of  publications  fairly  to  be  deemed 
atheistical  and  blasphemous,  he  should  be  debarred  from 
his  functions,  but  the  outcry  from  England  was  doing  more 
harm  than  good. 

"  The  published  extract  from  the  letter  of  the  Arch- 
bishop," he  wrote,1  "  to  the  effect  that  the  King  will  declare 
My  Lords  the  States  to  be  his  enemies  if  they  are  not  willing 
to  send  the  man  away  is  doing  much  harm." 

Truly,  if  it  had  come  to  this — that  a  King  of  England  was 
to  go  to  war  with  a  neighbouring  and  friendly  republic 
because  an  obnoxious  professor  of  theology  was  not  instantly 
hurled  from  a  university  of  which  his  Majesty  was  not  one 

1  MS.  last  cited. 


272  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAIINEVELD.         CHAP.  V. 

of  the  overseers — it  was  time  to  look  a  little  closely  into  the 
functions  of  governments  and  the  nature  of  public  and  inter- 
national law.  Not  that  the  sword  of  James  was  in  reality 
very  likely  to  be  unsheathed,  but  his  shriekings  and  his 
scribblings,  pacific  as  he  was  himself,  were  likely  to  arouse 
passions  which  torrents  of  blood  alone  could  satiate. 

"  The  publishing  and  spreading  among  the  community/' 
continued  Barneveld,  "of  M.  Win  wood's  protestations  and 
of  many  indecent  libels  are  also  doing  much  mischief,  for 
the  nature  of  this  people  does  not  tolerate  such  things. 
I  hope,  however,  to  obtain  the  removal  according  to  his 
Majesty's  desire.  Keep  me  well  informed,  and  send  me  word 
what  is  thought  in  England  by  the  tour  divines  of  the  book 
of  Vorstius,  De  Deo,  and  of  his  declarations  on  the  points 
sent  here  by  his  Majesty.  Let  me  know,  too,  if  there  has 
been  any  later  confession  published  in  England  than  that  of 
the  year  1562,  and  whether  the  nine  points  pressed  in  the 
year  1595  were  accepted  and  published  in  1603.  If  so,  pray 
send  them,  as  they  may  be  made  use  of  in  settling  our 
differences  here." 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  spirit  of  conciliation,  of  a 
calm  but  earnest  desire  to  obtain  a  firm  grasp  of  the  most 
reasonable  relations  between  Church  and  State  through 
patient  study  of  the  phenomena  exhibited  in  other  coun- 
tries, were  the  leading  motives  of  the  man.  Yet  he  was  per- 
petually denounced  in  private  as  an  unbeliever,  an  atheist,  a 
tyrant,  because  he  resisted  dictation  from  the  clergy  within 
the  Provinces  and  from  kings  outside  them. 

"  It  was  always  held  here  to  be  one  of  the  chief  infractions 
of  the  laws  and  privileges  of  this  country,"  he  said,1  "  that 
former  princes  had  placed  themselves  in  matter  of  religion 
in  the  tutelage  of  the  Pope  and  the  Spanish  Inquisition, 
and  that  they  therefore  on  complaint  of  their  good  subjects 

1  Barneveld  to  Caron,  21  Jan.  1613.    (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


1612.  APPOINTMENT  OF  VORSTIUS.  273 

could  take  no  orders  on  that  subject.  Therefore  it  cannot 
be  considered  strange  that  we  are  not  willing  here  to  fall 
into  the  same  obloquy.  That  one  should  now  choose  to  turn 
the  magistrates,  who  were  once  so  seriously  summoned  on 
their  conscience  and  their  office  to  adopt  the  Reformation 
and  to  take  the  matter  of  religion  to  heart,  into  ignorants, 
to  deprive  them  of  knowledge,  and  to  cause  them  to  see  with 
other  eyes  than  their  own,  cannot  by  many  be  considered 
right  and  reasonable.  Intelligenti  pauca." 1 

Meantime  M.  de  Refuge,  as  before  stated,  was  on  his  way 
to  the  Hague,  to  communicate  the  news  of  the  double  mar- 
riage. He  had  fallen  sick  at  Rotterdam,2  and  the  nature  of 
his  instructions  and  of  the  message  he  brought  remained  un- 
known, save  from  the  previous  despatches  of  Aerssens.  But 
reports  were  rife  that  he  was  about  to  propose  new  terms  of 
alliance  to  the  States,  founded  on  large  concessions  to  the 
Roman  Catholic  religion.  Of  course  intense  jealousy  was 
excited  at  the  English  court,  and  calumny  plumed  her 
wings  for  a  fresh  attack  upon  the  Advocate.  Of  course  he 
was  sold  to  Spain,  the  Reformed  religion  was  to  be  trampled 
out  in  the  Provinces,  and  the  Papacy  and  Holy  Inquisition 
established  on  its  ruins.  Nothing  could  be  more  diametri- 
cally the  reverse  of  the  fact  than  such  hysterical  suspicions 
as  to  the  instructions  of  the  ambassador  extraordinary  from 
France,  and  this  has  already  appeared.  The  Vorstian  affair 
too  was  still  in  the  same  phase,  the  Advocate  professing  a 
willingness  that  justice  should  be  done  in  the  matter,  while 
courteously  but  firmly  resisting  the  arrogant  pretensions  of 
James  to  take  the  matter  out  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
States. 

It  never  was  burned ;  but,  innocent 
and  reasonable  as  it  seems,  was  made 
use  of  by  Barneveld's  enemies  with 
deadly  effect. 

*   Barneveld    to    Caron,   28    Jan. 
1612.    (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


1  The  interesting  letter  from  which 
I  have  given  these  copious  extracts 
was  ordered  by  its  writer  to  be 
burned.  "  Lecta  vulcano  "  was  noted 
at  the  end  of  it,  as  was  not  unfre- 
quently  the  case  with  the  Advocate. 

VOL.   I. 


274  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAKNEVELD.         CHAP.  V. 

"  I  stand  amazed,"  he  said,1  "  at  the  partisanship  and  the 
calumnious  representations  which  you  tell  me  of,  and  can- 
not imagine  what  is  thought  nor  what  is  proposed.  Should 
M.  de  Eefuge  make  any  such  propositions  as  are  feared, 
believe,  and  cause  his  Majesty  and  his  counsellors  to  believe, 
that  they  would  be  of  no  effect.  Make  assurances  upon  my 
word,  notwithstanding  all  advices  to  the  contrary,  that  such 
things  would  be  flatly  refused.  If  anything  is  published  or 
proven  to  the  discredit  of  Vorstius,  send  it  to  me.  Believe 
that  we  shall  not  defend  heretics  nor  schismatics  against  the 
pure  Evangelical  doctrine,  but  one  cannot  conceive  here  that 
the  knowledge  and  judicature  of  the  matter  belongs  any- 
where else  than  to  My  Lords  the  States  of  Holland,  in  whose 
service  he  has  legally  been  during  four  months  before  his 
Majesty  made  the  least  difficulty  about  it.  Called  hither 
legally  a  year  before,  with  the  knowledge  and  by  the  order 
of  his  Excellency  and  the  councillors  of  state  of  Holland, 
he  has  been  countermined  by  five  or  six  Flemings  and 
Frisians,  who,  without  recognizing  the  lawful  authority  of 
the  magistrates,  have  sought  assistance  in  foreign  countries 
— in  Germany  and  afterwards  in  England.  Yes,  they  have 
been  so  presumptuous  as  to  designate  one  of  their  own 
men  for  the  place.  If  such  a  proceeding  should  be  at- 
tempted in  England,  I  leave  it  to  those  whose  business 
it  would  be  to  deal  with  it  to  say  what  would  be  done.  I 
hope  therefore  that  one  will  leave  the  examination  and 
judgment  of  this  matter  freely  to  us,  without  attempting  to 
make  us — against  the  principles  of  the  Reformation  and  the 
liberties  and  laws  of  the  land — executors  of  the  decrees  of 
others,  as  the  man  here 2  wishes  to  obtrude  it  upon  us." 

He  alluded  to  the  difficulty  in  raising  the  ways  and 
means ;  saying  that  the  quota  of  Holland,  as  usual,  which 

1  Barneveld  to  Caron,  28  Jan.  1612.    (Hague  Archives  MS.) 
*  To  wit,  Win-wood. 


1612.  APPOINTMENT  OF  VORSTIUS.  275 

was  more  than  half  the  whole,  was  ready,  while  other  pro- 
vinces were  in  arrears.  Yet  they  were  protected,  while 
Holland  was  attacked. 

"Methinks  I  am  living  in  a  strange  world,"  he  said, 
"  when  those  who  have  received  great  honour  from  Holland, 
and  who  in  their  conscience  know  that  they  alone  have 
conserved  the  Commonwealth,  are  now  traduced  with  such 
great  calumnies.  But  God  the  Lord  Almighty  is  just,  and 
will  in  His  own  time  do  chastisement."  1 

The  affair  of  Yorstius  dragged  its  slow  length  along,  and 
few  things  are  more  astounding  at  this  epoch  than  to  see 
such  a  matter,  interesting  enough  certainly  to  theologians, 
to  the  University,  and  to  the  rising  generation  of  students, 
made  the  topic  of  unceasing  and  embittered  diplomatic  con- 
troversy between  two  great  nations,  who  had  most  press- 
ing and  momentous  business  on  their  hands.  But  it  was 
necessary  to  humour  the  King,  while  going  to  the  verge  of 
imprudence  in  protecting  the  Professor.  In  March  he  was 
heard,  three  or  four  hours  long,  before  the  Assembly  of 
Holland,  in  answer  to  various  charges  made  against  him,2 
being  warned  that  "  he  stood  before  the  Lord  God  and  before 
the  sovereign  authority  of  the  States."  Although  thought 
by  many  to  have  made  a  powerful  defence,  he  was  ordered 
to  set  it  forth  in  writing,  both  in  Latin  and  in  the  ver- 
nacular. Furthermore  it  was  ordained  that  he  should  make 
a  complete  refutation  ot  all  the  charges  already  made  or 
that  might  be  made  during  the  ensuing  three  months 
against  him  in  speech,  book,  or  letter  in  England,  Germany, 
the  Netherlands,  or  anywhere  else.  He  was  allowed  one 
year  and  a  half  to  accomplish  this  work,  and  meantime  was 
to  reside  not  in  Leyden,  nor  the  Hague,  but  in  some  other 
town  of  Holland,  not  delivering  lectures  or  practising  his 

1  MS.  last  cited. 

1  Barneveld  to  Caron,  28  March  1612.    (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


276  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.V. 

profession  in  any  way.1  It  might  be  supposed  that  sufficient 
work  had  been  thus  laid  out  for  the  unfortunate  doctor  of 
divinity  without  lecturing  or  preaching.  The  question  of 
jurisdiction  was  saved.  The  independence  of  the  civil 
authority  over  the  extreme  pretensions  of  the  clergy  had 
been  vindicated  by  the  firmness  of  the  Advocate.  James 
had  been  treated  with  overflowing  demonstrations  of  respect, 
but  his  claim  to  expel  a  Dutch  professor  from  his  chair  and 
country  by  a  royal  fiat  had  been  signally  rebuked.  Certainly 
if  the  Provinces  were  dependent  upon  the  British  king  in 
regard  to  such  a  matter,  it  was  the  merest  imbecility  for 
them  to  affect  independence.  Barneveld  had  carried  his 
point  and  served  his  country  strenuously  and  well  in  this 
apparently  small  matter  which  human  folly  had  dilated 
into  a  great  one.  But  deep  was  the  wrath  treasured  against 
him  in  consequence  in  clerical  and  royal  minds. 

Beturning  from  Wesel  after  the  negotiations,  Sir  Ealph 
Winwood  had  an  important  interview  at  Arnheim  with 

April  7,     Prince  Maurice,  in  which  they  confidentially  ex- 

1613-  changed  their  opinions  in  regard  to  the  Advo- 
cate, and  mutually  confirmed  their  suspicions  and  their 
jealousies  in  regard  to  that  statesman. 

The  Ambassador  earnestly  thanked  the  Prince  in  the 
King's  name  for  his  "  careful  and  industrious  endeavours  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  truth  of  religion,  lively  expressed  in 
prosecuting  the  cause  against  Yorstius  and  his  adherents." 

He  then  said : 

"  I  am  expressly  commanded  that  his  Majesty  conferring 
the  present  condition  of  affairs  of  this  quarter  of  the  world 
with  those  advertisements  he  daily  receives  from  his  ministers 
abroad,  together  with  the  nature  and  disposition  of  those 
men  who  have  in  their  hands  the  managing  of  all  business 
in  these  foreign  parts,  can  make  no  other  judgment  than  this. 
1  Barneveld  to  Caron,  28  March  1612.  (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


INTERVIEW  BETWEEN  MAURICE  AND  WINWOOD.    277 

"  There  is  a  general  ligue  and  confederation  complotted 
for  the  subversion  and  ruin  of  religion  upon  the  subsistence 
whereof  his  Majesty  doth  judge  the  main  welfare  of  your 
realms  and  of  these  Provinces  solely  to  consist. 

"  Therefore  his  Majesty  has  given  me  charge  out  of  the 
knowledge  he  has  of  your  great  worth  and  sufficiency,"  con- 
tinued Winwood,  "  and  the  confidence  he  reposes  in  your 
faith  and  affection,  freely  to  treat  with  you  on  these  points, 
and  withal  to  pray  you  to  deliver  your  opinion  what  way 
would  be  the  most  compendious  and  the  most  assured  to 
contrequarr  these  complots,  and  to  frustrate  the  malice  of 
these  mischievous  designs." 

The  Prince  replied  by  acknowledging  the  honour  the 
King  had  vouchsafed  to  do  him  in  holding  so  gracious  an 
opinion  of  him,  wherein  his  Majesty  should  never  be  deceived. 

"  I  concur  in  judgment  with  his  Majesty,"  continued  the 
Prince,  "  that  the  main  scope  at  which  these  plots  and 
practices  do  aim,  for  instance,  the  alliance  between  France 
and  Spain,  is  this,  to  root  out  religion,  and  by  consequence 
to  bring  under  their  yoke  all  those  countries  in  which 
religion  is  professed. 

"The  first  attempt,"  continued  the  Prince,  "is  doubtless 
intended  against  these  Provinces.  The  means  to  counter- 
mine and  defeat  these  projected  designs  I  take  to  be  these  : 
the  continuance  of  his  Majesty's  constant  resolution  for  the 
protection  of  religion,  and  then  that  the  King  would  be 
pleased  to  procure  a  general  confederation  between  the 
kings,  princes,  and  commonwealths  professing  religion, 
namely,  Denmark,  Sweden,  the  German  princes,  the  Pro- 
testant cantons  of  Switzerland,  and  our  United  Provinces. 

"  Of  this  confederation,  his  Majesty  must  be  not  only  the 
director,  but  the  head  and  protector. 

"  Lastly,  the  Protestants  of  France  should  be,  if  not  sup- 
ported, at  least  relieved  from  that  oppression  which  tho 


278  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  V. 

alliance  of  Spain  doth  threaten  upon  them.  This,  I  insist," 
repeated  Maurice  with  great  fervour,  "  is  the  only  coupe- 
gorge  of  all  plots  whatever  between  France  and  Spain." 

He  enlarged  at  great  length  on  these  points,  which  he 
considered  so  vital, 

"And  what  appearance  can  there  be,"  asked  Win  wood 
insidiously  and  maliciously,  "  of  this  general  confederation 
now  that  these  Provinces,  which  heretofore  have  been 
accounted  a  principal  member  of  the  Kefonned  Church, 
begin  to  falter  in  the  truth  of  religion  ? 

"  He  who  solely  governs  the  metropolitan  province  of 
Holland,"  continued  the  Ambassador,  with  a  direct  stab  in 
the  back  at  Barneveld,  "is  reputed  generally,  as  your 
Excellency  best  knows,  to  be  the  only  patron  of  Vorstius, 
and  the  protector  of  the  schisms  of  Arminius.  And  like- 
wise, what  possibility  is  there  that  the  Protestants  of  France 
can  expect  favour  from  these  Provinces  when  the  same  man 
is  known  to  depend  at  the  devotion  of  France  ?  " 

The  international,  theological,  and  personal  jealousy  of  the 
King  against  Holland's  Advocate  having  been  thus  plainly 
developed,  the  Ambassador  proceeded  to  pour  into  the 
Prince's  ear  the  venom  of  suspicion,  and  to  inflame  his 
jealousy  against  his  great  rival.  The  secret  conversation 
showed  how  deeply  laid  was  the  foundation  of  the  political 
hatred,  both  of  James  and  of  Maurice,  against  the  Advocate, 
and  certainly  nothing  could  be  more  preposterous  than  to 
imagine  the  King  as  the  director  and  head  of  the  great 
Protestant  League.  We  have  but  lately  seen  him  confiden- 
tially assuring  his  minister  that  his  only  aim  was  "  to  wind 
himself  handsomely  out  of  the  whole  business."  Maurice 
must  have  found  it  difficult  to  preserve  his  gravity  when 
assigning  such  a  part  to  "  Master  Jacques." 

"  Although  Monsieur  Barneveld  has  cast  off  all  care  of  re- 
ligion." said  Maurice,  "and  although  some  towns  in  Holland, 


INTERVIEW  BETWEEN  MAURICE  AND  WINWOOD.    279 

wherein  his  power  doth  reign,  are  infected  with  the  like 
neglect,  yet  so  long  as  so  many  good  towns  in  Holland 
stand  sound,  and  all  the  other  provinces  of  this  confederacy, 
the  proposition  would  at  the  first  motion  be  cheerfully 
accepted. 

"I  confess  I  find  difficulty  in  satisfying  your  second 
question,"  continued  the  Prince,  "for  I  acknowledge  that 
Barneveld  is  wholly  devoted  to  the  service  of  France. 
During  the  truce  negotiations,  when  some  difference  arose 
between  him  and  myself,  President  Jeannin  came  to  me, 
requiring  me  in  the  French  king's  name  to  treat  Monsieur 
Barneveld  well,  whom  the  King  had  received  into  his  pro- 
tection. The  letters  which  the  States'  ambassador  in 
France  wrote  to  Barneveld  (and  to  him  all  ambassadors 
address  their  despatches  of  importance),  the  very  auto- 
graphs themselves,  he  sent  back  into  the  hands  of  Ville'roy." 

Here  the  Prince  did  not  scruple  to  accuse  the  Advocate 
of  doing  the  base  and  treacherous  trick  against  Aerssens 
which  he  had  expressly  denied  doing,  and  which  had  been 
done  during  his  illness,  as  he  solemnly  avowed,  by  a  sub- 
ordinate probably  for  the  sake  of  making  mischief. 

Maurice  then  discoursed  largely  and  vehemently  of  the 
suspicious  proceedings  of  Barneveld,  and  denounced  him 
as  dangerous  to  the  State.  "  When  one  man  who  has  the 
conduct  of  all  affairs  in  his  sole  power,"  he  said,  "shall  hold 
underhand  intelligence  with  the  ministers  of  Spain  and 
the  Archduke,  and  that  without  warrant,  thereby  he  may 
have  the  means  so  to  carry  the  course  of  affairs  that,  do 
what  they  will,  these  Provinces  must  fall  or  stand  at  the 
mercy  and  discretion  of  Spain.  Therefore  some  good  reso- 
lutions must  be  taken  in  time  to  hold  up  this  State  from 
a  sudden  downfall,  but  in  this  much  moderation  and  dis- 
cretion must  be  used." 

The  Prince  added  that  he  bad  invited  his  cousin  Lewis 


280  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAENEVELD.         CHAP.  V. 

William  to  appear  at  the  Hague  at  May  day,  in  order  to  con- 
sult as  to  the  proper  means  to  preserve  the  Provinces  from 
confusion  under  his  Majesty's  safeguard,  and  with  the  aid  of 
the  Englishmen  in  the  States'  service  whom  Maurice  pro- 
nounced to  be  "  the  strength  and  flower  of  his  army." 

Thus  the  Prince  developed  his  ideas  at  great  length,  and 
accused  the  Advocate  behind  his  back,  and  without  the 
faintest  shadow  of  proof,  of  base  treachery  to  his  friends  and 
of  high-treason.  Surely  Barneveld  was  in  danger,  and  was 
walking  among  pitfalls.  Most  powerful  and  deadly  enemies 
were  silently  banding  themselves  together  against  him. 
Could  he  long  maintain  his  hold  on  the  slippery  heights  of 
power,  where  he  was  so  consciously  serving  his  country,  but 
where  he  became  day  by  day  a  mere  sliining  mark  for 
calumny  and  hatred  ? 

The  Ambassador  then  signified  to  the  Prince  that  he  had 
been  instructed  to  carry  to  him  the  King's  purpose  to  confer 
on  him  the  Order  of  the  Garter. 

"  If  his  Majesty  holds  me  worthy  of  so  great  honour," 
said  the  Prince,  "  I  and  my  family  shall  ever  remain  bound 
to  his  service  and  that  of  his  royal  posterity. 

"  That  the  States  should  be  offended  I  see  no  cause,  but 
holding  the  charge  I  do  in  their  service,  I  could  not  accept 
the  honour  without  first  acquainting  them  and  receiving 
then*  approbation." 

Winwood  replied  that,  as  the  King  knew  the  terms  on 
which  the  Prince  lived  with  the  States,  he  doubted  not  his 
Majesty  would  first  notify  them  aiid  say  that  he  honoured  the 
mutual  amity  between  his  realms  and  these  Provinces  by 
honouring  the  virtues  of  their  general,  whose  services,  as 
they  had  been  most  faithful  and  affectionate,  so  had  they 
been  accompanied  with  the  blessings  of  happiness  and 
prosperous  success. 

Thus  said  Winwood  to  the  King :  "  Your  Majesty  rnciy 


INTERVIEW  BETWEEN  MAURICE  AND  WINWOOD.    281 

plaster  two  walls  with  one  trowel  (unafidelia  duos  dealbare 
parities),  reverse  the  designs  of  them  who  to  facilitate  their 
own  practices  do  endeavour  to  alienate  your  affections  from 
the  good  of  these  Provinces,  and  oblige  to  your  service  the 
well-affected  people,  who  know  that  there  is  no  surety  for 
themselves,  their  wives  and  children,  but  under  the  pro- 
tection of  your  Majesty's  favour.  Perhaps,  however,  the 
favourers  of  Vorstius  and  Arminius  will  buzz  into  the  ears 
of  their  associates  that  your  Majesty  would  make  a  party 
in  these  Provinces  by  maintaining  the  truth  of  religion  and 
also  by  gaming  unto  you  the  affections  of  their  chief  com- 
mander. But  your  Majesty  will  be  pleased  to  pass  forth 
whose  worthy  ends  will  take  their  place,  which  is  to  honour 
virtue  where  you  find  it,  and  the  suspicious  surmises  of 
malice  and  envy  in  one  instant  will  vanish  into  smoke."  * 

Winwood  made  no  scruple  in  directly  stating  to  the 
English  government  that  Barneveld's  purpose  was  to 
"  cause  a  divorce  between  the  King's  realms  and  the  Pro- 
vinces, the  more  easily  to  precipitate  them  into  the  arms 
of  Spain."2  He  added  that  the  negotiation  with  Count 
Maurice  then  on  foot  was  to  be  followed,  but  with  much 
secrecy,  on  account  of  the  place  he  held  in  the  State. 

Soon  after  the  Ambassador's  secret  conversation  with 
Maurice  he  had  an  interview  with  Barneveld.  He  assured 
the  Advocate  that  no  contentment  could  be  given  to  his 
Majesty  but  by  the  banishment  of  Vorstius.  "  If  the  town  of 
Ley  den  should  understand  so  much,"  replied  Barneveld,  "  I 
fear  the  magistrates  would  retain  him  still  in  their  town." 

"  If  the  town  of  Leyden  should  retain  Vorstius/'  answered 
Winwood,  "  to  brave  or  despight  his  Majesty,  the  King  has 
the  means,  if  it  pleases  him  to  use  them,  and  that  without 


1  Winwood  to  the  King,  7  April 
(o.  8.)  1012.  (Cecil  Papers,  Hatfield 
Archives  MS.)  See  Appendix. 


1  Same  to  Viscount  Rochester.  7 
April  1612.  (Hatfield  Archives  MS.) 
See  Appendix. 


282  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  V 

drawing  sword,  to  range  them  to  reason,  and  to  make  the 
magistrates  on  their  knees  demand  his  pardon,  and  I  say  as 
much  of  Rotterdam." 

Such  insolence  on  the  part  of  an  ambassador  to  the  first 
minister  of  a  great  republic  was  hard  to  bear.  Barneveld 
was  not  the  man  to  brook  it.  He  replied  with  great  indig- 
nation. "  I  was  born  in  liberty,"  he  said  with  rising  choler, 
"  I  cannot  digest  this  kind  of  language.  The  King  of  Spain 
himself  never  dared  to  speak  in  so  high  a  style." 1 

"  I  well  understand  that  logic,"  returned  the  Ambassador 
with  continued  insolence.  "  You  hold  your  argument  to  be 
drawn  a  majori  ad  minus;  but  I  pray  you  to  believe  that 
the  King  of  Great  Britain  is  peer  and  companion  to  the 
King  of  Spain,  and  that  his  motto  is,  'Nemo  me  impune 
lacessit.' " 

And  so  they  parted  in  a  mutual  rage  ;  Winwood  adding 
on  going  out  of  the  room,  "  Whatsoever  I  propose  to  you  in 
his  Majesty's  name  can  find  with  you  neither  goust  nor 
grace." 

He  then  informed  Lord  Rochester  that  "the  man  was 
extremely  distempered  and  extremely  distasted  with  his 
Majesty. 

"  Some  say,"  he  added,  "  that  on  being  in  England  when 
his  Majesty  first  came  to  the  throne  he  conceived  some 
offence,  which  ever  since  hath  rankled  in  his  heart,  and  now 
doth  burst  forth  with  more  violent  malice." 

Nor  was  the  matter  so  small  as  it  superficially  appeared. 
Dependence  of  one  nation  upon  the  dictation  of  another  can 
never  be  considered  otherwise  than  grave.  The  subjection 
of  all  citizens,  clerical  or  lay,  to  the  laws  of  the  land,  the 
supremacy  of  the  State  over  the  Church,  were  equally  grave 
subjects.  And  the  question  of  sovereignty  now  raised  for 
the  first  time,  not  academically  merely,  but  practically, 

3  MS.  last  cited. 


BITTERNESS  BETWEEN  BARNEVELD  AND  MAURICE.     283 

was  the  gravest  one  of  all.  It  was  soon  to  be  mooted 
vigorously  and  passionately  whether  the  United  Provinces 
were  a  confederacy  or  a  union  ;  a  league  of  sovereign  and  inde- 
pendent states  bound  together  by  treaty  for  certain  specified 
purposes  or  an  incorporated  whole.  The  Advocate  and  all 
the  principal  lawyers  in  the  country  had  scarcely  a  doubt 
on  the  subject.  Whether  it  were  a  reasonable  system  or  an 
absurd  one,  a  vigorous  or  an  imbecile  form  of  government, 
they  were  confident  that  the  Union  of  Utrecht,  made  about  a 
generation  of  mankind  before,  and  the  only  tie  by  which 
the  Provinces  were  bound  together  at  all,  was  a  compact 
between  sovereigns. 

Barneveld  styled  himself  always  the  servant  and  officer 
of  the  States  of  Holland.  To  them  was  his  allegiance,  for 
them  he  spoke,  wrought,  and  thought,  by  them  his  meagre 
salary  was  paid.  At  the  congress  of  the  States-General,  the 
scene  of  his  most  important  functions,  he  was  the  ambas- 
sador of  Holland,  acting  nominally  according  to  their 
instructions,  and  exercising  the  powers  of  minister  of  foreign 
affairs  and,  as  it  were,  prime  minister  for  the  other  con- 
federates by  their  common  consent.  The  system  would 
have  been  intolerable,  the  great  affairs  of  war  and  peace 
could  never  have  been  carried  on  so  triumphantly,  had  not 
the  preponderance  of  the  one  province  Holland,  richer,  more 
powerful,  more  important  in  every  way  than  the  other  six 
provinces  combined,  given  to  the  confederacy  illegally,  but 
virtually,  many  of  the  attributes  of  union.  Bather  by  usu- 
caption  than  usurpation  Holland  had  in  many  regards  come 
to  consider  herself  and  be  considered  as  the  Republic 
itself.  And  Barneveld,  acting  always  in  the  name  of 
Holland  and  with  the  most  modest  of  titles  and  appoint- 
ments, was  for  a  long  time  in  all  civil  matters  the  chief  of 
the  whole  country.  This  had  been  convenient  during  the 
war,  still  more  convenient  during  negotiations  for  peace,  but 


284  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  V. 

it  was  inevitable  that  there  should  be  murmurs  now  that  the 
cessation  from  military  operations  on  a  large  scale  had  given 
men  time  to  look  more  deeply  into  the  nature  of  a  consti- 
tution partly  inherited  and  partly  improvised,  and  having 
many  of  the  defects  usually  incident  to  both  sources  of 
government. 

The  military  interest,  the  ecclesiastical  power,  and  the 
influence  of  foreign  nations  exerted  through  diplomatic  in- 
trigue, were  rapidly  arraying  themselves  in  determined 
hostility  to  Barneveld  and  to  what  was  deemed  his  tyran- 
nous usurpation.  A  little  later  the  national  spirit,  as  op- 
posed to  provincial  and  municipal  patriotism,  was  to  be 
aroused  against  him,  and  was  likely  to  prove  the  most 
formidable  of  all  the  elements  of  antagonism. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  anticipate  here  what  must  be  de- 
veloped on  a  subsequent  page.  This  much,  however,  it  is 
well  to  indicate  for  the  correct  understanding  of  passing 
events.  Barneveld  did  not  consider  himself  the  officer  or 
servant  of  their  High  Mightinesses  the  States-General,  while 
in  reality  often  acting  as  their  master,  but  the  vassal  and 
obedient  functionary  of  their  Great  Mightinesses  the  States 
of  Holland,  whom  he  almost  absolutely  controlled. 

His  present  most  pressing  business  was  to  resist  the  en- 
croachments of  the  sacerdotal  power  and  to  defend  the 
magistracy.  The  casuistical  questions  which  were  fast  mad- 
dening the  public  mind  seemed  of  importance  to  him  only 
as  enclosing  within  them  a  more  vital  and  practical  question 
of  civil  government. 

But  the  anger  of  his  opponents,  secret  and  open,  was 
rapidly  increasing.  Envy,  jealousy,  political  and  clerical 
hate,  above  all,  that  deadliest  and  basest  of  malignant  spirits 
which  in  partisan  warfare  is  bred  out  of  subserviency  to 
rising  and  rival  power,  were  swarming  about  him  and  sting- 
ing him  at  every  step.  No  parasite  of  Maurice  could  more 


BITTERNESS  BETWEEN  BARNEVELD  AND  MAURICE.    285 

effectively  pay  his  court  and  more  confidently  hope  for 
promotion  or  reward  than  by  vilipending  Barneveld.  It 
would  be  difficult  to  comprehend  the  infinite  extent  and 
power  of  slander  without  a  study  of  the  career  of  the  Ad- 
vocate of  Holland. 

"  I  thank  you  for  your  advices,"  he  wrote  to  Caron,1  "  and 
I  wish  from  my  heart  that  his  Majesty,  according  to  his 
royal  wisdom  and  clemency  towards  the  condition  of  this 
country,  would  listen  only  to  My  Lords  the  States  or  their 
ministers,  and  not  to  his  own  or  other  passionate  persons 
who,  through  misunderstanding  or  malice,  furnish  him  with 
information  and  so  frequently  flatter  him.  I  have  tried 
these  twenty  years  to  deserve  his  Majesty's  confidence,  and 
have  many  letters  from  him  reaching  through  twelve  or 
fifteen  years,  in  which  he  does  me  honour  and  promises  his 
royal  favour.  I  am  the  more  chagrined  that  through  false 
and  passionate  reports  and  information — because  I  am  re- 
solved to  remain  good  and  true  to  My  Lords  the  States,  to 
the  fatherland,  and  to  the  true  Christian  religion — I  and 
mine  should  now  be  so  traduced.  I  hope  that  God  Al- 
mighty will  second  my  upright  conscience,  and  cause  his 
Majesty  soon  to  see  the  injustice  done  to  me  and  mine.  To 
defend  the  resolutions  of  My  Lords  the  States  of  Holland 
is  my  office,  duty,  and  oath,  and  I  assure  you  that  those 
resolutions  are  taken  with  wider  vision  and  scope  than  his 
Majesty  can  believe.  Let  this  serve  for  My  Lords'  defence 
and  my  own  against  indecent  calumny,  for  my  duty  allows 
me  to  pursue  no  other  course." 

He  again  alluded  to  the  dreary  affair  of  Vorstius,  and 
told  the  Envoy  that  the  vexation  caused  by  it  was  incredible. 
"  That  men  unjustly  defame  our  cities  and  their  regents  is 
nothing  new,"  he  said  ;  "  but  I  assure  you  that  it  is  far  more 
damaging  to  the  common  weal  than  the  defamers  imagine." 
1  Barneveld  to  Caroa,  21  May  1612.  (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


286  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  V. 

Some  of  the  private  admirers  of  Arminius  who  were  deeply 
grieved  at  so  often  hearing  him  "publicly  decried  as  the 
enemy  of  Grod " *  had  been  defending  the  great  heretic  to 
James,  and  by  so  doing  had  excited  the  royal  wrath  not 
only  against  the  deceased  doctor  and  themselves,  but  against 
the  States  of  Holland  who  had  given  them  no  commission. 

On  the  other  hand  the  advanced  orthodox  party,  most 
bitter  haters  of  Barneveld,  and  whom  in  his  correspondence 
with  England  he  uniformly  and  perhaps  designedly  called 
the  Puritans,  knowing  that  the  very  word  was  a  scarlet  rag 
to  James,  were  growing  louder  and  louder  in  their  demands. 
"Some  thirty  of  these  Puritans,"  said  he,  "of  whom  at  least 
twenty  are  Flemings  or  other  foreigners  equally  violent, 
proclaim  that  they  and  the  like  of  them  mean  alone  to 
govern  the  Church.  Let  his  Majesty  compare  this  proposal 
with  his  Royal  Present,  with  his  salutary  declaration  at 
London  in  the  year  1603  to  Doctor  Reynolds  and  his  asso- 
ciates, and  with  his  admonition  delivered  to  the  Emperor, 
kings,  sovereigns,  and  republics,  and  he  will  best  understand 
the  mischievous  principles  of  these  people,  who  are  now 
gaining  credit  with  him  to  the  detriment  of  the  freedom  and 
laws  of  these  Provinces/' 2 

A  less  enlightened  statesman  than  Barneveld  would  have 
found  it  easy  enough  to  demonstrate  the  inconsistency  of 
the  King  in  thus  preaching  subserviency  of  government  to 
church  and  favouring  the  rule  of  Puritans  over  both.  It 
needed  but  slender  logic  to  reduce  such  a  policy  on  his  part 
to  absurdity,  but  neither  kings  nor  governments  are  apt  to 
value  themselves  on  their  logic.  So  long  as  James  could 
play  the  pedagogue  to  emperors,  kings,  and  republics,  it 
mattered  little  to  him  that  the  doctrines  which  he  preached 
in  one  place  he  had  pronounced  flat  blasphemy  in  another. 

1  Barneveld  to  Caron,  21  May  1612.     (Hague  Archives  MS.) 
8  Ibid. 


BITTERNESS  BETWEEN  BARNEVELD  AND  MAURICE.  287 

That  he  would  cheerfully  hang  in  England  the  man  whom 
he  would  elevate  to  power  in  Holland  might  be  inconsistency 
in  lesser  mortals  ;  hut  what  was  the  use  of  his  infallibility 
if  he  was  expected  to  be  consistent  ? 

But  one  thing  was  certain.  The  Advocate  saw  through 
him  as  if  he  had  been  made  of  glass,  and  James  knew  that 
he  did.  This  fatal  fact  outweighed  all  the  decorous  and 
respectful  phraseology  under  which  Barneveld  veiled  his 
remorseless  refutations.  It  was  a  dangerous  thing  to  incur 
the  wrath  of  this  despot-theologian. 

Prince  Maurice,  who  had  originally  joined  in  the  invita- 
tion given  by  the  overseers  of  Leyden  to  Yorstius,  and  had 
directed  one  of  the  deputies  and  his  own  "  court  trumpeter," 
Uytenbogaert,  to  press  him  earnestly  to  grant  his  services 
to  the  University,1  now  finding  the  coldness  of  Bameveld  to 
the  fiery  remonstrances  of  the  King,  withdrew  his  protection 
of  the  Professor. 

"  The  Count  Maurice,  who  is  a  wise  and  understanding 
prince,"  said  Winwood,  "  and  withal  most  affectionate  to  his 
Majesty's  service,  doth  foresee  the  miseries  into  which  these 
countries  are  likely  to  fall,  and  with  grief  doth  pine  away." 

It  is  probable  that  the  great  stadholder  had  never  been 
more  robust,  or  indeed  inclining  to  obesity,  than  precisely  at 
this  epoch  ;  but  Sir  Ralph  was  of  an  imaginative  turn.  He 
had  discovered,  too,  that  the  Advocate's  design  was  "of  no 
other  nature  than  so  to  stem  the  course  of  the  State  that 
insensibly  the  Provinces  shall  fall  by  relapse  into  the  hands 
of  Spain."2 

A  more  despicable  idea  never  entered  a  human  brain. 
Every  action,  word,  and  thought,  of  Barneveld's  life  was  a 
refutation  of  it.  But  he  was  unwilling,  at  the  bidding  of  a 
king,  to  treat  a  professor  with  contumely  who  had  just  been 

1  Baylc,  in  Tore.    "Winwood'a  'Mem.'  iii.  294,  note. 
1  Winwood,  iii.  343. 


288  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  V. 

solemnly  and  unanimously  invited  by  the  great  university, 
by  the  States  of  Holland,  and  by  the  Stadholder  to  an  im- 
portant chair,  and  that  was  enough  for  the  diplomatist  and 
courtier.  "  He,  and  only  he,"  said  Winwood  passionately, 
"hath  opposed  his  Majesty's  purposes  with  might  and 
main."  1  Formerly  the  Ambassador  had  been  full  of  com- 
plaints of  "  the  craving  humour  of  Count  Maurice," 2  and  had 
censured  him  bitterly  in  his  correspondence  for  having 
almost  by  his  inordinate  pretensions  for  money  and  other 
property  brought  the  Treaty  of  Truce  to  a  standstill.  And 
in  these  charges  he  was  as  unjust  and  as  reckless  as  he  was 
now  in  regard  to  Bameveld. 

The  course  of  James  and  his  agents  seemed  cunningly 
devised  to  sow  discord  in  the  Provinces,  to  inflame  the  grow- 
ing animosity  of  the  Stadholder  to  the  Advocate,  and  to 
paralyse  the  action  of  the  Kepublic  in  the  duchies.  If  the 
King  had  received  direct  instructions  from  the  Spanish 
cabinet  how  to  play  the  Spanish  game,  he  could  hardly  have 
done  it  with  more  docility.  But  was  not  Gondemar  ever  at 
his  elbow,  and  the  Infanta  always  in  the  perspective  ? 

And  it  is  strange  enough  that,  at  the  same  moment, 
Spanish  marriages  were  in  France  as  well  as  England  the 
turning-point  of  policy. 

Henry  had  been  willing  enough  that  the  Dauphin  should 
espouse  a  Spanish  infanta,  and  that  one  of  the  Spanish 
princes  should  be  affianced  to  one  of  his  daughters.  But  the 
proposition  from  Spain  had  been  coupled  with  a  condition 
that  the  friendship  between  France  and  the  Netherlands 
should  be  at  once  broken  off,  and  the  rebellious  heretics  left 
to  their  fate.  And  this  condition  had  been  placed  before 
him  with  such  arrogance  that  he  had  rejected  the  whole 
scheme.  Henry  was  not  the  man  to  do  anything  dis- 
honourable at  the  dictation  of  another  sovereign.  He  was 
1  Winwood,  iii.  343.  *  Ibid.  1,  2. 


1612.       PROJECTS  OF  SPANISH  MARRIAGES  IN  FRANCE.      289 

also  not  the  man  to  be  ignorant  that  the  friendship  of  the 
Provinces  was  necessary  to  him,  that  cordial  friendship 
between  France  and  Spain  was  impossible,  and  that  to  allow 
Spain  to  reoccupy  that  splendid  possession  between  his  own 
realms  and  Germany,  from  which  she  had  been  driven  by 
the  Hollanders  in  close  alliance  with  himself,  would  be 
unworthy  of  the  veriest  schoolboy  in  politics.  But  Henry 
was  dead,  and  a  Medici  reigned  in  his  place,  whose  whole 
thought  was  to  make  herself  agreeable  to  Spain. 

Aerssens,  adroit,  prying,  experienced,  unscrupulous,  knew 
very  well  that  these  double  Spanish  marriages  were  resolved 
upon,  and  that  the  inevitable  condition  refused  by  the  King 
would  be  imposed  upon  his  widow.  He  so  informed  the 
States-General,  and  it  was  known  to  the  French  government 
that  he  had  informed  them.  His  position  soon  became 
almost  untenable,  not  because  he  had  given  this  information, 
but  because  the  information  and  the  inference  made  from  it 
were  correct. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  policy  of  the  Advocate  was 
to  preserve  friendly  relations  between  France  and  England, 
and  between  both  and  the  United  Provinces.  It  was  for  this 
reason  that  he  submitted  to  the  exhortations  and  denuncia- 
tions of  the  English  ambassadors.  It  was  for  this  that  he 
kept  steadily  in  view  the  necessity  of  dealing  with  and  sup- 
porting corporate  France,  the  French  government,  when 
there  were  many  reasons  for  feeling  sympathy  with  the  in- 
ternal rebellion  against  that  government.  Maurice  felt  dif- 
ferently. He  was  connected  by  blood  or  alliance  with  more 
than  one  of  the  princes  now  perpetually  in  revolt.  Bouillon 
was  his  brother-in-law,  the  sister  of  Conde  was  his  brother's 
wife.  Another  cousin,  the  Elector-Palatine,  was  already 
encouraging  distant  and  extravagant  hopes  of  the  Imperial 
crown.  It  was  not  unnatural  that  he  should  feel  promptings 
of  ambition  and  sympathy  difficult  to  avow  even  to  himself, 
VOL  i.  u 


290  THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  V. 

and  that  he  should  feel  resentment  against  the  man  by  whom 
this  secret  policy  was  traversed  in  the  well-considered  in- 
terest of  the  Republican  government. 

Aerssens,  who,  with  the  keen  instinct  of  self-advancement 
was  already  attaching  himself  to  Maurice  as  to  the  wheels 
of  the  chariot  going  steadily  up  the  hill,  was  not  indisposed 
to  loosen  his  hold  upon  the  man  through  whose  friendship 
he  had  first  risen,  and  whose  power  was  now  perhaps  on  the 
decline.  Moreover,  events  had  now  caused  him  to  hate  the 
French  government  with  much  fervour.  With  Henry  IV. 
he  had  been  all-powerful.  His  position  had  been  altogether 
exceptional,  and  he  had  wielded  an  influence  at  Paris  more 
than  that  exerted  by  any  foreign  ambassador.  The  change 
naturally  did  not  please  him,  although  he  well  knew  the 
reasons.  It  was  impossible  for  the  Dutch  ambassador  to  be 
popular  at  a  court  where  Spain  ruled  supreme.  Had  he 
been  willing  to  eat  humiliation  as  with  a  spoon,  it  would  not 
have  sufficed.  They  knew  him,  they  feared  him,  and  they 
could  not  doubt  that  his  sympathies  would  ever  be  with  the 
malcontent  princes.  At  the  same  time  he  did  not  like  to 
lose  his  hold  upon  the  place,  nor  to  have  it  known,  as  yet, 
to  the  world  that  his  power  was  diminished. 

"  The  Queen  commands  me  to  tell  you,"  said  the  French 
ambassador  de  Eussy  to  the  States-General,1  "  that  the 
language  of  the  Sieur  Aerssens  has  not  only  astonished  her, 
but  scandalized  her  to  that  degree  that  she  could  not  re- 
frain from  demanding  if  it  came  from  My  Lords  the  States 
or  from  himself.  He  having,  however,  affirmed  to  her 
Majesty  that  he  had  express  charge  to  justify  it  by  reasons 
so  remote  from  the  hope  and  the  belief  that  she  had  con- 
ceived of  your  gratitude  to  the  Most  Christian  King  and 
herself,  she  is  constrained  to  complain  of  it,  and  with  great 
frankness." 

1  Speech  of  de  Russy,  19  April  1611.    (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


1612.       PEOJECT8  OP  SPANISH  MARRIAGES  IN  FRANCE.      291 

Some  months  later  than  this  Aerssens  communicated  to  the 
States-General  the  project  of  the  Spanish  marriage,  "  which," 
said  he,  "  they  have  declared  to  me  with  so  many  oaths  to 
be  false." 1  He  informed  them  that  M.  de  Eefuge  was  to  go 
on  special  mission  to  the  Hague,  "  having  been  designated 
to  that  duty  before  Aerssens'  discovery  of  the  marriage 
project."  He  was  to  persuade  their  Mightinesses  that  the 
marriages  were  by  no  means  concluded,  and  that,  even  if 
they  were,  their  Mightinesses  were  not  interested  therein, 
their  Majesties  intending  to  remain  by  the  old  maxims  and 
alliances  of  the  late  king.  Marriages,  he  would  be  instructed 
to  say,  were  mere  personal  conventions,  which  remained  of 
no  consideration  when  the  interests  of  the  crown  were 
touched.  "Nevertheless,  I  know  very  well,"  said  Aerssens, 
"  that  in  England  these  negotiations  are  otherwise  understood, 
and  that  the  King  has  uttered  great  complaints  about  them, 
saying  that  such  a  negotiation  as  this  ought  not  to  have 
been  concealed  from  him.  He  is  pressing  more  than  ever 
for  reimbursement  of  the  debt  to  him,  and  especially  for  the 
moneys  pretended  to  have  been  furnished  to  your  Mighti- 
nesses in  his  Majesty's  name."  2 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  how  closely  the  Spanish  marriages 
were  connected  with  the  immediate  financial  arrangements 
of  France,  England,  and  tho  States,  without  reference  to  the 
wider  political  consequences  anticipated. 

"  The  princes  and  most  gentlemen,"  here  continued  the 
Ambassador,  "  believe  that  these  reciprocal  and  double  mar- 
riages will  bring  about  great  changes  in  Christendom  if 
they  take  the  course  which  the  authors  of  them  intend, 
however  much  they  may  affect  to  believe  that  no  novelties 
are  impending.  The  marriages  were  proposed  to  the  late 
king,  and  approved  by  him,  during  the  negotiations  for  the 

1  Aorssens  to  the  States-General,  8  Nov.  1011.     (Hague  Archives  MS.) 
*  MS.  last  cited. 


292  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  V. 

truce,  and  had  Don  Pedro  de  Toledo  been  able  to  govern 
himself,  as  Jeannin  has  just  been  telling  me,  the  United 
Provinces  would  have  drawn  from  it  their  assured  security. 
What  he  means  by  that,  I  certainly  cannot  conceive,  for  Don 
Pedro  proposed  the  marriage  of  the  Dauphin  (nowLouis  XIII.) 
with  the  Infanta  on  the  condition  that  Henry  should  re- 
nounce all  friendship  .with  your  Mightinesses,  and  neither 
openly  nor  secretly  give  you  any  assistance.  You  were  to  be 
entirely  abandoned,  as  an  example  for  all  who  throw  off  the 
authority  of  their  lawful  prince.  But  his  Majesty  answered 
very  generously  that  he  would  take  no  conditions  ;  that  he 
considered  your  Mightinesses  as  his  best  friends,  whom  he 
could  not  and  would  not  forsake.  Upon  this  Don  Pedro 
broke  off  the  negotiation.  What  should  now  induce  the 
King  of  Spain  to  resume  the  marriage  negotiations  but  to 
give  up  the  conditions,  I  am  sure  I  don't  know,  unless, 
through  the  truce,  his  designs  and  his  ambition  have  grown 
flaccid.1  This  I  don't  dare  to  hope,  but  fear,  on  the  con- 
trary, that  he  will  so  manage  the  irresolution,  weakness, 
and  faintheartedness  of  this  kingdom  as  through  the  aid 
of  his  pensioned  friends  here  to  arrive  at  all  his  former 
aims." 2 

Certainly  the  Ambassador  painted  the  condition  of  France 
in  striking  and  veracious  colours,  and  he  was  quite  right  in 
sending  the  information  which  he  was  first  to  discover,  and 
which  it  was  so  important  for  the  States  to  know.  It  was 
none  the  less  certain  in  Barneveld's  mind  that  the  best,  not 
the  worst,  must  be  made  of  the  state  of  affairs,  and  that 
France  should  not  be  assisted  in  throwing  herself  irrecover- 
ably into  the  arms  of  Spain. 

"  Refuge  will  tell  you,"  said  Aerssens,  a  little  later,3  "  that 
these  marriages  will  not  interfere  with  the  friendship  of 

1  "  Vermurwt."  s  MS.  just  cited. 

3  Aerssens  to  the  States-General,  11  Jan.  1612.     (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


1612.       PROJECTS  OF  SPANISH  MARRIAGES  IN  FRANCE.      293 

France  for  you  nor  with  her  subsidies,  and  that  no  advantage 
will  be  given  to  Spain  in  the  treaty  to  your  detriment  or 
that  of  her  other  allies.  But  whatever  fine  declarations 
they  may  make,  it  is  sure  to  be  detrimental.  And  all  the 
princes,  gentlemen,  and  officers  here  have  the  same  convic- 
tion. Those  of  the  Keformed  religion  believe  that  the  trans- 
action is  directed  solely  against  the  religion  which  your 
Mightinesses  profess,  and  that  the  next  step  will  be  to  effect 
a  total  separation  between  the  two  religions  and  the  two 
countries." 

Refuge  arrived  soon  afterwards,  and  made  the  commu- 
nication 1  to  the  States-General  of  the  approaching  nuptials 
between  the  King  of  France  and  the  Infanta  of  Spain,  and 
of  the  Prince  of  Spain  with  Madame,  eldest  daughter  of 
France,  exactly  as  Aerssens  had  predicted  four  months 
before.  There  was  a  great  flourish  of  compliments,  much 
friendly  phrase-making,  and  their  Mightinesses  were  informed 
that  the  communication  of  the  marriages  was  made  to  them 
before  any  other  power  had  been  notified,  in  proof  of  the 
extraordinary  affection  entertained  for  them  by  France. 
"  You  are  so  much  interested  in  the  happiness  of  France," 
said  Refuge,  "  that  this  treaty  by  which  it  is  secured  will  be 
for  your  happiness  also."  He  did  not  indicate,  however,  the 
precise  nature  of  the  bliss  beyond  the  indulgence  of  a  senti- 
mental sympathy,  not  very  refreshing  in  the  circumstances, 
which  was  to  result  to  the  Confederacy  from  this  close 
alliance  between  their  firmest  friend  and  their  ancient  and 
deadly  enemy.  He  would  have  found  it  difficult  to  do  so. 

"  Don  Rodrigo  dc  Calderon,  secretary  of  state,  is  daily 
expected  from  Spain,"  wrote  Aerssens  once  more.2  "He 
brings  probably  the  articles  of  the  marriages,  which  have 
hitherto  been  kept  secret,  so  they  say.  'Tis  a  shrewd  nego- 

1  Refuge  to  the  States-General,  28  Feb.  1612.    (Hajrue  Archives  MS.) 
1  Aersscns  to  the  States-General.  6  March  1612.     (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


294  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  V. 

tiator ;  and  in  this  alliance  the  King's  chief  design  is  to 
injure  your  Mightinesses,  as  M.  de  Villeroy  now  confesses, 
although  he  says  that  this  will  not  be  consented  to  on  this 
side.  It  behoves  your  Mightinesses  to  use  all  your  ears  and 
eyes.  It  is  certain  these  are  much  more  than  private  con- 
ventions. Yes,  there  is  nothing  private  about  them,  save 
the  conjunction  of  the  persons  whom  they  concern.  In  short, 
all  the  conditions  regard  directly  the  state,  and  directly 
likewise,  or  by  necessary  consequence,  the  state  of  your 
Mightinesses'  Provinces.  I  reserve  explanations  until  it  shall 
please  your  Mightinesses  to  hear  me  by  word  of  mouth." 

For  it  was  now  taken  into  consideration  by  the  States' 
government  whether  Aerssens  was  to  remain  at  his  post  or 
to  return.  Whether  it  was  his  wish  to  be  relieved  of  his 
embassy  or  not  was  a  question.  But  there  was  no  question 
that  the  States  at  this  juncture,  and  in  spite  of  the  dangers 
impending  from  the  Spanish  marriages,  must  have  an  am- 
bassador ready  to  do  his  best  to  keep  France  from  prema- 
turely sliding  into  positive  hostility  to  them.  Aerssens  was 
enigmatical  in  his  language,  and  Barneveld  was  somewhat 
puzzled. 

"  I  have  according  to  your  reiterated  requests,"  wrote  the 
Advocate  to  the  Ambassador,  "  sounded  the  assembly  of  My 
Lords  the  States  as  to  your  recall ;  but  I  find  among  some 
gentlemen  .the  opinion  that  if  earnestly  pressed  to  continue 
you  would  be  willing  to  listen  to  the  proposal.  This  I  can- 
not make  out  from  your  letters.  Please  to  advise  me  frankly 
as  to  your  wishes,  and  assure  yourself  in  everything  of  my 
friendship."  * 

Nothing  could  be  more  straightforward  than  this  lan- 
guage, but  the  Envoy  was  less  frank  than  Barneveld,  as  will 
subsequently  appear.  The  subject  was  a  most  important 
one,  not  only  in  its  relation  to  the  great  affairs  of  state, 
1  Barneveld  to  Aerssens,  2  April  1611.  (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


1612.  PROPOSED  RECALL  OF  AERSSENS.  295 

but  to  momentous  events  touching  the  fate  of  illustrious 
personages. 

Meantime  a  resolution  was  passed  by  the  States  of  Holland1 
"in  regard  to  the  question  whether  Ambassador  Aerssens 
should  retain  his  office,  yes  or  no  ?"     And  it  was    j^ay  11. 
decided  by  a  majority  of  votes  "  to  leave  it  to  his       161L 
candid  opinion  if  in  his  free  conscience  he  thinks  he  can  serve 
the  public  cause  there  any  longer.     If  yes,  he  may  keep  his 
office  one  year  more.     If  no,  he  may  take  leave  and  come 
home.     In  no  case  is  his  salary  to  be  increased." 

Surely  the  States,  under  the  guidance  of  the  Advocate, 
had  thus  acted  with  consummate  courtesy  towards  a  diplo- 
matist whose  position  from  no  apparent  fault  of  his  own  but 
by  the  force  of  circumstances — and  rather  to  his  credit  than 
otherwise — was  gravely  compromised. 

1  Van  Rees  and  Brill,  512,  tqq. 


296  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.      CHAP.  VJL 


CHAPTEK   VI. 

Establishment  of  the  Condominium  in  the  Duchies  —  Dissensions  between 
the  Neuburgers  and  Brandenburgers  —  Occupation  of  Julich  by  the 
Brandenburgers  assisted  by  the  States-General  —  Indignation  in  Spain 
and  at  the  Court  of  the  Archdukes  —  Subsidy  despatched  to  Brussels  — 
Spinola  descends  upon  Aix-la-Chapelle  and  takes  possession  of  Orsoy  and 
other  places  —  Surrender  of  Wesel  —  Conference  at  Xanten  —  Treaty 
permanently  dividing  the  Territory  between  Brandenburg  and  Neuburg 
— Prohibition  from  Spain  —  Delays  and  Disagreements. 

THUS  the  Condominium  had  been  peaceably  established. 

Three  or  four  years  passed  away  in  the  course  of  which 
the  evils  of  a  joint  and  undivided  sovereignty  of  two  rival 
houses  over  the  same  territory  could  not  fail  to  manifest 
themselves.  Brandenburg,  Calvinist  in  religion,  and  for 
other  reasons  more  intimately  connected  with  and  more 
favoured  by  the  States'  government  than  his  rival,  gained 
ground  in  the  duchies.  The  Palatine  of  Neuburg,  origin- 
ally of  Lutheran  faith  like  his  father,  soon  manifested 
Catholic  tendencies,  which  excited  suspicion  in  the  Nether- 
lands. These  suspicions  grew  into  certainties  at  the  moment 
when  he  espoused  the  sister  of  Maximilian  of  Bavaria  and 
of  the  Elector  of  Cologne.  That  this  close  connection  with 
the  very  heads  of  the  Catholic  League  could  bode  no  good 
to  the  cause  of  which  the  States-General  were  the  great  pro- 
moters was  self-evident.  Very  soon  afterwards  the  Palatine, 
a  man  of  mature  age  and  of  considerable  talents,  openly 
announced  his  conversion  to  the  ancient  church.  Obviously 
the  sympathies  of  the  States  could  not  thenceforth  fail  to 
be  on  the  side  of  Brandenburg.  The  Elector's  brother  died, 


1614 


DISSENSIONS  IN  THE  DUCHIES. 


297 


and  was  succeeded  in  the  governorship  of  the  Condominium 
by  the  Elector's  brother,  a  youth  of  eighteen.  He  took  up 
his  abode  in  Cleve,  leaving  Diisseldorf  to  be  the  sole  re- 
sidence of  his  co-stadholder. 

Rivalry  growing  warmer,  on  account  of  this  difference  of 
religion,  between  the  respective  partisans  of  Neuburg  and 
Brandenburg,  an  attempt  was  made  in  Diisseldorf  by  a 
sudden  entirely  unsuspected  rising  of  the  Brandenburgers 
to  drive  their  antagonist  colleagues  and  their  portion  of  the 
garrison  out  of  the  city.  It  failed,  but  excited  great  anger. 
A  more  successful  effort  was  soon  afterwards  made  in  Jiilich  ; 
the  Neuburgers  were  driven  out,  and  the  Brandenburgers 
remained  in  sole  possession  of  the  town  and  citadel,  far  the 
most  important  stronghold  in  the  whole  territory.  This 
was  partly  avenged  by  the  Neuburgers,  who  gained  absolute 
control  of  Diisseldorf.1  Here  were  however  no  important 
fortifications,  the  place  being  merely  an  agreeable  palatial 
residence  and  a  thriving  mart.  The  States-General,  not 
concealing  their  predilection  for  Brandenburg,  but  under 
pretext  of  guarding  the  peace  which  they  had  done  so  much 
to  establish,  placed  a  garrison  of  1000  infantry  and  a  troop 
or  two  of  horse  in  the  citadel  of  Jiilich. 

Dire  was  the  anger  not  unjustly  excited  in  Spain  when 
the  news  of  this  violation  of  neutrality  reached  that  govern- 
ment. Jiilich,  placed  midway  between  Liege  and  Cologne, 
and  commanding  those  fertile  plains  which  make  up  the 
opulent  duchy,  seemed  virtually  converted  into  a  province 
of  the  detested  heretical  republic.  The  German  gate  of  the 
Spanish  Netherlands  was  literally  in  the  hands  of  its  most 
formidable  foe. 

The  Spaniards  about  the  court  of  the  Archduke  did  not 


1  Bentivoglio.  '  Rclaziono  dflla 
Monsa  d'  nrmu  die  sisrui  in  Fiandra 
d'  anno  1014  j>er  havi-r  le  Provincie 


Unite  occnpato  la  Terra  o  Castello 
di  Giuliers,'  &c.  ('  Opere,'  ed.  Parigi. 
1747.) 


298  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAENEVELD.       CHAP.  VL 

dissemble  their  rage.  The  seizure  of  Jiilich  was  a  stain 
upon  his  reputation,  they  cried.  Was  it  not  enough,  they 
asked,  for  the  United  Provinces  to  have  made  a  truce  to 
the  manifest  detriment  and  discredit  of  Spain,  and  to  have 
treated  her  during  all  the  negotiation  with  such  insolence  ? 
Were  they  now  to  be  permitted  to  invade  neutral  territory, 
to  violate  public  faith,  to  act  under  no  responsibility  save  to 
their  own  will  ?  What  was  left  for  them  to  do  except 
to  set  up  a  tribunal  in  Holland  for  giving  laws  to  the 
whole  of  Northern  Europe  ?  Arrogating  to  themselves 
absolute  power  over  the  controverted  states  of  Cleve, 
Jiilich,  and  the  dependencies,  they  now  pretended  to  dis- 
pose of  them  at  their  pleasure  in  order  at  the  end  insolently 
to  take  possession  of  them  for  themselves. 

These  were  the  egregious  fruits  of  the  truce,  they  said 
tauntingly  to  the  discomfited  Archduke.  It  had  caused  a 
loss  of  reputation,  the  very  soul  of  empires,  to  the  crown  of 
Spain.  And  now,  to  conclude  her  abasement,  the  troops  in 
Flanders  had  been  shaven  down  with  such  parsimony  as 
to  make  the  monarch  seem  a  shopkeeper,  not  a  king.  One 
would  suppose  the  obedient  Netherlands  to  be  in  the  heart 
of  Spain  rather  than  outlying  provinces  surrounded  by  their 
deadliest  enemies.  The  heretics  had  gained  possession  of 
the  government  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  ;  they  had  converted  the 
insignificant  town  of  Mulheim  into  a  thriving  and  fortified 
town  in  defiance  of  Cologne  and  to  its  manifest  detriment, 
and  in  various  other  ways  they  had  insulted  the  Catholics 
throughout  those  regions.  And  who  could  wonder  at  such 
insolence,  seeing  that  the  army  in  Flanders,  formerly  the 
terror  of  heretics,  had  become  since  the  truce  so  weak  as 
to  be  the  laughing-stock  of  the  United  Provinces  ?  *  If  it 
was  expensive  to  maintain  these  armies  in  the  obedient 
Netherlands,  let  there  be  economy  elsewhere,  they  urged. 

1  Bentivoglio, '  Relazione,'  &c. 


1614.  SUBSIDY  DESPATCHED  TO  BRUSSELS.  299 

From  India  came  gold  and  jewels.  From  other  kingdoms 
came  ostentation  and  a  long  series  of  vain  titles  for  the 
crown  of  Spain.  Flanders  was  its  place  of  arms,  its  nursery 
of  soldiers,  its  bulwark  in  Europe,  and  so  it  should  be 
preserved.1 

There  was  ground  for  these  complaints.  The  army  at 
the  disposition  of  the  Archduke  had  been  reduced  to  8000 
infantry  and  a  handful  of  cavalry.  The  peace  establishment 
of  the  Republic  amounted  to  20,000  foot,  3000  horse,  besides 
the  French  and  English  regiments.2 

So  soon  as  the  news  of  the  occupation  of  Jiilich  was 
officially  communicated  to  the  Spanish  cabinet,  a  subsidy  of 
400,000  crowns  was  at  once  despatched  to  Brussels.  Levies 
of  Walloons  and  Germans  were  made  without  delay  by  order 
of  Archduke  Albert  and  under  guidance  of  Spinola,  so  that 
by  midsummer  the  army  was  swollen  to  18,000  foot  and 
3000  horse.  With  these  the  great  Genoese  captain  took  the 
field  in  the  middle  of  August.  On  the  22nd  of  that  Aug-  23j 
month  the  army  was  encamped  on  some  plains  mid-  1G14> 
way  between  Maestricht  and  Aachen.  There  was  profound 
mystery  both  at  Brussels  and  at  the  Hague  as  to  the  ob- 
jective point  of  these  military  movements.  Anticipating  an 
attack  upon  Jiilich,  the  States  had  meantime  strengthened  the 
garrison  of  that  important  place  with  3000  infantry  and  a 
regiment  of  horse.  It  seemed  scarcely  probable  therefore  that 
Spinola  would  venture  a  foolhardy  blow  at  a  citadel  so  well 
fortified  and  defended.  Moreover,  there  was  not  only  no 
declaration  of  war,  but  strict  orders  had  been  given  by  each 
of  the  apparent  belligerents  to  their  military  commanders 
to  abstain  from  all  offensive  movements  against  the  adver- 
sary. And  now  began  one  of  the  strangest  series  of  warlike 
evolutions  that  were  ever  recorded.  Maurice  at  the  head  of 
an  army  of  14,000  foot  and  3000  horse  mano3uvred  in  tho 
1  Bentivoglio,  'Relazionc,' &c.  *  Ibid. 


300  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  VL 

neighbourhood  of  his  great  antagonist  and  professional  rival 
without  exchanging  a  blow.  It  was  a  phantom  campaign, 
the  prophetic  rehearsal  of  dreadful  marches  and  tragic 
histories  yet  to  be,  and  which  were  to  be  enacted  on  that 
very  stage  and  on  still  wider  ones  during  a  whole  generation 
of  mankind.  That  cynical  commerce  in  human  lives  which 
was  to  become  one  of  the  chief  branches  of  human  industry 
in  the  century  had  already  begun. 

Spinola,  after  hovering  for  a  few  days  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, descended  upon  the  Imperial  city  of  Aachen  (Aix-la- 
Chapelle).  This  had  been  one  of  the  earliest  towns  in 
Germany  to  embrace  the  Keforined  religion,  and  up  to  the 
close  of  the  sixteenth  century  the  control  of  the  magistracy 
had  been  in  the  hands  of  the  votaries  of  that  creed.  Subse- 
quently the  Catholics  had  contrived  to  acquire  and  keep  the 
municipal  ascendency,  secretly  supported  by  Archduke 
Albert,  and  much  oppressing  the  Protestants  with  imprison- 
ments, fines,  and  banishment,  until  a  new  revolution  which 
had  occurred  in  the  year  1610,  and  which  aroused  the 
wrath  of  Spinola.1  Certainly,  according  to  the  ideas 
of  that  day,  it  did  not  seem  unnatural  in  a  city  where 
a  very  large  majority  of  the  population  were  Protestants 
that  Protestants  should  have  a  majority  in  the  town 
council.2  It  seemed,  however,  to  those  who  surrounded  the 
Archduke  an  outrage  which  could  no  longer  be  tolerated, 
especially  as  a  garrison  of  600  Germans,  supposed  to  have 
formed  part  of  the  States'  army,  had  recently  been  introduced 
into  the  town.  Aachen,  lying  mostly  on  an  extended  plain, 
had  but  very  slight  fortifications,  and  it  was  commanded 
by  a  neighbouring  range  of  hills.  It  had  no  garrison  but 
the  600  Germans.  Spinola  placed  a  battery  or  two  on 
the  hills,  and  within  three  days  the  town  surrendered.  The 

1  Grotii '  Hist.'  Ixvii.  p.  472.    Wagenaar,  x.  74,  75. 
8  Bentivoglio, '  Relazione,'  &c. 


1814.          SPINOLA  CAPTURES  AACHEN,   WESEL,   ETC.         301 

inhabitants  expected  a  scene  of  carnage  and  pillage,  but  not 
a  life  was  lost.  No  injury  whatever  was  inflicted  on  person 
or  property,  according  to  the  strict  injunctions  of  the  Arch- 
duke. The  600  Germans  were  driven  out,  and  1200  other 
Germans  then  serving  under  Catholic  banners  were  put  in 
their  places  to  protect  the  Catholic  minority,  to  whose 
keeping  the  municipal  government  was  now  confided.1 

Spinola,  then  entering  the  territory  of  Cleve,  took  pos- 
session of  Orsoy,  an  important  place  on  the  Rhine,  besides 
Diiren,  Duisburg,  Raster,  Greevenbrock,  and  Berchem. 
Leaving  garrisons  in  these  places,  he  razed  the  fortifications 
of  Mulheim,  much  to  the  joy  of  the  Archbishop  and  his  faith- 
ful subjects  of  Cologne,  then  crossed  the  Rhine  at  Rheinberg, 
and  swooped  down  upon  Wesel.  This  flourishing  Sept  7> 
and  prosperous  city  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  1C14> 
Duchy  of  Cleve.  Placed  at  the  junction  of  the  Rhine  and 
Lippe  and  commanding  both  rivers,  it  had  become  both  power- 
ful and  Protestant,  and  had  set  itself  up  as  a  free  Imperial  city, 
recognising  its  dukes  no  longer  as  sovereigns,  but  only  as 
protectors.  So  fervent  was  it  in  the  practice  of  the  Reformed 
religion  that  it  was  called  the  Rhenish  Geneva,  the  very 
cradle  of  German  Calvinism.  So  important  was  its  pre- 
servation considered  to  the  cause  of  Protestantism  that  the 
States-General  had  urged  its  authorities  to  accept  from  them 
a  garrison.  They  refused.  Had  they  complied,  the  city 
would  have  been  saved,  because  it  was  the  rule  in  this  extra- 
ordinary campaign  that  the  belligerents  made  war  not  upon 
each  other,  nor  in  each  other's  territory,  but  against  neutrals 
and  upon  neutral  soil.  The  Catholic  forces  under  Spinola 
or  his  lieutenants,  meeting  occasionally  and  accidentally  with 
the  Protestants  under  Maurice  or  his  generals,  exchanged  no 
cannon  shots  or  buffets,  but  only  acts  of  courtesy  ;  falling 
away  each  before  the  other,  and  each  ceding  to  the  othei 

1  Bentivoglio,  '  Relazione,'  &c.     Wagenaar,  x.  76. 


302  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  VL 

with  extreme  politeness  the  possession  of  towns  which  one 
had  preceded  the  other  in  besieging.1 

The  citizens  of  Wesel  were  amazed  at  being  attacked,  con- 
sidering themselves  as  Imperial  burghers.  They  regretted 
too  late  that  they  had  refused  a  garrison  from  Maurice, 
which  would  have  prevented  Spinola  from  assailing  them. 
They  had  now  nothing  for  it  but  to  surrender,  which  they  did 
within  three  days.  The  principal  condition  of  the  capitula- 
tion was  that  when  Julich  should  be  given  up  by  the  States 
Wesel  should  be  restored  to  its  former  position.  Spinola  then 
took  and  garrisoned  the  city  of  Xanten,  but  went  no  further. 
Having  weakened  his  army  sufficiently  by  the  garrisons  taken 
from  it  for  the  cities  captured  by  him,  he  declined  to  make  any 
demonstration  upon  the  neighbouring  and  important  towns  of 
Emmerich  and  Eees.  The  Catholic  commander  falling  back, 
the  Protestant  moved  forward.  Maurice  seized  both  Em- 
merich and  Kees,  and  placed  garrisons  within  them,  besides 
occupying  Goch,  Kranenburg,  Gennip,  and  various  places  in 
the  County  of  Mark.  This  closed  the  amicable  campaign.2 

Spinola  established  himself  and  his  forces  near  Wesel. 
The  Prince  encamped  near  Kees.  The  two  armies  were 
within  two  hours'  march  of  each  other.  The  Duke  of 
Neuburg — for  the  Palatine  had  now  succeeded  on  his  father's 
death  to  the  ancestral  dukedom  and  to  his  share  of  the 
Condominium  of  the  debatcable  provinces — now  joined 
Spinola  with  an  army  of  4000  foot  and  400  horse.  The 
young  Prince  of  Brandenburg  came  to  Maurice  with  800 
cavalry  and  an  infantry  regiment  of  the  Elector-Palatine. 

Negotiations  destined  to  be  as  spectral  and  fleeting  as  the 
campaign  had  been  illusory  now  began.  The  whole  Pro- 
testant world  was  aflame  with  indignation  at  the  loss  of 
Wesel.  The  States'  government  had  already  proposed  to 

1  "Wagenaar,  x.  76.     Bentivoglio. 

1  Baudartius,  vi.  42,  43.     Wagenaar,  x.  76,  77.    Bentivoglio. 


1614.  CONFERENCE  AT  XANTEN.  303 

deposit  Julich  in  the  hands  of  a  neutral  power  if  the  Arch- 
duke would  abstain  from  military  movements.  But  Albert, 
proud  of  his  achievements  in  Aachen,  refused  to  pause  in 
his  career.  Let  them  make  the  deposit  first,  he  said. 
iBoth  belligerents,  being  now  satiated  with  such  military 
glory  as  could  flow  from  the  capture  of  defenceless  cities 
belonging  to  neutrals,  agreed  to  hold  conferences  at  Xanten. 
To  this  town,  in  the  Duchy  of  Cleve,  and  midway  between 
the  rival  camps,  came  Sir  Henry  Wotton  and  Sir  Dudley 
Carleton,  ambassadors  of  Great  Britain  ;  de  Refuge  and  de 
Russy,  the  special  and  the  resident  ambassador  of  France  at 
the  Hague ;  Chancellor  Peter  Pecquius  and  Counsellor  Yisser, 
to  represent  the  Archdukes  ;  seven  deputies  from  the  United 
Provinces,  three  from  the  Elector  of  Cologne,  three  from 
Brandenburg,  three  from  Neuburg,  and  two  from  the  Elector- 
Palatine,  as  representative  of  the  Protestant  League.1 

In  the  earlier  conferences  the  envoys  of  the  Archduke 
and  of  the  Elector  of  Cologne  were  left  out,  but  they  were 
informed  daily  of  each  step  in  the  negotiation.  The  most 
important  point  at  starting  was  thought  to  be  to  get  rid  of 
the  Condominium.  There  could  be  no  harmony  nor  peace 
in  joint  possession.  The  whole  territory  should  be  cut 
provisionally  in  halves,  and  each  possessory  prince  rule 
exclusively  within  the  portion  assigned  to  him.  There 
might  also  be  an  exchange  of  domain  between  the  two  every 
six  months.  As  for  Wesel  and  Jiilich,  they  could  remain 
respectively  in  the  hands  then  holding  them,  or  the  forti- 
fications of  Jiilich  might  be  dismantled  and  Wesel  restored 
to  the  status  quo?  The  latter  alternative  would  have  best 
suited  the  States,  who  were  growing  daily  more  irritated  at 
seeing  Wesel,  that  Protestant  stronghold,  with  an  exclusively 
Calvinistic  population,  in  the  hands  of  Catholics. 

The  Spanish  ambassador  at  Brussels  remonstrated,  how- 

1  Wagcnaar,  x.  7&-80.  *  Ibid.    Bcntivoglio. 


304  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAKNEVELD.        CHAP.  VI. 

ever,  at  the  thought  of  restoring  his  precious  conquest, 
obtained  without  loss  of  time,  money,  or  blood,  into  the 
hands  of  heretics,  at  least  before  consultation  with  the 
government  at  Madrid  and  without  full  consent  of  the  King. 

"How  important  to  your  Majesty's  affairs  in  Flanders," 
wrote  Guadaleste  to  Philip,  "is  the  acquisition  of  Wesel  may 
be  seen  by  the  manifest  grief  of  your  enemies.  They  see 
with  immense  displeasure  your  royal  ensigns  planted  on  the 
most  important  place  on  the  Ehine,  and  one  which  would 
become  the  chief  military  station  for  all  the  armies  of 
Flanders  to  assemble  in  at  any  moment, 

"  As  no  acquisition  could  therefore  be  greater,  so  your 
Majesty  should  never  be  deprived  of  it  without  thorough 
consideration  of  the  case.  The  Archduke  fears,  and  so  do 
his  ministers,  that  if  we  refuse  to  restore  Wesel,  the  United 
Provinces  would  break  the  truce.  For  my  part  I  believe, 
and  there  are  many  who  agree  with  me,  that  they  would  on 
the  contrary  be  more  inclined  to  stand  by  the  truce,  hoping 
to  obtain  by  negotiation  that  which  it  must  be  obvious  to 
them  they  cannot  hope  to  capture  by  force.  But  let  Wesel 
bo  at  once  restored.  Let  that  be  done  which  is  so  much 
desired  by  the  United  Provinces  and  other  great  enemies 
and  rivals  of  your  Majesty,  and  what  security  will  there  be 
that  the  same  Provinces  will  not  again  attempt  the  same 
invasion  ?  Is  not  the  example  of  Jiilich  fresh  ?  And  how 
much  more  important  is  Wesel !  Jiilich  was  after  all  not 
situate  on  their  frontiers,  while  Wesel  lies  at  their  principal 
gates.  Your  Majesty  now  sees  the  good  and  upright  inten- 
tions of  those  Provinces  and  their  friends.  They  hare  made 
a  settlement  between  Brandenburg  and  Neuburg,  not  in 
order  to  breed  concord  but  confusion  between  those  two,  not 
tranquillity  for  the  country,  but  greater  turbulence  than  ever 
before.  Nor  have  they  done  this  with  any  other  thought 
than  that  the  United  Provinces  might  find  new  opportunities 


1C14.  TREATY  DIVIDING  THE  TERRITORY.  305 

to  derive  the  same  profit  from  fresh  tumults  as  they  have 
already  done  so  shamelessly  from  those  which  are  past. 
After  all  I  don't  say  that  Wesel  should  never  he  restored,  if 
circumstances  require  it,  and  if  your  Majesty,  approving  the 
Treaty  of  Xanten,  should  sanction  the  measure.  But  such  a 
result  should  be  reached  only  after  full  consultation  with 
your  Majesty,  to  whose  glorious  military  exploits  these 
splendid  results  are  chiefly  owing." 1 

'The  treaty  finally  decided  upon  rejected  the  principle  of 
alternate  possession,  and  established  a  permanent  division 
of  the  territory  in  dispute  between  Brandenburg  and 
Neuburg. 

The  two  portions  were  to  be  made  as  equal  as  possible, 
and  lots  were  to  be  thrown  or  drawn  by  the  two  princes  for 
the  first  choice.  To  the  one  side  were  assigned  Dec 
the  Duchy  of  Cleve,  the  County  of  Mark,  and  the  1614- 
Seigniories  of  Eavensberg  and  Eavenstein,  with  some  other 
baronies  and  feuds  in  Brabant  and  Flanders  ;  to  the  other 
the  Duchies  of  Jiilich  and  Berg  with  their  dependencies. 
Each  prince  was  to  reside  exclusively  within  the  territory 
assigned  to  him  by  lot.  The  troops  introduced  by  either 
party  were  to  be  withdrawn,  fortifications  made  since  the 
preceding  month  of  May  to  be  razed,  and  all  persons  who  had 
been  expelled,  or  who  had  emigrated,  to  be  restored  to  their 
offices,  property,  or  benefices.  It  was  also  stipulated  that  no 
place  within  the  whole  debateable  territory  should  be  put  in 
the  hands  of  a  third  power.2 

These  articles  were  signed  by  the  ambassadors  of  France 
and  England,  by  the  deputies  of  the  Elector-Palatine  and 
of  the  United  Provinces,  all  binding  their  superiors  to  the 
execution  of  the  treaty.  The  arrangement  was  supposed  to 
refer  to  the  previous  conventions  between  those  two  crowns, 

1  Bcntivojflio,  '  Relazionc,'4c. 
»  Ibid.     Wagenaar,  x.  78,  79. 

VOL.  I.  X 


306  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  VI. 

with  the  Republic,  and  the  Protestant  princes  and  powers. 

Count   Zollern,   whom  we  have   seen   bearing   himself  so 

arrogantly  as  envoy  from  the  Emperor  Rudolph  to  Henry  IV., 

was  now  despatched  by  Matthias  on  as  fruitless  a  mission  to 

the  congress  at  Xanten,  and  did  his  best  to  prevent  the 

signature  of  the  treaty,  except  with  full  concurrence  of  the 

Imperial  government.     He  likewise  renewed  the  frivolous 

proposition  that  the  Emperor  should  hold  all  the  provinces 

in  sequestration  until  the  question  of  rightful  sovereignty 

should  be  decided.     The  "  proud  and  haggard  "  ambassador 

was  not  more  successful  in  this  than  in  the  diplomatic  task 

previously  entrusted  to  him,  and  he  then  went  to  Brussels, 

there  to  renew  his  remonstrances,  menaces,  and  intrigues. 

//*"~  For   the   treaty  thus   elaborately    constructed,    and    in 

/    appearance  a  triumphant  settlement  of  questions  so  com- 

/       plicated  and  so  burning  as  to  threaten  to  set  Christendom 

f         at  any  moment  in  a  blaze,  was  destined  to  an  impotent  and 

\v      most  unsatisfactory  conclusion. 

The  signatures  were  more  easily  obtained  than  the  rati- 
fications. Execution  was  surrounded  with  insurmountable 
difficulties  which  in  negotiation  had  been  lightly  skipped 
over  at  the  stroke  of  a  pen.  At  the  very  first  step,  that  of 
military  evacuation,  there  was  a  stumble.  Maurice  and 
Spinola  were  expected  to  withdraw  their  forces,  and  to 
undertake  to  bring  in  no  troops  in  the  future,  and  to  make 
no  invasion  of  the  disputed  territory. 

But  Spinola  construed  this  undertaking  as  absolute  ;  the 
Prince  as  only  binding  in  consequence  of,  with  reference 
to,  and  for  the  duration  of,  the  Treaty  of  Xanten.  The 
ambassadors  and  other  commissioners,  disgusted  with  the 
long  controversy  which  ensued,  were  making  up  their  minds 
to  depart  when  a  courier  arrived  from  Spain,  bringing  not  a 
ratification  but  strict  prohibition  of  the  treaty.  The  articles 
were  not  to  be  executed,  no  change  whatever  was  to  be  made, 


1814  PROHIBITION  FROM  SPAIN.  307 

and,  above  all,  Wesel  was  not  to  "be  restored  without  fresh 
negotiations  with  Philip,  followed  by  his  explicit  con- 
currence.1 

Thus  the  whole  great  negotiation  began  to  dissolve  into 
a  shadowy,  unsatisfactory  pageant.  The  solid  barriers  which 
were  to  imprison  the  vast  threatening  elements  of  religious 
animosity  and  dynastic  hatreds,  and  to  secure  a  peaceful 
future  for  Christendom,  melted  into  films  of  gossamer,  and 
the  great  war  of  demons/  no  longer  to  be  quelled  by  the 
commonplaces  of  diplomatic  exorcism,  revealed  its  close 
approach.  The  prospects  of  Europe  grew  blacker  than 
ever. 

The  ambassadors,  thoroughly  disheartened  and  disgusted, 
all  took  their  departure  from  Xanten,  and  the  treaty 
remained  rather  a  by- word  than  a  solution  or  even  a  sug- 
gestion 

"  The  accord  could  not  be  prevented,"  wrote  Archduke 
Albert  to  Philip,  "  because  it  depended  alone  on  the  will  of 
the  signers.  Nor  can  the  promise  to  restore  Wesel  be  violated, 
should  Jiilich  be  restored.  Who  can  doubt  that  such  contra- 
vention would  arouse  great  jealousies  in  France,  England, 
the  United  Provinces,  and  all  the  members  of  the  heretic 
League  of  Germany?  Who  can  dispute  that  those  inter- 
ested ought  to  procure  the  execution  of  the  treaty  ?  Sus- 
picions will  not  remain  suspicions,  but  they  light  up  the 
flames  of  public  evil  and  disturbance.  Either  your  Majesty 
wishes  to  maintain  the  truce,  in  which  case  Wesel  must  be 
restored,  or  to  break  the  truce,  a  result  which  is  certain  if 
Wesel  be  retained.  But  the  reasons  which  induced  your 
Majesty  to  lay  down  your  arms  remain  the  same  as  ever. 
Our  affairs  are  not  looking  better,  nor  is  the  requisition  of 
Wesel  of  so  great  importance  as  to  justify  our  involving 
Flanders  in  a  new  and  more  atrocious  war  than  that  which 
1  Wagenaar,  Bontivoglio,  Baudartius,  ubi  sup. 


308  THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  VL 

has  so  lately  been  suspended.  The  restitution  is  due  to  the 
tribunal  of  public  faith.  It  is  a  great  advantage  when 
actions  done  for  the  sole  end  of  justice  are  united  to  that 
of  utility.  Consider  the  great  successes  we  have  had.  How 
well  the  affairs  of  Aachen  and  Miilheim  have  been  arranged  ; 
those  of  the  Duke  of  Neuburg  how  completely  re-esta- 
blished. The  Catholic  cause,  always  identical  with  that  of 
the  House  of  Austria,  remains  in  great  superiority  to  the 
cause  of  the  heretics.  We  should  use  these  advantages 
well,  and  to  do  so  we  should  not  immaturely  pursue  greater 
ones.  Fortune  changes,  flies  when  we  most  depend  on 
her,  and  delights  in  making  her  chief  sport  of  the  highest 
quality  of  mortals." l 

CTFhus  wrote  the  Archduke  sensibly,  honourably  from  his 
point  of  view,  and  with  an  intelligent  regard  to  the  interests 
of  Spain  and  the  Catholic  cause.  After  months  of  delay 
came  conditional  consent  from  Madrid  to  the  conventions, 
but  with  express  condition  that  there  should  be  absolute 
undertaking  on  the  part  of  the  United  Provinces  never  to 
send  or  maintain  troops  in  the  duchies.  Tedious  and  futile 
correspondence  followed  between  Brussels,  the  Hague, 
London,  Paris.  But  the  difficulties  grew  every  moment.  It 
was  a  Penelope's  web  of  negotiation,  said  one  of  the 
envoys.  Amid  pertinacious  and  wire-drawn  subtleties,  every 
trace  of  practical  business  vanished.  Neuburg  departed  to 
look  after  his  patrimonial  estates,  leaving  his  interests  in 
the  duchies  to  be  watched  over  by  the  Archduke.  Even 
Count  Zollern,  after  six  months  of  wrangling  in  Brussels, 
took  his  departure.  Prince  Maurice  distributed  his  army 
in  various  places  within  the  debateable  land,  and  Spinola 
did  the  same,  leaving  a  garrison  of  3000  foot  and  300 
horse  in  the  important  city  of  Wesel.  The  town  and 
citadel  of  Jiilich  were  as  firmly  held  by  Maurice  for  the 

1  Bentivoglio,  '  Relazione.' 


1614.  DELAYS  AND  DISAGREEMENTS.  309 

Protestant  cause.  Thus  the  duchies  were  jointly  occupied 
by  the  forces  of  Catholicism  and  Protestantism,  while  nomi- 
nally possessed  and  administered  by  the  princes  of  Bran- 
denburg and  Neuburg.  And  so  they  were  destined  to 
remain  until  that  Thirty  Years'  War,  now  so  near  its  out- 
break, should  sweep  over  the  earth,  and  bring  its  fiery 
solution  at  last  to  all  these  great  debates. 


310  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.      CHAP.  VII. 


CHAPTEK    VII. 

Proud  Position  of  the  Republic  —  France  obeys  her  —  Hatred  of  Carleton  — 
Position  and  Character  of  Aerssens  —  Claim  for  the  "  Third  " —  Recall  of 
Aerssens — Rivalry  between  Maurice  and  Barneveld,  who  always  sustains 
the  separate  Sovereignties  of  the  Provinces —  Conflict  between  Church 
and  State  added  to  other  Elements  of  Discord  in  the  Commonwealth  — 
Religion  a  necessary  Element  in  the  Life  of  all  Classes. 

THUS  the  Republic  had  placed  itself  in  as  proud  a  posi- 
tion as  it  was  possible  for  commonwealth  or  kingdom  to 
occupy.  It  had  dictated  the  policy  and  directed  the 
combined  military  movements  of  Protestantism.  It  had 
gathered  into  a  solid  mass  the  various  elements  out  of 
which  the  great  Germanic  mutiny  against  Borne,  Spain,  and 
Austria  had  been  compounded.  A  breathing  space  of  un- 
certain duration  had  come  to  interrupt  and  postpone  the 
general  and  inevitable  conflict.  Meantime  the  Republic 
was  encamped  upon  the  enemy's  soil. 

France,  which  had  hitherto  commanded,  now  obeyed. 
England,  vacillating  and  discontented,  now  threatening  and 
now  cajoling,  saw  for  the  time  at  least  its  influence  over  the 
councils  of  the  Netherlands  neutralized  by  the  genius  of 
the  great  statesman  who  still  governed  the  Provinces, 
supreme  in  all  but  name.  The  hatred  of  the  British 
government  towards  the  Republic,  while  in  reality  more 
malignant  than  at  any  previous  period,  could  now  only 
find  vent  in  tremendous,  theological  pamphlets,  composed 
by  the  King  in  the  form  of  diplomatic  instructions,  and 
hurled  almost  weekly  at  the  heads  of  the  States-General, 
by  his  ambassador,  Dudley  Carleton. 


1611.  HATRED  OF  CARLETON.  311 

Few  men  hated  Barneveld  more  bitterly  than  did  Carleton. 

I  wish  to  describe  as  rapidly,  but  as  faithfully,  as  I  can 
the  outline  at  least  of  the  events  by  which  one  of  the  saddest 
and  most  superfluous  catastrophes  in  modern  history  was 
brought  about.  The  web  was  a  complex  one,  wrought  ap- 
parently of  many  materials  ;  but  the  more  completely  it  is 
unravelled  the  more  clearly  we  shall  detect  the  presence 
of  the  few  simple  but  elemental  fibres  which  make  up  the 
tissue  of  most  human  destinies,  whether  illustrious  or  ob- 
scure, and  out  of  which  the  most  moving  pictures  of  human 
history  are  composed. 

The  religious  element,  which  seems  at  first  view  to  be 
the  all  pervading  and  controlling  one,  is  in  reality  rather  the 
atmosphere  which  surrounds  and  colours  than  the  essence 
which  constitutes  the  tragedy  to  be  delineated. 

Personal,  sometimes  even  paltry,  jealousy  ;  love  of  power, 
of  money,  of  place  ;  rivalry  between  civil  and  military  am- 
bition for  predominance  in  a  free  state  ;  struggles  between 
Church  and  State  to  control  and  oppress  each  other  ;  con- 
flict between  the  cautious  and  healthy,  but  provincial  and 
centrifugal,  spirit  on  the  one  side,  and  the  ardent  central- 
izing, imperial,  but  dangerous,  instinct  on  the  other,  for 
ascendency  in  a  federation  ;  mortal  combat  between  aristo- 
cracy disguised  in  the  plebeian  form  of  trading  and  political 
corporations  and  democracy  sheltering  itself  under  a  famous 
sword  and  an  ancient  and  illustrious  name ;  —  all  these 
principles  and  passions  will  be  found  hotly  at  work  in  the 
melancholy  five  years  with  which  we  are  now  to  be  occu- 
pied, as  they  have  entered,  and  will  always  enter,  into  every 
political  combination  in  the  great  tragi-comedy  which  we 
call  human  history.  As  a  study,  a  lesson,  and  a  warning, 
perhaps  the  fate  of  Barncvcld  is  as  deserving  of  serious 
attention  as  most  political  tragedies  of  the  last  few 
centuries. 


312 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.      CHAP.  VII. 


Francis  Aerssens,  as  we  have  seen,  continued  to  be  the 
Dutch  ambassador  after  the  murder  of  Henry  IV.  Many 
of  the  preceding  pages  of  this  volume  have  been  occupied 
with  his  opinions,  his  pictures,  his  conversations,  and  his 
political  intrigues  during  a  memorable  epoch  in  the  history 
of  the  Netherlands  and  of  France.  He  was  beyond  all 
doubt  one  of  the  ablest  diplomatists  in  Europe.  Versed  in 
many  languages,  a  classical  student,  familiar  with  history 
and  international  law,  a  man  of  the  world  and  familiar  with 
its  usages,  accustomed  to  associate  with  dignity  and  tact 
on  friendliest  terms  with  sovereigns,  eminent  statesmen,  and 
men  of  letters  ;  endowed  with  a  facile  tongue,  a  fluent  pen, 
and  an  eye  and  ear  of  singular  acuteness  and  delicacy  ;  dis- 
tinguished for  unflagging  industry  and  singular  aptitude  for 
secret  and  intricate  affairs  ; — he  had  by  the  exercise  of  these 
various  qualities  during  a  period  of  nearly  twenty  years  at 
the  court  of  Henry  the  Great  been  able  to  render  inestimable 
services  to  the  Kepublic  which  he  represented.  Of  respect- 
able but  not  distinguished  lineage,  not  a  Hollander,  but  a 
Belgian  by  birth,  son  of  Cornelis  Aerssens,  Greffier  of  the 
States-General,  long  employed  in  that  important  post,  he 
had  been  brought  forward  from  a  youth  by  Barneveld  and 
early  placed  by  him  in  the  diplomatic  career,  of  which 
through  his  favour  and  his  own  eminent  talents  he  had  now 
achieved  the  highest  honours. 

He  had  enjoyed  the  intimacy  and  even  the  confidence  of 
Henry  IV.,  so  far  as  any  man  could  be  said  to  possess  that 
monarch's  confidence,  and  his  friendly  relations  and  familiar 
access  to  the  King  gave  him  political  advantages  superior 
to  those  of  any  of  his  colleagues  at  the  same  court.1 

Acting  entirely  and  faithfully  according  to  the  instruc- 


1  I  pass  over  with  disdain  one  of 
the  causes  which  scandalous  chro- 
nicles once  assigned  to  the  influence 
of  the  Dutch  ambassador,  being  satis- 


fied that  the  rumour  was  as  malig- 
nant and  false  as  political  rumours 
often  are. 


1611.  POSITION  AND  CHARACTER  OF  AERSSENS.  313 

tions  of  the  Advocate  of  Holland,  he  always  gratefully 
and  copiously  acknowledged  the  privilege  of  being  guided 
and  sustained  in  the  difficult  paths  he  had  to  traverse  by  so 
powerful  and  active  an  intellect.  I  have  seldom  alluded  in 
terms  to  the  instructions  and  despatches  of  the  chief,  but 
every  position,  negotiation,  and  opinion  of  the  envoy — and 
the  reader  has  seen  many  of  them — is  pervaded  by  their 
spirit.  Certainly  the  correspondence  of  Aerssens  is  full  to 
overflowing  of  gratitude,  respect,  fervent  attachment  to  the 
person  and  exalted  appreciation  of  the  intellect  and  high 
character  of  the  Advocate.1 

There  can  be  no  question  of  Aerssen's  consummate 
abilities.  Whether  his  heart  were  as  sound  as  his  head, 
whether  his  protestations  of  devotion  had  the  ring  of  true 
gold  or  not,  time  would  show.  Hitherto  Barneveld  had 
not  doubted  him,  nor  had  he  found  cause  to  murmur  at 
Barneveld. 

But  the  France  of  Henry  IV.,  where  the  Dutch  envoy 
was  so  all-powerful,  had  ceased  to  exist.  A  duller  eye  than 
that  of  Aerssens  could  have  seen  at  a  glance  that  the  potent 
kingdom  and  firm  ally  of  the  Kepublic  had  been  converted, 
for  a  long  time  to  come  at  least,  into  a  Spanish  province. 
The  double  Spanish  marriages  (that  of  the  young  Louis  XIII. 
with  the  Infanta  Anna,  and  of  his  sister  with  the  Infante, 
one  day  to  be  Philip  IV.),  were  now  certain,  for  it  was  to 
make  them  certain  that  the  knife  of  Ravaillac  had  been 
employed.  The  condition  precedent  to  those  marriages  had 
long  been  known.  It  was  the  renunciation  of  the  alliance 
between  France  and  Holland.  It  was  the  condemnation  to 
death,  so  far  as  France  had  the  power  to  condemn  her  to 
death,  of  the  young  Republic.  Had  not  Don  Pedro  de 
Toledo  pompously  announced  this  condition  a  year  and  a 

1  Correspondence  of  Aerssens  with  Barneveld.  (Rojal  Archives.  Hague, 
MSS.  passim.) 


314  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  VIL 

half  before  ?  Had  not  Henry  spurned  the  bribe  with  scorn  ? 
And  now  had  not  Francis  Aerssens  been  the  first  to  com- 
municate to  his  masters  the  fruit  which  had  already  ripened 
upon  Henry's  grave  ?  As  we  have  seen,  he  had  revealed 
these  intrigues  long  before  they  were  known  to  the  world, 
and  the  French  court  knew  that  he  had  revealed  them. 
His  position  had  become  untenable.  His  friendship  for 
Henry  could  not  be  of  use  to  him  with  the  delicate-featured, 
double-chinned,  smooth  and  sluggish  Florentine,  who  had 
passively  authorized  and  actively  profited  by  her  husband's 
murder. 

It  was  time  for  the  Envoy  to  be  gone.  The  Queen-Begcnt 
and  Concini  thought  so.  And  so  did  Villeroy  and  Sillery 
and  the  rest  of  the  old  servants  of  the  King,  now  become 
pensionaries  of  Spain.  But  Aerssens  did  not  think  so.  He 
liked  his  position,  changed  as  it  was.  He  was  deep  in  the 
plottings  of  Bouillon  and  Conde  and  the  other  malcontents 
against  the  Queen-Regent.  These  schemes,  being  entirely 
personal,  the  rank  growth  of  the  corruption  and  apparent 
disintegration  of  France,  were  perpetually  changing,  and 
could  be  reduced  to  no  principle.  It  was  a  mere  struggle 
of  the  great  lords  of  France  to  wrest  places,  money,  govern- 
ments, military  commands  from  the  Queen-Regent,  and 
frantic  attempts  on  her  part  to  save  as  much  as  possible  of 
the  general  wreck  for  her  lord  and  master  Concini. 

It  was  ridiculous  to  ascribe  any  intense  desire  on  the 
part  of  the  Due  de  Bouillon  to  aid  the  Protestant  cause 
against  Spain  at  that  moment,  acting  as  he  was  in  combi- 
nation with  Conde,  whom  we  have  just  seen  employed  by 
Spain  as  the  chief  instrument  to  effect  the  destruction  of 
France  and  the  bastardy  of  the  Queen's  children.  Nor  did 
the  sincere  and  devout  Protestants  who  had  clung  to  the 
cause  through  good  and  bad  report,  men  like  Duplessis- 
Mornay,  for  example,  and  those  who  usually  acted  with  him, 


1611.          POSITION  AND  CHARACTER  OF  AERSSBNS.  315 

believe  in  any  of  these  schemes  for  partitioning  France  on 
pretence  of  saving  Protestantism.  But  Bouillon,  greatest  of 
all  French  fishermen  in  troubled  waters,  was  brother-in-law 
of  Prince  Maurice  of  Nassau,  and  Aerssens  instinctively  felt 
that  the  time  had  come  when  he  should  anchor  himself  to 
firm  holding  ground  at  home. 

The  Ambassador  had  also  a  personal  grievance.  Many  of 
his  most  secret  despatches  to  the  States-General  in  which 
he  expressed  himself  very  freely,  forcibly,  and  accurately  on 
the  general  situation  in  France,  especially  in  regard  to  the 
Spanish  marriages  and  the  Treaty  of  Hampton  Court,  had 
been  transcribed  at  the  Hague  and  copies  of  them  sent  to 
the  French  government.  No  baser  act  of  treachery  to  an 
envoy  could  be  imagined.  It  was  not  surprising  that 
Aerssens  complained  bitterly  of  the  deed.  He  secretly  sus- 
pected Barneveld,  but  with  injustice,  of  having  played  him 
this  evil  turn,  and  the  incident  first  planted  the  seeds  of  the 
deadly  hatred  which  was  to  bear  such  fatal  fruit. 

"  A  notable  treason  has  been  played  upon  me,"  he  wrote 
to  Jacques  de  Maldere,  "  which  has  outraged  my  heart.  All 
the  despatches  which  I  have  been  sending  for  several  months 
to  M.  de  Barneveld  have  been  communicated  by  copy  in 
whole  or  in  extracts  to  this  court.  Villcroy  quoted  from 
them  at  our  interview  to-day,  and  I  was  left  as  it  were  with- 
out power  of  reply.  The  despatches  were  long,  solid,  omit- 
ting no  particularity  for  giving  means  to  form  the  best 
judgment  of  the  designs  and  intrigues  of  this  court.  No 
greater  damage  could  be  done  to  me  and  my  usefulness.  All 
those  from  whom  I  have  hitherto  derived  information,  princes 
and  great  personages,  will  shut  themselves  up  from  me.  .  .  . 
What  can  be  more  ticklish  than  to  pass  judgment  on  the 
tricks  of  those  who  are  governing  this  state  ?  This  single 
blow  has  knocked  me  down  completely.  For  I  was  moving 
about  among  all  of  them,  making  my  profit  of  all,  without 


316  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAKNEVELD.       CHAP.  VU. 

any  reserve.  M.  de  Barneveld  knew  by  this  means  the 
condition  of  this  kingdom  as  well  as  I  do.  Certainly  in  a 
well-ordered  republic  it  would  cost  the  life  of  a  man 
who  had  thus  trifled  with  the  reputation  of  an  ambassador. 
I  believe  M.  de  Barneveld  will  be  sorry,  but  this  will 
never  restore  to  me  the  confidence  which  I  have  lost.  If 
one  was  jealous  of  my  position  at  this  court,  certainly  I 
deserved  rather  pity  from  those  who  should  contemplate  it 
closely.  If  one  wished  to  procure  my  downfall  in  order  to 
raise  oneself  above  me,  there  was  no  need  of  these  tricks.  I 
have  been  offering  to  resign  my  embassy  this  long  time, 
which  will  now  produce  nothing  but  thorns  for  me.  How 
can  I  negotiate  after  my  private  despatches  have  been  read  ? 
L'Hoste,  the  clerk  of  Villeroy,  was  not  so  great  a  criminal  as 
the  man  who  revealed  my  despatches  ;  and  L'Hoste  was  torn 
by  four  horses  after  his  death.  Four  months  long  I  have 
been  complaining  of  this  to  M.  de  Barneveld.  .  .  .  Patience  ! 
I  am  groaning  without  being  able  to  hope  for  justice.  I 
console  myself,  for  my  term  of  office  will  soon  arrive.  Would 
that  my  embassy  could  have  finished  under  the  agreeable 
and  friendly  circumstances  with  which  it  began.  The  man 
who  may  succeed  me  will  not  find  that  this  vile  trick  will 
help  him  much.  .  .  .  Pray  find  out  whence  and  from  whom 
this  intrigue  has  come."  1 

Certainly  an  envoy's  position  could  hardly  be  more 
utterly  compromised.  Most  unquestionably  Aerssens  had 
reason  to  be  indignant,  believing  as  he  did  that  his  con- 
scientious efforts  in  the  service  of  his  government  had  been 
made  use  of  by  his  chief  to  undermine  his  credit  and  blast 
his  character.  There  was  an  intrigue  between  the  newly 
appointed  French  minister,  de  Kussy,  at  the  Hague  and  the 
enemies  of  Aerssens  to  represent  him  to  his  own  government 
as  mischievous,  passionate,  unreasonably  vehement  in  sup- 
1  Aerssens  to  Maldere,  26  Feb.  1611.  (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


1611.  CLAIM  FOR  THE  "THIRD."  317 

porting  the  claims  and  dignity  of  his  own  country  at  the 
court  to  which  he  was  accredited.  Not  often  in  diplomatic 
history  has  an  ambassador  of  a  free  state  been  censured  or 
removed  for  believing  and  maintaining  in  controversy  that 
his  own  government  is  in  the  right.  It  was  natural  that 
the  French  government  should  be  disturbed  by  the  vivid 
light  which  he  had  flashed  upon  their  pernicious  intrigues 
with  Spain  to  the  detriment  of  the  Republic,  and  at  the 
pertinacity  with  which  he  resisted  their  preposterous  claim 
to  be  reimbursed  for  one-third  of  the  money  which  the  late 
king  had  advanced  as  a  free  subsidy  towards  the  war  of  the 
Netherlands  for  independence.  But  no  injustice  could  be 
more  outrageous  than  for  the  Envoy's  own  government  to 
unite  with  the  foreign  State  in  damaging  the  character  of 
its  own  agent  for  the  crime  of  fidelity  to  itself. 

Of  such  cruel  perfidy  Aerssens  had  been  the  victim,  and 
he  most  wrongfully  suspected  his  chief  as  its  real  perpetrator. 

The  claim  for  what  was  called  the  "  Third "  had  been 
invented  after  the  death  of  Henry.  As  already  explained, 
the  "  Third "  was  not  a  gift  from  England  to  the  Nether- 
lands. It  was  a  loan  from  England  to  France,  or  more 
properly  a  consent  to  abstain  from  pressing  for  payment 
for  this  proportion  of  an  old  debt.  James,  who  was 
always  needy,  had  often  desired,  but  never  obtained,  the 
payment  of  this  sum  from  Henry.  Now  that  the  King 
was  dead,  he  applied  to  the  Regent's  government,  and  the 
Regent's  government  called  upon  the  Netherlands,  to  pay 
the  money. 

Aerssens,  as  the  agent  of  the  Republic,  protested  firmly 
against  such  claim.  The  money  had  been  advanced  by  the 
King  as  a  free  gift,  as  his  contribution  to"a  war  in  which  he 
was  deeply  interested,  although  he  was  nominally  at  peace 
with  Spain.  As  to  the  private  arrangements  between 
France  and  England,  the  Republic,  said  the  Dutch  envoy, 


318 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  VIL 


was  in  no  sense  bound  by  them.  He  was  no  party  to  the 
Treaty  of  Hampton  Court,  and  knew  nothing  of  its  stipu- 
lations.1 

Courtiers  and  politicians  in  plenty  at  the  French  court, 
now  that  Henry  was  dead,  were  quite  sure  that  they  had 
heard  him  say  over  and  over  again  that  the  Netherlands 
had  bound  themselves  to  pay  the  Third.  They  persuaded 
Mary  de'  Medici  that  she  likewise  had  often  heard  him  say 
so,  and  induced  her  to  take  high  ground  on  the  subject  in 
her  interviews  with  Aerssens.  The  luckless  queen,  who  was 
always  in  want  of  money  to  satisfy  the  insatiable  greed  of 
her  favourites,  and  to  buy  off  the  enmity  of  the  great 
princes,  was  very  vehement — although  she  knew  as  much  of 
those  transactions  as  of  the  finances  of  Prester  John  or  the 
Lama  of  Thibet — in  maintaining  this  claim  of  her  govern- 
ment upon  the  States. 

"After  talking  with  the  ministers,"  said  Aerssens,  "I  had 
an  interview  with  the  Queen.  I  knew  that  she  had  been 


1  "  Ils  me  disent  .  .  .  qa'ils  ont  tons 
la  memoire  assez  fraiche  pour  se  sou- 
venir que  le  feu  Roy  avait  parle  sou- 
vent  et  etoit  resolud'obliger  Messieurs 
les  Etats  a  reconnaitre  ce  qui  a  ete 
fourny  au  nom  du  Roi  de  Grande 
Bretagne,  se  contentant  de  ne  nous 
rien  dernander  des  deux  tiers  payes 
pour  sa  part.  S'il  vivait  il  s'abahiroit 
de  cette  excuse.  .  .  .  Ma  repartye 
etoit  que  nous  avons  recu  ce  secours 
pour  pur  don  employe  par  nos  voisins 
en  notre  guerre  par  raison  d'etat,  pour 
notre  defense  et  occupation  de  leur 
ennemy,  que  en  1'envoyant  on  ne  nous 
a  point  pa.rle  ni  d'obligation  ni  de 
restitution." — Aerssens  to  Maldere, 
26Jeb.  1611.  (Hague  Arch.  MS.) 

.  .  .  je  n'ay  pas  juge  cette  de- 
mande  moins  esloignee  de  la  volonte 
du  feu  Roy  que  de  la  raison.  Ce 
tiers  n'a  jamais  ete  distingue  des 
autres  deux,  on  ne  nous  a  point  dit 
qu'il  a  ete  fourny  au  nom  du  Royde 
la  G.  Bretagne.  Nog  acquits  des- 
quels  on  s'est  contente  n'en  font  nulle 


mention.et  nous  avons  employe  cette 
somme  comme  les  autres  qui  ont  fait 
accroitre  (?)  la  depense  de  nos  prepa- 
ratifs  sans  que  ayons  jamais  fait  estat 
d'en  rien  rendre  ni  eux  de  le  pre- 
tendre.  Le  traite  fait  en  Angleterre 
a  ete  negocie  entre  le  Roy  et  M.  de 
Sully.  Vous,  Monsieur,  qui  lors  y 
etiez  present  n'y  intervinstes  jamais 
pour  ouyr  la  distinction  de  ces  payc- 
ments  quaud  la  protestation  a  ete 
faicte  centre  la  continuation  de  ce 
traite.  Elle  ne  vousa  point  ete  insi- 
nuee,  et  d'ici  on  ne  s'est  pas  depart  y 
d'en  continuer  le  payement  do  ma- 
niere  que  nous  devons,  et  de  faict 
pouvons  ignorer  ce  qu'il  ait  rien  traite 
entre  ces  deux  couronnes  que  nous  kit 
peu  concerner.  On  me  reproche  la 
dessus  notre  ingratitude  de  ne  voul- 
loir  pas  seulement  avouer  par  ecrit 
qu'avons  recu  ce  Tiers  au  nom  des 
Anglois.  Je  les  ren  voye  a  1'inspection 
de  nos  acquits." — Same  to  same,  28 
Aug.  1610. 


1811.  CLAIM  FOR  THE  "THIRD."  319 

taught  her  lesson,  to  insist  on  the  payment  of  the  Third.  So 
I  did  not  speak  at  all  of  the  matter,  but  talked  exclusively 
and  at  length  of  the  French  regiments  in  the  States'  service. 
She  was  embarrassed,  and  did  not  know  exactly  what  to  say. 
At  last,  without  replying  a  single  word  to  what  I  had  been 
saying,  she  became  very  red  in  the  face,  and  asked  me  if  I 
were  not  instructed  to  speak  of  the  money  due  to  England. 
Whereupon  I  spoke  in  the  sense  already  indicated.  She 
interrupted  me  by  saying  she  had  a  perfect  recollection  that 
the  late  king  intended  and  understood  that  we  were  to  pay 
the  Third  to  England,  and  had  talked  with  her  very 
seriously  on  the  subject.  If  he  were  living,  he  would  think 
it  very  strange,  she  said,  that  we  refused  ;  and  so  on. 

"  Soissons,  too,  pretends  to  remember  perfectly  that  such 
were  the  King's  intentions.  'Tis  a  very  strange  thing,  Sir. 
Every  one  knows  now  the  secrets  of  the  late  king,  if  you 
are  willing  to  listen.  Yet  he  was  not  in  the  habit  of  taking 
all  the  world  into  his  confidence.  The  Queen  takes  her 
opinions  as  they  give  them  to  her.  'Tis  a  very  good 
princess,  but  I  am  sorry  she  is  so  ignorant  of  affairs.  As 
she  says  she  remembers,  one  is  obliged  to  say  one  believes 
her.  But  I,  who  knew  the  King  so  intimately,  and  saw  him 
so  constantly,  know  that  he  could  only  have  said  that  the 
Third  was  paid  in  acquittal  of  his  debts  to  and  for  account 
of  the  King  of  England,  and  not  that  we  were  to  make 
restitution  thereof.  The  Chancellor  tells  me  my  refusal  has 
been  taken  as  an  affront  by  the  Queen,  and  Puysieux  says 
t  is  a  contempt  which  she  can't  swallow."  1 

Aerssens  on  his  part  remained  firm  ;  his  pertinacity  being 
the  greater  as  he  thoroughly  understood  the  subject  which 
he  was  talking  about,  an  advantage  which  was  rarely  shared 
in  by  those  with  whom  he  conversed.  The  Queen,  highly 
scandalized  by  his  demeanour,  became  from  that  time  forth 
1  Aerescns  to  Barnevcld,  13  April  1611.  (Hague  Arch.  MS.) 


320  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.      CHAP.  VIL 

his  bitter  enemy,  and,  as  already  stated,  was  resolved  to  be 
rid  of  him. 

Nor  was  the  Envoy  at  first  desirous  of  remaining.  He 
had  felt  after  Henry's  death  and  Sully's  disgrace,  and  the 
complete  transformation  of  the  France  which  he  had  known, 
that  his  power  of  usefulness  was  gone.  "  Our  enemies/'  he 
said,  "have  got  the  advantage  which  I  used  to  have  in 
times  past,  and  I  recognize  a  great  coldness  towards  us, 
which  is  increasing  every  day."1  Nevertheless,  he  yielded 
reluctantly  to  Baraeveld's  request  that  he  should  for  the 
time  at  least  remain  at  his  post.  Later  on,  as  the  intrigues 
against  him  began  to  unfold  themselves,  and  his  faithful 
services  were  made  use  of  at  home  to  blacken  his  character 
and  procure  his  removal,  he  refused  to  resign,  as  to  do  so 
would  be  to  play  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  and  by 
inference  at  least  to  accuse  himself  of  infidelity  to  his  trust. 

But  his  concealed  rage  and  his  rancor  grew  more  deadly 
every  day.  He  was  fully  aware  of  the  plots  against  him, 
although  he  found  it  difficult  to  trace  them  to  their  source. 

"  I  doubt  not,"  he  wrote  to  Jacques  de  Maldere,  the  distin- 
guished diplomatist  and  senator,  who  had  recently  returned 
from  his  embassy  to  England,  "  that  this  beautiful  proposi- 
tion of  de  Russy  has  been  sent  to  your  Province  of  Zealand. 
Does  it  not  seem  to  you  a  plot  well  woven  as  well  in 
Holland  as  at  this  court  to  remove  me  from  my  post  with 
disreputation  ?  What  have  I  done  that  should  cause  the 
Queen  to  disapprove  my  proceedings  ?  Since  the  death  of 
the  late  king  I  have  always  opposed  the  Third,  which  they 
have  been  trying  to  fix  upon  the  treasury,  on  the  ground 
that  Henry  never  spoke  to  me  of  restitution,  that  the  re- 
ceipts given  were  simple  ones,  and  that  the  money  given 
was  spent  for  the  common  benefit  of  France  and  the  States 
under  direction  of  the  King's  government.  But  I  am 
1  Aeresens  to  Barneveld,  31  Aug.  1610.  (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


1511.  RECALL  OF  AERSSENS.  321 

expected  here  to  obey  M.  de  Villeroy,  who  says  that  it  was 
the  intention  of  the  late  king  to  oblige  us  to  make  the 
payment.  I  am  not  accustomed  to  obey  authority  if  it  be 
not  supported  by  reason.  It  is  for  my  masters  to  reply  and 
to  defend  me.  The  Queen  has  no  reason  to  complain.  I 
have  maintained  the  interests  of  my  superiors.  But  this  is 
not  the  cause  of  the  complaints.  My  misfortune  is  that  all 
my  despatches  have  been  sent  from  Holland  in  copy  to  this 
court.  Most  of  them  contained  free  pictures  of  the  con- 
dition and  dealings  of  those  who  govern  here.  M.  de 
Villeroy  has  found  himself  depicted  often,  and  now  under 
pretext  of  a  public  negotiation  he  has  found  an  opportunity 
of  revenging  himself.  .  .  .  Besides  this  cause  which  Vil- 
leroy has  found  for  combing  my  head,  Russy  has  given 
notice  here  that  I  have  kept  my  masters  in  the  hopes  of 
being  honourably  exempted  from  the  claims  of  this  govern- 
ment. The  long  letter  which  I  wrote  to  M.  de  Barneveld 
justifies  my  proceedings." 1 

It  is  no  wonder  that  the  Ambassador  was  galled  to  the 
quick  by  the  outrage  which  those  concerned  in  the  govern- 
ment were  seeking  to  put  upon  him.  How  could  an  honest 
man  fail  to  be  overwhelmed  with  rage  and  anguisli  at  being 
dishonoured  before  the  world  by  his  masters  for  scrupu- 
lously doing  his  duty,  and  for  maintaining  the  rights  and 
dignity  of  his  own  country  ?  He  knew  that  the  charges 
were  but  pretexts,  that  the  motives  of  his  enemies  were  as 
base  as  the  intrigues  themselves,  but  he  also  knew  that  the 
world  usually  sides  with  the  government  against  the  indi- 
vidual, and  that  a  man's  reputation  is  rarely  strong  enough 
to  maintain  itself  unsullied  in  a  foreign  land  when  his  own 
government  stretches  forth  its  hand  not  to  shield,  but  to 
stab,  him. 

"  I  know,"  he  said,  "  that  this  plot  has  been  woven  partly 

1  Aeresens  to  Jacques  de  Maldero,  20  April  1611.    (MS.) 
VOL.  I.  K 


322  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.      CHAP.  VIL 

in  Holland  and  partly  here  by  good  correspondence,  in 
order  to  drive  me  from  my  post  with  disreputation.  To  this 
has  tended  the  communication  of  my  despatches  to  make 
me  lose  my  best  friends.  This  too  was  the  object  of  the 
particular  imparting  to  de  Kussy  of  all  my  propositions,  in 
order  to  draw  a  complaint  against  me  from  this  court. 

"  But  as  I  have  discovered  this  accurately,  I  have  resolved 
to  offer  to  my  masters  the  continuance  of  my  very  humble 
service  for  such  time  and  under  such  conditions  as  they 
may  think  good  to  prescribe.  I  prefer  forcing  my  natural 
and  private  inclinations  to  giving  an  opportunity  for  the 
ministers  of  this  kingdom  to  discredit  us,  and  to  my  enemies 
to  succeed  in  injuring  me,  and  by  fraud  and  malice  to 
force  me  from  my  post.  ...  I  am  truly  sorry,  being  ready 
to  retire,  wishing  to  have  an  honourable  testimony  in  recom- 
pense of  my  labours,  that  one  is  in  such  hurry  to  take  advan- 
tage of  my  fall.  I  cannot  believe  that  my  masters  wish  to 
suffer  this.  They  are  too  prudent,  and  cannot  be  ignorant 
of  the  treachery  which  has  been  practised  on  me.  I  have 
maintained  their  cause.  If  they  have  chosen  to  throw  down 
the  fruits  of  my  industry,  the  blame  should  be  imputed  to 
those  who  consider  their  own  ambition  more  than  the  in- 
terests of  the  public.  ...  What  envoy  will  ever  dare  to 
speak  with  vigour  if  he  is  not  sustained  by  the  government 
at  home  ?  .  .  .  My  enemies  have  misrepresented  my  actions, 
and  my  language  as  passionate,  exaggerated,  mischievous, 
but  I  have  no  passion  except  for  the  service  of  my  supe- 
riors. They  say  that  I  have  a  dark  and  distrustful  dis- 
position, but  I  have  been  alarmed  at  the  alliance  now  forming 
here  with  the  King  of  Spain,  through  the  policy  of  M. 
de  Villeroy.  I  was  the  first  to  discover  this  intrigue,  which 
they  thought  buried  in  the  bosom  of  the  Triumvirate.  I 
gave  notice  of  it  to  My  Lords  the  States  as  in  duty  bound. 
It  all  cdme  back  to  the  government  in  the  copies  furnished 


1611.  RECALL  OP  AERSSENS.  323 

of  my  secret  despatches.  This  is  the  real  source  of  the 
complaints  against  me.  The  rest  of  the  charges,  relating  to 
the  Third  and  other  matters,  are  but  pretexts.  To  parry 
the  blow,  they  pretend  that  all  that  is  said  and  done  with 
the  Spaniard  is  but  feigning.  Who  is  going  to  believe  that  ? 
Has  not  the  Pope  intervened  in  the  affair  ?  .  .  .  I  tell 
you  they  are  furious  here  because  I  have  my  eyes  open.  I 
see  too  far  into  their  affairs  to  suit  their  purposes.  A  new 
man  would  suit  them  better." J 

His  position  was  hopelessly  compromised.  He  remained 
in  Paris,  however,  month  after  month,  and  even  year  after 
year,  defying  his  enemies  both  at  the  Queen's  court  and  in 
Holland,  feeding  fat  the  grudge  he  bore  to  Barneveld  as  the 
supposed  author  of  the  intrigue  against  him,  and  drawing 
closer  the  personal  bonds  which  united  him  to  Bouillon  and 
through  him  to  Prince  Maurice. 

The  wrath  of  the  Ambassador  flamed  forth  without  dis- 
guise against  Barneveld  and  all  his  adherents  when  his 
removal,  as  will  be  related  on  a  subsequent  page,  was  at 
last  effected.  And  his  hatred  was  likely  to  be  deadly. 
A  man  with  a  shrewd,  vivid  face,  cleanly  cut  features  and 
a  restless  eye  ;  wearing  a  close-fitting  skull  cap,  which  gave 
him  something  the  look  of  a  monk,  but  with  the  thorough- 
bred and  facile  demeanour  of  one  familiar  with  the  world  ; 
stealthy,  smooth,  and  cruel,  a  man  coldly  intellectual,  who 
feared  no  one,  loved  but  few,  and  never  forgot  or  forgave ; 
Francis  d'Aerssens,  devoured  by  ambition  and  burning  with 
revenge,  was  a  dangerous  enemy. 

Time  was  soon  to  show  whether  it  was  safe  to  injure 
him.  Barneveld,  from  well-considered  motives  of  public 
policy,  was  favouring  his  honourable  recall.  But  he  allowed 
a  decorous  interval  of  more  than  three  years  to  elapse 

1  Aerssens  to  Jacques  de  Maldere,  8  May  1611.    (MS.) 


324  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.      CHAP.  VII. 

in  which  to  terminate  his  affairs,  and  to  take  a  deli- 
berate departure  from  that  French  embassy  to  which  the 
Advocate  had  originally  promoted  him,  and  in  which  there 
had  been  so  many  years  of  mutual  benefit  and  confidence 
between  the  two  statesmen.  He  used  no  underhand  means. 
He  did  not  abuse  the  power  of  the  States-General  which  he 
wielded  to  cast  him  suddenly  and  brutally  from  the  dis- 
tinguished post  which  he  occupied,  and  so  to  attempt  to 
dishonour  him  before  the  world.  Nothing  could  be  more 
respectful  and  conciliatory  than  the  attitude  of  the  govern- 
ment from  first  to  last  towards  this  distinguished  functionary. 
The  Kepublic  respected  itself  too  much  to  deal  with  honour- 
able agents  whose  services  it  felt  obliged  to  dispense  with 
as  with  vulgar  malefactors  who  had  been  detected  in  crime. 
But  Aerssens  believed  that  it  was  the  Advocate  who  had 
°,aused  copies  of  his  despatches  to  be  sent  to  the  French  court, 
and  that  he  had  deliberately  and  for  a  fixed  purpose  been 
undermining  his  influence  at  home  and  abroad  and  blacken- 
ing his  character.  All  his  ancient  feelings  of  devotion,  if 
they  had  ever  genuinely  existed  towards  his  former  friend 
and  patron,  turned  to  gall.  He  was  almost  ready  to  deny 
that  he  had  ever  respected  Barneveld,  appreciated  his  public 
services,  admired  his  intellect,  or  felt  gratitude  for  his 
guidance. 

A  fierce  controversy — to  which  at  a  later  period  it  will  be 
necessary  to  call  the  reader's  attention,  because  it  is  inti- 
mately connected  with  dark  scenes  afterwards  to  be  enacted 
— took  place  between  the  late  ambassador  and  Cornelis  van 
.  der  Myle.     Meantime  Barneveld  pursued  the  policy  which  he 
had  marked  out  for  the  States-General  in  regard  to  France. 
.  Certainly  it  was  a  difficult  problem.     There  could  be  no 
doubt  that  metamorphosed  France  could  only  be  a  dangerous 
ally  for  the  Republic.    It  was  in  reality  impossible  that 
she  should  be  her  ally  at  all.     And  this  Barneveld  knew. 


1811.  BARNEVELD'S  POLICY  TOWARDS  FRANCE.  325 

Still  it  was  better,  so  lie  thought,  for  the  Netherlands  that 
France  should  exist  than  that  it  should  fall  into  utter 
decomposition.  France,  though  under  the  influence  of 
Spain,  and  doubly  allied  by  marriage  contracts  to  Spain,  was 
better  than  Spain  itself  in  the  place  of  France.  This  seemed 
to  be  the  only  choice  between  two  evils.  Should  the  whole 
weight  of  the  States-General  be  thrown  into  the  scale  of  the 
malcontent  and  mutinous  princes  against  the  established  but 
tottering  government  of  France,  it  was  difficult  to  say  how 
soon  Spain  might  literally,  as  well  as  inferentially,  reign  in 
Paris. 

Between  the  rebellion  and  the  legitimate  government, 
therefore,  Barneveld  did  not  hesitate.  France,  corporate 
France,  with  which  the  Kepublic  had  been  so  long  in 
close  and  mutually  advantageous  alliance,  and  from  whose 
late  monarch  she  had  received  such  constant  and  valuable 
benefits,  was  in  the  Advocate's  opinion  the  only  power  to  be 
recognised,  Papal  and  Spanish  though  it  was.  The  advan- 
tage of  an  alliance  with  the  fickle,  self-seeking,  and  ever 
changing  mutiny,  that  was  seeking  to  make  use  of  Pro- 
testantism to  effect  its  own  ends,  was  in  his  eyes  rather 
specious  than  real. 

By  this  policy,  while  making  the  breach  irreparable  with 
Aerssens  and  as  many  leading  politicians  as  Aerssens  could 
influence,  he  first  brought  on  himself  the  stupid  accusation 
of  swerving  towards  Spain.  Dull  murmurs  like  these,  which 
were  now  but  faintly  making  themselves  heard  against  the 
reputation  of  the  Advocate,  were  destined  ere  long  to  swell 
into  a  mighty  roar ;  but  he  hardly  listened  now  to  in- 
sinuations which  seemed  infinitely  below  his  contempt.  He 
still  effectually  ruled  the  nation  through  his  influence  in 
the  States  of  Holland,  where  he  reigned  supreme.  Thus 
far  Barneveld  and  My  Lords  the  States-General  were  one 
personage. 


326  THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  VII, 

But  there  was  another  great  man  in  the  State  who  had 
at  last  grown  impatient  of  the  Advocate's  power,  and  was 
secretly  resolved  to  brook  it  no  longer.  Maurice  of  Nassau 
had  felt  himself  too  long  rebuked  by  the  genius  of  the 
Advocate.  The  Prince  had  perhaps  never  forgiven  him  for 
the  political  guardianship  which  he  had  exercised  over  him 
ever  since  the  death  of  William  the  Silent.  He  resented 
the  leading  strings  by  which  his  youthful  footstep  had 
been  sustained,  and  which  he  seemed  always  to  feel  about 
his  limbs  so  long  as  Barneveld  existed.  He  had  never  for- 
gotten the  unpalatable  advice  given  to  him  by  the  Advocate 
through  the  Princess-Dowager. 

The  brief  campaign  in  Cleve  and  Jiilich  was  the  last 
great  political  operation  in  which  the  two  were  likely  to 
act  in  even  apparent  harmony.  But  the  rivalry  between 
the  two  had  already  pronounced  itself  emphatically  during 
the  negotiations  for  the  truce.  The  Advocate  had  felt  it 
absolutely  necessary  for  the  Republic  to  suspend  the  war 
at  the  first  moment  when  she  could  treat  with  her  ancient 
sovereign  on  a  footing  of  equality.  Spain,  exhausted  with 
the  conflict,  had  at  last  consented  to  what  she  considered 
the  humiliation  of  treating  with  her  rebellious  provinces 
as  with  free  states  over  which  she  claimed  no  authority. 
The  peace  party,  led  by  Barneveld,  had  triumphed,  not- 
withstanding the  steady  opposition  of  Prince  Maurice  and 
his  adherents. 

Why  had  Maurice  opposed  the  treaty?  Because  his 
vocation  was  over,  because  he  was  the  greatest  captain  of 
the  age,  because  his  emoluments,  his  consideration,  his 
dignity  before  the  world,  his  personal  power,  were  all  vastly 
greater  in  war  than  in  his  opinion  they  could  possibly  be  in 
peace.  It  was  easy  for  him  to  persuade  himself  that  what 
was  manifestly  for  his  individual  interest  was  likewise 
essential  to  the  prosperity  of  the  country. 


1611.      RIVALRY  BETWEEN  MAURICE  AND  BARNEVELD.     327 

The  diminution  in  his  revenues  consequent  on  the  return 
to  peace  was  made  good  to  him,  his  brother,  and  his  cousin, 
by  most  munificent  endowments  and  pensions.  And  it  was 
owing  to  the  strenuous  exertions  of  the  Advocate  that  these 
large  sums  were  voted.  A  hollow  friendship  was  kept  up 
between  the  two  during  the  first  few  years  of  the  truce,  but 
resentment  and  jealousy  lay  deep  in  Maurice's  heart. 

At  about  the  period  of  the  return  of  Aerssens  from  his 
French  embassy,  the  suppressed  fire  was  ready  to  flame  forth 
at  the  first  fanning  by  that  artful  hand.  It  was  impos- 
sible, so  Aerssens  thought  and  whispered,  that  two  heads 
could  remain  on  one  body  politic.  There  was  no  room  in 
the  Netherlands  for  both  the  Advocate  and  the  Prince. 
Barneveld  was  in  all  civil  affairs  dictator,  chief  magistrate, 
supreme  judge  ;  but  he  occupied  this  high  station  by  the 
force  of  intellect,  will,  and  experience,  not  through  any 
constitutional  provision.  In  time  of  war  the  Prince  was 
generalissimo,  commander-in -chief  of  all  the  armies  of  the 
Kepublic.  Yet  constitutionally  he  was  not  captain-general 
at  all.  He  was  only  stadholder  of  five  out  of  seven  provinces. 

Barneveld  suspected  him  of  still  wishing  to  make  himself 
sovereign  of  the  country.  Perhaps  his  suspicions  were  in- 
correct. Yet  there  was  every  reason  why  Maurice  should 
be  ambitious  of  that  position.  It  would  have  been  in 
accordance  with  the  openly  expressed  desire  of  Henry  IV. 
and  other  powerful  allies  of  the  Netherlands.  His  father's 
assassination  had  alone  prevented  his  elevation  to  the  rank 
of  sovereign  Count  of  Holland.  The  federal  policy  of  the 
Provinces  had  drifted  into  a  republican  form  after  their 
renunciation  of  their  Spanish  sovereign,  not  because  the 
people,  or  the  States  as  representing  the  people,  had  de- 
liberately chosen  a  republican  system,  but  because  they 
could  get  no  powerful  monarch  to  accept  the  sovereignty. 
They  had  offered  to  become  subjects  of  Protestant  England 


328  THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  VIL 

and  of  Catholic  France.  Both  powers  had  refused  the  offer, 
and  refused  it  with  something  like  contumely.  However 
deep  the  subsequent  regret  on  the  part  of  both,  there  was  no 
doubt  of  the  fact.  But  the  internal  policy  in  all  the  pro- 
vinces, and  in  all  the  towns,  was  republican.  Local  self- 
government  existed  everywhere.  Each  city  magistracy  was 
a  little  republic  in  itself.  The  death  of  William  the  Silent, 
before  he  had  been  invested  with  the  sovereign  power  of  all 
seven  provinces,  again  left  that  sovereignty  in  abeyance. 
Was  the  supreme  power  of  the  Union,  created  at  Utrecht 
in  1579,  vested  in  the  States-General  ? 

They  were  beginning  theoretically  to  claim  it,  but  Barne- 
veld  denied  the  existence  of  any  such  power  either  in  law 
or  fact.  It  was  a  league  of  sovereignties,  he  maintained ; 
a  confederacy  of  seven  independent  states,  united  for  certain 
purposes  by  a  treaty  made  some  thirty  years  before.  No- 
thing could  be  more  imbecile,  judging  by  the  light  of 
subsequent  events  and  the  experience  of  centuries,  than  such 
an  organization.  The  independent  and  sovereign  republic 
of  Zealand  or  of  Groningen,  for  example,  would  have  made 
a  poor  figure  campaigning,  or  negotiating,  or  exhibiting 
itself  on  its  own  account  before  the  world.  Yet  it  was 
difficult  to  show  any  charter,  precedent,  or  prescription  for 
the  sovereignty  of  the  States-General.  Necessary  as  such 
an  incorporation  was  for  the  very  existence  of  the  Union,  no 
constitutional  union  had  ever  been  enacted.  Practically 
the  Province  of  Holland,  representing  more  than  half  the 
population,  wealth,  strength,  and  intellect  of  the  whole 
confederation,  had  achieved  an  irregular  supremacy  in  the 
States-General.  But  its  undeniable  superiority  was  now 
causing  a  rank  growth  of  envy,  hatred,  and  jealousy  through- 
out the  country,  and  the  great  Advocate  of  Holland,  who 
was  identified  with  the  province,  and  had  so  long  wielded  its 
power,  was  beginning  to  reap  the  full  harvest  of  that  malice. 


HE  SUSTAINS  THE  SOVEREIGNTY  OF  EACH  PROVINCE.    329 

Thus  while  there  was  so  much  of  vagueness  in  theory  and 
practice  as  to  the  sovereignty,  there  was  nothing  criminal 
on  the  part  of  Maurice  if  he  was  ambitious  of  obtaining  the 
sovereignty  himsel£  He  was  not  seeking  to  compass  it  by 
base  artifice  or  by  intrigue  of  any  kind.  It  was  very  natu- 
ral that  he  should  be  restive  under  the  dictatorship  of  the 
Advocate.  If  a  single  burgher  and  lawyer  could  make  him- 
self despot  of  the  Netherlands,  how  much  more  reasonable 
that  he — with  the  noblest  blood  of  Europe  in  his  veins,  whose 
direct  ancestor  three  centuries  before  had  been  emperor  not 
only  of  those  provinces,  but  of  all  Germany  and  half 
Christendom  besides,  whose  immortal  father  had  under  God 
been  the  creator  and  saviour  of  the  new  commonwealth,  had 
made  sacrifices  such  as  man  never  made  for  a  people,  and 
had  at  last  laid  down  his  life  in  its  defence  ;  who  had  himself 
fought  daily  from  boyhood  upwards  in  the  great  cause,  who 
had  led  national  armies  from  victory  to  victory  till  he  had 
placed  his  country  as  a  military  school  and  a  belligerent 
power  foremost  among  the  nations,  and  had  at  last  so 
exhausted  and  humbled  the  great  adversary  and  former 
tyrant  that  he  had  been  glad  of  a  truce  while  the  rebel 
chief  would  have  preferred  to  continue  the  war — should 
aspire  to  rule  by  hereditary  right  a  land  with  which  his 
name  and  his  race  were  indelibly  associated  by  countless 
sacrifices  and  heroic  achievements. 

It  was  no  crime  in  Maurice  to  desire  the  sovereignty. 
It  was  still  less  a  crime  in  Barneveld  to  believe  that  he 
desired  it.  There  was  no  special  reason  why  the  Prince 
should  love  the  republican  form  of  government  provided 
that  an  hereditary  one  could  be  legally  substituted  for  it. 
He  had  sworn  allegiance  to  the  statutes,  customs,  and  privi- 
leges of  each  of  the  provinces  of  which  he  had  been  elected 
stadholder,  but  there  would  have  been  no  treason  on  his 
part  if  the  name  and  dignity  of  stadholder  should  bo 


330  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  VII. 

changed  "by  the  States  themselves  for  those  of  King  or 
sovereign  Prince. 

Yet  it  was  a  chief  grievance  against  the  Advocate  on  the 
part  of  the  Prince  that  Barneveld  believed  him  capable  of 
this  ambition. 

The  Republic  existed  as  a  fact,  but  it  had  not  long 
existed,  nor  had  it  ever  received  a  formal  baptism.  So  un- 
defined was  its  constitution,  and  so  conflicting  were  the  various 
opinions  in  regard  to  it  of  eminent  men,  that  it  would  be 
difficult  to  say  how  high-treason  could  be  committed  against 
it.  Great  lawyers  of  highest  intellect  and  learning  believed 
the  sovereign  power  to  reside  in  the  separate  states,  others 
found  that  sovereignty  in  the  city  magistracies,  while  during 
a  feverish  period  of  war  and  tumult  the  supreme  function 
had  without  any  written  constitution,  any  organic  law,  prac- 
tically devolved  upon  the  States-General,  who  had  now  begun 
to  claim  it  as  a  right.  The  Republic  was  neither  venerable 
by  age  nor  impregnable  in  law.  It  was  an  improvised  aris- 
tocracy of  lawyers,  manufacturers,  bankers,  and  corporations 
which  had  done  immense  work  and  exhibited  astonishing 
sagacity  and  courage,  but  which  might  never  have  achieved 
the  independence  of  the  Provinces  unaided  by  the  sword  of 
Orange-Nassau  and  the  magic  spell  which  belonged  to  that 
name. 

Thus  a  bitter  conflict  was  rapidly  developing  itself  in  the 
heart  of  the  Commonwealth.  There  was  the  civil  element 
struggling  with  the  military  for  predominance ;  sword 
against  gown ;  states'  rights  against  central  authority ; 
peace  against  war ;  above  all  the  rivalry  of  one  prominent 
personage  against  another,  whose  mutual  hatred  was  now 
artfully  inflamed  by  partisans. 

And  now  another  element  of  discord  had  come,  more 
potent  than  all  the  rest :  the  terrible,  never  ending,  struggle 
of  Church  against  State.  Theological  hatred  which  forty 


1611.         CONFLICT  BETWEEN  CHURCH  AND  STATE.  331 

years  long  had  found  vent  in  the  exchange  of  acrimony 
between  the  ancient  and  the  Keformed  churches  was  now 
assuming  other  shapes.  Religion  in  that  age  and  country 
was  more  than  has  often  been  the  case  in  history  the  atmo- 
sphere of  men's  daily  lives.  But  during  the  great  war  for 
independence,  although  the  hostility  between  the  two  reli- 
gious forces  was  always  intense,  it  was  modified  especially 
towards  the  close  of  the  struggle  by  other  controlling  in- 
fluences. The  love  of  independence  and  the  passion  for 
nationality,  the  devotion  to  ancient  political  privileges,  was 
often  as  fervid  and  genuine  in  Catholic  bosoms  as  in  those 
of  Protestants,  and  sincere  adherents  of  the  ancient  church 
had  fought  to  the  death  against  Spain  in  defence  of  char- 
tered rights. 

At  that  very  moment  it  is  probable  that  half  the  popu- 
lation of  the  United  Provinces  was  Catholic.  Yet  it  would 
be  ridiculous  to  deny  that  the  aggressive,  uncompromising, 
self-sacrificing,  intensely  believing,  perfectly  fearless  spirit 
of  Calvinism  had  been  the  animating  soul,  the  motive  power 
of  the  great  revolt.  For  the  Provinces  to  have  encountered 
Spain  and  Pkome  without  Calvinism,  and  relying  upon  muni- 
cipal enthusiasm  only,  would  have  been  to  throw  away  the 
sword  and  fight  with  the  scabbard. 

But  it  is  equally  certain  that  those  hot  gospellers  who  bad 
suffered  so  much  martyrdom  and  achieved  so  many  miracles 
were  fully  aware  of  their  power  and  despotic  in  its  exercise. 
Against  the  oligarchy  of  commercial  and  juridical  corpora- 
tions they  stood  there  the  most  terrible  aristocracy  of  all : 
the  aristocracy  of  God's  elect,  predestined  from  all  tune  and 
to  all  eternity  to  take  precedence  of  and  to  look  down  upon 
their  inferior  and  lost  fellow  creatures.  It  was  inevitable 
that  this  aristocracy,  which  had  done  so  much,  which  had 
breathed  into  a  new-born  commonwealth  the  breath  of  its 
life,  should  be  intolerant,  haughty,  dogmatic. 


332  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.      CHAP.  VII 

The  Church  of  Borne,  which  had  been  dethroned  after 
inflicting  such  exquisite  tortures  during  its  period  of  power, 
was  not  to  raise  its  head.  Although  so  large  a  proportion 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  were  secretly  or  openly 
attached  to  that  faith,  it  was  a  penal  offence  to  participate 
openly  in  its  rites  and  ceremonies.  Religious  equality, 
except  in  the  minds  of  a  few  individuals,  was  an  unimaginable 
idea.  There  was  still  one  Church  which  arrogated  to  itself 
the  sole  possession  of  truth,  t^ie  Church  of  Geneva.  Those 
who  admitted  the  possibility  of  other  forms  and  creeds  were 
either  Atheists  or,  what  was  deemed  worse  than  Atheists, 
Papists,  because  Papists  were  assumed  to  be  traitors  also,  and 
desirous  of  selling  the  country  to  Spain.  An  undevout  man 
in  that  land  and  at  that  epoch  was  an  almost  unknown 
phenomenon.  Religion  was  as  much  a  recognized  necessity 
of  existence  as  food  or  drink.  It  were  as  easy  to  find  people 
going  about  without  clothes  as  without  religious  convictions. 
The  Advocate,  who  had  always  adhered  to  the  humble  spirit 
of  his  ancestral  device,  "Nil  scire  tutissima  fides"  and  almost 
alone  among  his  fellow  citizens  (save  those  immediate 
apostles  and  pupils  of  his  who  became  involved  in  his  fate) 
in  favour  of  religious  toleration,  began  to  be  suspected  of 
treason  and  Papacy  because,  had  he  been  able  to  give  the 
law,  it  was  thought  he  would  have  permitted  such  horrors  as 
the  public  exercise  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion. 

The  hissings  and  screamings  of  the  vulgar  against  him 
as  he  moved  forward  on  his  stedfast  course  he  heeded  less 
than  those  of  geese  on  a  common.  But  there  was  coming  a 
time  when  this  proud  and  scornful  statesman,  conscious  of 
the  superiority  conferred  by  great  talents  and  unparalleled 
experience,  would  find  it  less  easy  to  treat  the  voice  of 
slanderers,  whether  idiots  or  powerful  and  intellectual 
enemies,  with  contempt. 


1608.          SCHISM  IN  THE  CHUKCH  A  PUBLIC  FACT.  333 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

Schism  in  the  Church  a  Public  Fact  —  Struggle  for  Power  between  the 
Sacerdotal  and  Political  Orders  —  Dispute  between  Arminius  and  Goma- 
rus — Rage  of  James  I.  at  the  Appointment  of  Vorstius — Arminians 
called  Remonstrants  —  Hague  Conference  —  Contra  Remonstrance  by 
Qomarites  of  Seven  Points  to  the  Remonstrants'  Five — Fierce  Theological 
Disputes  throughout  the  Country —  Ryswyk  Secession  —  Maurice  wishes 
to  remain  neutral,  but  finds  himself  the  Chieftain  of  the  Contra-Remon- 
strant Party  —  The  States  of  Holland  Remonstrant  by  a  large  Majority  — 
The  States-General  Contra-Remonstrant  —  Sir  Ralph  Winwood  leaves 
the  Hague  —  Three  Armies  to  take  the  Field  against  Protestantism. 

SCHISM  in  the  Church  head  become  a  public  fact,  and  theo- 
logical hatred  was  in  full  blaze  throughout  the  country. 

The  great  practical  question  in  the  Church  had  been  as 
to  the  appointment  of  preachers,  wardens,  schoolmasters,  and 
other  officers.  By  the  ecclesiastical  arrangements  of  1591 
great  power  was  conceded  to  the  civil  authority  in  church 
matters,  especially  in  regard  to  such  appointments,  which 
were  made  by  a  commission  consisting  of  four  members 
named  by  the  churches  and  four  by  the  magistrates  in  each 
district.1 

Barneveld,  who  above  all  things  desired  peace  in  the 
Church,  had  wished  to  revive  this  ordinance,  and  in  1612 
it  had  been  resolved  by  the  States  of  Holland  that  each  city 
or  village  should,  if  the  magistracy  approved,  provisionally 
conform  to  it.  The  States  of  Utrecht  made  at  the  same 
time  a  similar  arrangement. 

1  Watrcnaar.  x.  5!).     '  Groot  Plak-  I  Van  Rees  and  Brill,  Continuation  of 
katboek,'  iii.  deol,  1>1.  4.59.     'Groot    Arend,  iii.  d.  ii.  stuk,  pp.  499.  eeq. 
Utrechtsch  Plakkat-boek.'  i.  d.  859. 1 


334  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.     CHAP.  VIIL 

It  was  the  controversy  which  has  been  going  on  since  the 
beginning  of  history  and  is  likely  to  be  prolonged  to  the 
end  of  time — the  struggle  for  power  between  the  sacerdotal 
and  political  orders  ;  the  controversy  whether  priests  shall 
control  the  state  or  the  state  govern  the  priests. 

This  was  the  practical  question  involved  in  the  fierce 
dispute  as  to  dogma.  The  famous  duel  between  Arminius 
and  Gomarus  ;  the  splendid  theological  tournaments  which 
succeeded  ;  six  champions  on  a  side  armed  in  full  theological 
panoply  and  swinging  the  sharpest  curtal  axes  which  learn- 
ing, passion,  and  acute  intellect  could  devise,  had  as  yet 
produced  no  beneficent  result.  Nobody  had  been  convinced 
by  the  shock  of  argument,  by  the  exchange  of  those 
desperate  blows.  The  High  Council  of  the  Hague 
had  declared  that  no  difference  of  opinion  in  the 
Church  existed  sufficient  to  prevent  fraternal  harmony  and 
happiness.  But  Gomarus  loudly  declared  that,  if  there  were 
no  means  of  putting  down  the  heresy  of  Arminius,  there 
would  before  long  be  a  struggle  such  as  would  set  province 
against  province,  village  against  village,  family  against 
family,  throughout  the  land.1  He  should  bo  afraid  to  die 
in  such  doctrine.  He  shuddered  that  any  one  should  dare 
to  come  before  God's  tribunal  with  such  blasphemies. 
Meantime  his  great  adversary,  the  learned  and  eloquent,  the 
musical,  frolicsome,  hospitable  heresiarch  was  no  more. 
Worn  out  with  controversy,  but  peaceful  and  happy  in  the 
convictions  which  were  so  bitterly  denounced  by  Gomarus 
and  a  large  proportion  of  both  preachers  and  laymen  in  the 
Netherlands,  and  convinced  that  the  schism  which  in  his 

Aug.  view  had  been  created  by  those  who  called  them- 
5091  selves  the  orthodox  would  weaken  the  cause  of 
Protestantism  throughout  Europe,  Arminius  died  at  the  age 
of  forty-nine. 

1  Van  Recs  and  Brill,  '  Vad.  Gesch.'  iii.  419,  422,  seq. 


RAGE  OF  JAMES  I.  AT  APPOINTMENT  OF  VORSTIUS.    335 

The  magistrates  throughout  Holland,  with  the  exception 
of  a  few  cities,  were  Anninian,  the  preachers  Gomarian ; 
for  Arminius  ascribed  to  the  civil  authority  the  right  to 
decide  upon  church  matters,  while  Gomarus  maintained  that 
ecclesiastical  affairs  should  be  regulated  in  ecclesiastical 
assemblies.  The  overseers  of  Lcyden  University  appointed 
Conrad  Vorstius  to  be  professor  of  theology  in  place  of  Armi- 
nius. The  selection  filled  to  the  brim  the  cup  of  bitterness, 
for  no  man  was  more  audaciously  latitudinarian  than  he. 
He  was  even  suspected  of  Socinianism.  There  came  a  shriek 
from  King  James,  fierce  and  shrill  enough  to  rouse  Arminius 
from  his  grave.  James  foamed  to  the  mouth  at  the  insolence 
of  the  overseers  in  appointing  such  a  monster  of  infidelity 
to  the  professorship.  He  ordered  his  books  to  be  publicly 
burned  in  St.  Paul's  Churchyard  and  at  both  Universities,1 
and  would  have  burned  the  Professor  himself  with  as  much 
delight  as  Torquemada  or  Peter  Titelrnan  ever  felt  in 
roasting  their  victims,  had  not  the  day  for  such  festivities 
gone  by.  He  ordered  the  States  of  Holland  on  pain  of  for 
ever  forfeiting  his  friendship  to  exclude  Vorstius  at  once 
from  the  theological  chair  and  to  forbid  him  from  "  nestling 
anywhere  in  the  country." 

He  declared  his  amazement  that  they  should  tolerate  such 
a  pest  as  Conrad  Vorstius.  Had  they  not  had  enough  of 
the  seed  sown  by  that  foe  of  God,  Arminius  ?  He  ordered  the 
States-General  to  chase  the  blasphemous  monster  from 
the  land,  or  else  he  would  cut  off  all  connection  with  their 
false  and  heretic  churches  and  make  the  other  Reformed 
churches  of  Europe  do  the  same,  nor  should  the  youth 
of  England  ever  bo  allowed  to  frequent  the  University  of 
Leyden.2 

In  point  of  fact  the  Professor  was  never  allowed  to  qualify, 
to  preach,  or  to  teach ;  so  tremendous  was  the  outcry  of 
1  Van  Rees  and  Brill, '  Vad.  Oesch.'  iii.  495.  *  Ibid.  '  Carleton  Letters.1 


336 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OP  BARNEVELD.     CHAP.  VIII. 


Peter  Plancius  and  many  orthodox  preachers,  echoing  the 
wrath  of  the  King.  He  lived  at  Gouda  in  a  private  capa- 
city  for  several  years,  until  the  Synod  of  Dordrecht  at  last 
publicly  condemned  his  opinions  and  deprived  him  of  his 
professorship. 

Meantime,  the  preachers  who  were  disciples  of  Arminius 
had  in  a  private  assembly  drawn  up  what  was  called  a 
Kemonstrance,  addressed  to  the  States  of  Holland,  and 
defending  themselves  from  the  reproach  that  they  were 
seeking  change  in  the  Divine  service  and  desirous  of 
creating  tumult  and  schism.1 

This  Kemonstrance,  set  forth  by  the  pen  of  the  famous 
Uytenbogacrt,  whom  Gomarus  called  the  Court  Trumpeter, 
because  for  a  long  time  he  had  been  Prince  Maurice's 
favourite  preacher,  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Barneveld, 
for  delivery  to  the  States  of  Holland.  Thenceforth  the 
Arminians  were  called  Remonstrants. 

The  Hague  Conference  followed,  six  preachers  on  a  side, 
and  the  States  of  Holland  exhorted  to  fraternal  compromise. 
Until  further  notice,  they  decreed  that  no  man  should  be 
required  to  believe  more  than  had  been  laid  down  in  the 
Five  Points. 

Before  the  conference,  however,  the  Gomarite  preachers 


1  Wagenaar,  x.  36,  37.  '  Haagsche 
Conferentie/i.  435.  Brandt, '  Hist,  der 
Ref.'  ii.  128.  Uytenbogaert,  524,  525. 

They  formulated  their  position  in 
the  famous  Five  Points : — 

I.  God  has  from  eternity  resolved 
to  choose  to  eternal  life  those  who 
through  his  grace  believe  in  Jesus 
Christ,  and  in  faith  and  obedience  so 
continue  to  the  end,  and  to  condemn 
the  unbelieving  and  unconverted  to 
eternal  damnation. 

II.  Jesus  Christ  died  for  all ;  so, 
nevertheless,  that  no  one  actually  ex- 
cept believers  is  redeemed  by  His 
death. 

HI.  Man  has  not  the  saving  belief 
from  himself,  nor  out  of  his  free  will, 


but  he  needs  thereto  God's  grace  in 
Christ. 

IV.  This  grace  is  the  beginning, 
continuation,  and  completion  of  man's 
salvation;  all  good  deeds  must  be 
ascribed  to  it,  but  it  does  not  work  ir- 
resistibly. 

V.  God's  grace  gives  sufficient 
strength  to  the  true  believers  to  over- 
come evil ;  but  whether  they  cannot 
lose  grace  should  be  more  closely  ex- 
amined before  it  should  be  taught  in 
full  security. 

Afterwards  they  expressed  them- 
selves more  distinctly  on  this  point, 
and  declared  that  a  true  believer, 
through  his  own  fault,  can  fall  away 
from  God  and  lose  faith. 


1609. 


THE  FIVE  AND  THE  SEVEN  POINTS. 


337 


had  drawn  np  a  Contra-Remonstrance  of  Seven  Points  in 
opposition  to  the  Remonstrants'  five.1 

They  demanded  the  holding  of  a  National  Synod  to 
settle  the  difference  between  these  Five  and  Seven  Points,  or 
the  sending  of  them  to  foreign  universities  for  arbitration, 
a  mutual  promise  being  given  by  the  contending  parties  to 
abide  by  the  decision. 

Thus  much  it  has  been  necessary  to  state  concerning 
what  in  the  seventeenth  century  was  called  the  platform  of 
the  two  great  parties  :  a  term  which  has  been  perpetuated 
in  our  own  country,  and  is  familiar  to  all  the  world  in  the 
nineteenth. 

There  shall  be  no  more  setting  forth  of  these  subtle  and 
finely  wrought  abstractions  in  our  pages.  "We  aspire  not  to 
the  lofty  heights  of  theological  and  supernatural  contem- 
plation, where  the  atmosphere  becomes  too  rarefied  for 


1  Authorities  last  cited. 

These  were  the  Seven  Points : — 

I.  God  has  chosen  from  eternity 
certain  persons  oat  of  the  human  race, 
which  in  and  with  Adam  fell  into  sin 
and  has  no  more  power  to  believe  and 
convert  itself  than  a  dead  man  to  re- 
store himself  to  life,  in  order  to  make 
them  blessed  through  Christ ;  while 
He  passes  by  the  rest  through  His 
righteous  judgment,  and  leaves  them 
lying  in  their  sins. 

II.  Children  of  believing  parents, 
as  well  as  full-grown  believers,  arc  to 
be  considered  as  elect  so  long  as  they 
with  action  do  not  prove  the  contrary. 

HI.  God  in  His  election  has  not 
looked  at  the  belief  and  the  repent- 
ance of  the  elect ;  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, in  His  eternal  and  unchange- 
able design,  has  resolved  to  give  to 
the  elect  faith  and  stedfastness,  and 
thus  to  make  them  blessed. 

IV.  He,  to  this  end,  in  the  first 
place,  presented  to  them  His  only  be- 
got tenSon,  whose  snfferings.aHhough 
sufficient  for  the  expiation  of  all  men's 
sins,  nevertheless,  according  to  God's 
decree,  serves  alone  to  the  reconcilia- 

VOL.   I. 


tion  of  the  elect. 

V.  God  causest  he  Gospel  to  be 
preached  to  them,  making  the  same, 
through  the  Holy  Ghost,  of  strength 
upon  their  minds  ;  so  that  they  not 
merely  obtain  power  to  repent  and  to 
believe,  but  also  actually  and  volun- 
tarily do  repent  and  believe. 

VI.  Such  elect,  through  the  same 
power  of  the  Holy  Ghost  through 
which  they  have  once  become  repent- 
ant and  believing,  are  kept  in  such 
wise  that  they  indeed  through  weak- 
ness fall  into  heavy  sins  ;    but  can 
never  wholly  and  for  always  lose  the 
true  faith. 

VII.  True  believers    from    this, 
however,  draw  no  reason  for  fleshly 
quiet,  it  being  impossible  that  they 
who  through  a  true  faith  ware  planted 
in  Christ  should  bring  forth  no  fruit* 
of  thankfulness;  the  promises  of  God's 
help  and  the  warnings  of  Scripture 
tending  to  make  their  salvation  work 
in  them  in  fear  and  trembling,  and  to 
cause  them  more  earnestly  to  desire 
help  from  that  spirit  without  which 
they  can  do  nothing. 


338  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.     CHAP.  VIIL 

ordinary  constitutions.  Bather  we  attempt  an  objective  and 
level  survey  of  remarkable  phenomena  manifesting  them- 
selves on  the  earth ;  direct  or  secondary  emanations  from 
those  distant  spheres. 

For  in  those  days,  and  in  that  land  especially,  theology 
and  politics  were  one.  It  may  be  questioned  at  least  whether 
this  practical  fusion  of  elements,  which  may  with  more 
safety  to  the  Commonwealth  be  kept  separate,  did  not  tend 
'  quite  as  much  to  lower  and  contaminate  the  religious  senti- 
ments as  to  elevate  the  political  idea.  To  mix  habitually 

*  the  solemn  phraseology  which  men  love  to  reserve  for  their 

*  highest   and   most    sacred  needs   with   the  familiar  slang 

*  of  politics  and  trade  seems  to  our  generation  not  a  very 
.  desirable  proceeding. 

The  aroma  of  doubly  distilled  and  highly  sublimated 
dogma  is  more  difficult  to  catch  than  to  comprehend  the 
broader  and  more  practical  distinctions  of  e very-day  party 
strife. 

King  James  was  furious  at  the  thought  that  common  men 
— the  vulgar,  the  people  in  short — should  dare  to  discuss 
deep  problems  of  divinity  which,  as  he  confessed,  had  puzzled 
even  his  royal  mind.  Barneveld  modestly  disclaimed  the 
power  of  seeing  with  absolute  clearness  into  things  beyond 
the  reach  of  the  human  intellect.  But  the  honest  Nether- 
landers  were  not  abashed  by  thunder  from  the  royal  pulpit, 
nor  perplexed  by  hesitations  which  darkened  the  soul  of 
the  great  Advocate. 

In  burghers'  mansions,  peasants'  cottages,  mechanics'  back- 
parlours,  on  board  herring  smacks,  canal  boats,  and  East 
Indiamen;  in  shops,  counting-rooms,  farmyards,  guard-rooms, 
ale-houses ;  on  the  exchange,  in  the  tennis-court,  on  the 
mall ;  at  banquets,  at  burials,  christenings,  or  bridals ; 
Vherever  and  whenever  human  creatures  met  each  other, 
there  was  ever  to  be  found  the  fierce  wrangle  of  Bemon 


1609.  FIERCE  THEOLOGICAL  DISPUTES.  339 

strant  and    Contra-Remonstrant,   the    hissing    of    red-hot* 
theological  rhetoric,   the  pelting    of  hostile    texts.      The  * 
blacksmith's  iron  cooled  on  the  anvil,  the  tinker  dropped  a 
kettle  half  mended,  the  broker  left  a  bargain  unclinched, 
the  Scheveningen  fisherman  in  his  wooden  shoes  forgot  the 
cracks  in  his  pinkie,  while  each  paused  to  hold  high  con-  - 
verse  with  friend  or  foe  on  fate,  free  will,  or  absolute  fore- 
knowledge ;    losing    himself   in  wandering    mazes   whence 
there  was  no  issue.    Province  against  province,  city  against 
city,  family  against  family ;    it  was    one  vast    scene    of  • 
bickering,  denunciation,  heartburnings,  mutual  excommuni-, 
cation  and  hatred. 

Alas  !    a  generation  of  mankind  before,  men  had  stood 
banded  together  to  resist,  with  all  the  might  that  comes 
from  union,  the  fell  spirit  of  the  Holy  Inquisition,  which 
was  dooming  all  who  had  wandered  from  the  ancient  fold 
or  resisted  foreign  tyranny  to  the  axe,  the  faggot,  the  living 
grave.     There  had  been  small  leisure  then  for  men  who  , 
fought  for  Fatherland,  and  for  comparative  liberty  of  con-  /• 
science,  to  tear  each  others'  characters  in  pieces,  and  to  / 
indulge  in  mutual  hatreds  and  loathing  on  the  question  of  , 
predestination. 

As  a  rule  the  population,  especially  of  the  humbler  classes* 
and  a  great  majority  of  the  preachers  were  Contra-Remon- 
strant ;  the  magistrates,  the  burgher  patricians,  were 
Remonstrant.  In  Holland  the  controlling  influence  was  Re- 
monstrant ;  but  Amsterdam  and  four  or  five  other  cities  of 
that  province  held  to  the  opposite  doctrine.  These  cities 
formed  therefore  a  small  minority  in  the  States  Assembly  of 
Holland  sustained  by  a  large  majority  in  the  States-General. 
The  Province  of  Utrecht  was  almost  unanimously  Remon- 
strant. The  five  other  provinces  were  decidedly  Contra- 
Remonstrant.  * 

It  is  obvious  therefore  that  the  influence  of  Barncveld, 


340  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.    CHAP.VHI. 

hitherto  so  all-controlling  in  the  Statcs-Generni,  and  which 
rested  on  the  complete  submission  of  the  States  of  Holland 
-»  to  his  will,  was  tottering.  The  battle-line  between  Church 
and  State  was  now  drawn  up  ;  and  it  was  at  the  same  time 
a  battle  between  the  union  and  the  principles  of  state 
sovereignty. 

It  had  long  since  been  declared  through  the  mouth  of  the 
Advocate,  but  in  a  solemn  state  manifesto,  that  My  Lords 
the  States-General  were  the  foster-fathers  and  the  natural 
protectors  of  the  Church,  to  whom  supreme  authority  in 
church  matters  belonged.1 

The  Contra-Kemonstrants,  on  the  other  hand,  maintained 
that  all  the  various  churches  made  up  one  indivisible  church, 
seated  above  the  States,  whether  Provincial  or  General,  and 
governed  by  the  Holy  Ghost  acting  directly  upon  the  con- 
gregations. 

**  As  the  schism  grew  deeper  and  the  States-General  receded 
from  the  position  which  they  had  taken  up  under  the  lead 
of  the  Advocate,  the  scene  was  changed.  A  majority  of  the 
Provinces  being  Contra-Eemonstrant,  and  therefore  in  favour 
of  a  National  Synod,  the  States-General  as  a  body  were  of 
necessity  for  the  Synod. 

It  was  felt  by  the  clergy  that,  if  many  churches  existed, 
they  would  all  remain  subject  to  the  civil  authority. 
The  power  of  the  priesthood  would  thus  sink  before 
that  of  the  burgher  aristocracy.  There  must  be  one 
church — the  Church  of  Geneva  and  Heidelberg — if  that 
theocracy  which  the  Gomarites  meant  to  establish  was  not 
to  vanish  as  a  dream.  It  was  founded  on  Divine  Right,  and 
knew  no  chief  magistrate  but  the  Holy  Ghost.  A  few  years 
before  the  States-General  had  agreed  to  a  National  Synod, 
but -with  a  condition  that  there  should  be  revision  of  the 
Netherland  Confession  and  the  Heidelberg  Catechism. 

1  Van  Rees  and  Brill,  iii.  422.    Baudart.  i.  9, 10. 


1609.  FIERCE  THEOLOGICAL  DISPUTES.  341 

Against  this  the  orthodox  infallibilists  had  protested  and 
.  thundered,  because  it  was  an  admission  that  the  vile  Armi- 
nian  heresy  might  perhaps  be  declared  correct,  'it  was  now 
however  a  matter  of  certainty  that  the  States-General  would 
cease  to  oppose  the  unconditional  Synod,  because  the  majority 
sided  with  the  priesthood./ 

The  magistrates  of  Leyden  had  not  long  before  opposed 
the  demand  for  a  Synod  on  the  ground  that  the  war  against 
Spain  was  not  undertaken  to  maintain  one  sect ;  that  men  of 
various  sects  and  creeds  had  fought  with  equal  valour  against 
the  common  foe  ;  that  religious  compulsion  was  hateful,  and 
that  no  synod  had  a  right  to  claim  Netherlanders  as  slaves.1 

To  thoughtful  politicians  like  Barneveld,  Hugo  Grotius, 
and  men  who  acted  with  them,  that  seemed  a  doctrine 
fraught  with  danger  to  the  state,  by  which  mankind  were 
not  regarded  as  saved  or  doomed  according  to  belief  or 
deeds,  but  as  individuals  divided  from  all  eternity  into  two 
classes  which  could  never  be  united,  but  must  ever  mutually 
regard  each  other  as  enemies.^ 

And  like  enemies  Netherlanders  were  indeed  beginning 
to  regard  each  other.  The  men  who,  banded  like  brothers, 
had  so  heroically  fought  for  two  generations  long  for  liberty 
against  an  almost  superhuman  despotism,  now  howling  and 
jeering  against  each  other  like  demons,  seemed  determined 
to  bring  the  very  name  of  liberty  into  contempt.' 

Where  the  Remonstrants  were  in  the  ascendant,  they 
excited  the  hatred  and  disgust  of  the  orthodox  by  their 
overbearing  determination  to  carry  their  Five  Points.  A 
broker  in  Rotterdam  of  the  Contra- Remonstrant  persuasion, 
being  about  to  take  a  wife,  swore  he  had  rather  be  married 
by  a  pig  than  a  parson.  For  this  sparkling  epigram  he 
was  punished  by  the  Remonstrant  magistracy  with  loss  of 
his  citizenship  for  a  year  and  the  right  to  practise  his  trade 
1  Van  Rees  and  Brill, '  Vad.  Gesch."  iii.  499  seg. 


342  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN    OF  BAENEVELD.     CHAP.  VIII. 

U 

for  life.      A  casuistical  tinker,  expressing  himself  violently 

in  the  same  city  against  the  Five  Points,  and  disrespectfully 
towards  the  magistrates  for  tolerating  them,  was  banished 
from  the  town.2^  A  printer  in  the  neighbourhood,  disgusted 
with  these  and  similar  efforts  of  tyranny  on  the  part  of  the 
dominant  party,  thrust  a  couple  of  lines  of  doggrel  into  the 
lottery : 

"  In  name  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  I  ask  once  and  again, 
What  difference  between  the  Inquisition  of  Rotterdam  and  Spain  ? " 

For  this  poetical  effort  the  printer  was  sentenced  to  forfeit 
the  prize  that  he  had  drawn  in  the  lottery,  and  to  be  kept  in 
prison  on  bread  and  water  for  a  fortnight.3 

Certainly  such  punishments  were  hardly  as  severe  as 
being  beheaded  or  burned  or  buried  alive,  as  would  have 
been  the  lot  of  tinkers  and  printers  and  brokers  who 
opposed  the  established  church  in  the  days  of  Alva,  but  the 
demon  of  intolerance,  although  its  fangs  were  drawn,  still 
survived,  and  had  taken  possession  of  both  parties  in  the 
Keformed  Church:  For  it  was  the  Kcmonstrants  who  had 
possession  of  the  churches  at  Eotterdam,  and  the  printer's 
distich  is  valuable  as  pointing  out  that  the  name  of  prango 
was  beginning  to  identify  itself  with  the  Contra-Kemon- 
strant  faction.  At  this  time,  on  the  other  hand,  the  gabble 
that  Barneveld  had  been  bought  by  Spanish  gold,  and  was 
about  to  sell  his  country  to  Spain,  became  louder  than  a 
whisper.^  Men  were  not  ashamed,  from  theological  hatred, 
to  utter  such  senseless  calumnies  against  a  venerable  states- 
man whose  long  life  had  been  devoted  to  the  cause  of  his 
country's  independence  and  to  the  death  struggle  with 
Spain. 

*  As  if  because  a  man  admitted  the  possibility  of  all  his 
fellow-creatures  being  saved  from  damnation  through  re- 

1  Wagenaar,  s.  82,  83.  *  Ibid.  3  Ibid. 


1616.  RTSWTK  SECESSION.  343 

pentance  and  the  grace  of  God,  he  must  inevitably  be  a 
traitor  to  his   country  and  a  pensionary  of  her  deadliest  • 
foe. 

And  where  the  Contra-Kemonstrants  held  possession  of 
the  churches  and  the  city  governments,  acts  of  tyranny 
which  did  not  then  seem  ridiculous  were  of  everyday  occur- 
rence. Clergymen,  suspected  of  the  Five  Points,  were  driven 
out  of  the  pulpits  with  bludgeons  or  assailed  with  brickbats 
at  the  church  door.  At  Amsterdam,  Simon  Goulart,  for 
preaching  the  doctrine  of  universal  salvation  and  for  dis- 
puting the  eternal  damnation  of  young  children,  was  for- 
bidden thenceforth  to  preach  at  all.1  • 

But  it  was  at  the  Hague  that  the  schism  in  religion  and 
politics  first  fatally  widened  itself.  Henry  Rosaeus,  an 
eloquent  divine,  disgusted  with  his  colleague  Uytenbogaert, 
refused  all  communion  with  him,  and  was  in  consequence 
suspended.  Excluded  from  the  Great  Church,  where  he  had 
formerly  ministered,  he  preached  every  Sunday  at  Ryswyk, 
two  or  three  miles  distant.2  Seven  hundred  Contra-Re- 
monstrants  of  the  Hague  followed  their  beloved  Feb  12> 
pastor,  and,  as  the  roads  to  Ryswyk  were  muddy  161G- 
and  sloppy  in  winter,  acquired  the  unsavouiy  nickname  of 
the  "  Mud  Beggars."  The  vulgarity  of  heart  which  sug- 
gested the  appellation  does  not  inspire  to-day  great  sym- 
pathy with  the  Remonstrant  party,  even  if  one  were 
inclined  to  admit,  what  is  not  the  fact,  that  they  repre- 
sented the  cause  of  religious  equality.  For  even  the 
illustrious  Grotius  was  at  that  very  moment  repudiating 
the  notion  that  there  could  be  two  religions  in  one  state. 
^Difference  in  public  worship,"  he  said,  "was  in  king- 
doms pernicious,  but  in  free  commonwealths  in  the  highest 
degree  destructive."  3' 

1  Wagonaar,  x.  80,  87.     Brandt,  '  Hist.  Ref.'  ii.  261,  sea. 
*  Van  der  Kemp,  iv.  2.  »  Wagenaar,  x.  137. 


344  THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OP  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  VIII. 

It  was  the  struggle  between  Church  and  State  for  su- 
premacy over  the  whole  body  politic.  "  The  Reformation," 
said  Grotius,  "  was  not  brought  about  by  synods,  but  by 
kings,  princes,  and  magistrates."  It  was  the  same  eternal 
story,  the  same  terrible  two-edged  weapon,  "  Cujus  regio 
efus  religio,"  found  in  the  arsenal  of  the  first  Reformers,  and 
in  every  politico-religious  arsenal  of  history. 

"  By  an  eternal  decree  of  God,"  said  Gomarus  in  accordance 
with  Calvin,  "it  has  been  fixed  who  are  to  be  saved  and 
who  damned.  By  His  decree  some  are  drawn  to  faith  and 
godliness,  and,  being  drawn,  can  never  fall  away.  God 
leaves  all  the  rest  in  the  general  corruption  of  human  nature 
and  their  own  misdeeds." * 

"  God  has  from  eternity  made  this  distinction  in  the  fallen 
human  race,"  said  Arminius,  "  that  He  pardons  those  who 
desist  from  their  sins  and  put  their  faith  in  Christ,  and  will 
give  them  eternal  life,  but  will  punish  those  who  remain 
impenitent.  Moreover,  it  is  pleasanter  to  God  that  all  men 
should  repent,  and,  coining  to  knowledge  of  truth,  remain 
therein,  but  He  compels  none." 2 

This  was  the  vital  difference  of  dogma.  And  it  was  because 
they  could  hold  no  communion  with  those  who  believed  in 
the  efficacy  of  repentance  that  Rosaeus  and  his  followers 
had  seceded  to  Ryswyk,  and  the  Reformed  Church  had  been 
torn  into  two  very  unequal  parts.  But  it  is  difficult  to 
believe  that  out  of  this  arid  field  of  controversy  so  plentiful 
a  harvest  of  hatred  and  civil  convulsion  could  have  ripened. 
More  practical  than  the  insoluble  problems,  whether  repent- 
ance could  eifect  salvation,  and  whether  dead  infants  were 
~  hopelessly  damned,  was  the  question  who  should  rule  both 
Church  and  State. 

There  could  be  but  one  church.     On  that  Remonstrants 

1  Wagenaar,  x.  15,  16.    Gomari  'Op.'  p.  i.  428  ;  p.  ii.  27,  277,  280. 
9  Arminii  '  Opera,'  pp.  283,  288,  389,  943.    Wag.  ulri  sup. 


1616.  MAURICE  WISHES  TO  REMAIN  NEUTRAL.  345 

and  Contra-Kemonstrants  were  agreed.  But  should  the  Five  ' 
Points  or  the  Seven  Points  obtain  the  mastery  ?  Should  that 
framework  of  hammered  iron,  the  Confession  and  Catechism, 
be  maintained  in  all  its  rigidity  around  the  sheepfold,  or 
should  the  disciples  of  the  arch-heretic  Anninius,  the 
salvation-mongers,  be  permitted  to  prowl  within  it  ? 

"Was  Barneveld,  who  hated  the  Keformed  religion1  (so 
men  told  each  other),  and  who  believed  in  nothing,  to  con- 
tinue dictator  of  the  whole  Kepublic  through  his  influence 
over  one  province,  prescribing  its  religious  dogmas  and  lay-  7) 
ing  down  its  laws  ;  or  had  not  the  time  come  for  the  States- 
General  to  vindicate  the  rights  of  the  Church,  and  to  crush 
for  ever  the  pernicious  principle  of  State  sovereignty  and 
burgher  oligarchy  ? 

The  abyss  was  wide  and  deep,  and  the  wild  waves  were 
raging  more  madly  every  hour.  The  Advocate,  anxious  and 
troubled,  but  undismayed,  did  his  best  in  the  terrible 
emergency.  He  conferred  with  Prince  Maurice  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  Kyswyk  secession,  and  men  said  that  he  sought 
to  impress  upon  him,  as  chief  of  the  military  forces,  the 
necessity  of  putting  down  religious  schism  with  the  armed  I 
hand. 

The  Prince  had  not  yet  taken  a  decided  position.  He 
was  still  under  the  influence  of  John  Uytenbogaert,  who 
with  Arminius  and  the  Advocate  made  up  the  fateful  three 
from  whom  deadly  disasters  were  deemed  to  have  come  upon 
the  Commonwealth.  He  wished  to  remain  neutral.  But  no 
man  can  be  neutral  in  civil  contentions  threatening  the  life 
of  the  body  politic  any  more  than  the  heart  can  be  indif- 
ferent if  the  human  frame  is  sawn  in  two. 

"  I  am  a  soldier,"  said  Maurice,  "  not  a  divine.  These  are 
matters  of  theology  which  I  don't  understand,  and  about 
which  I  don't  trouble  myself."  : 

1  Van  dcr  Kemp,  iv.  5.  *  Brandt,  ii.  558.    Van  der  Kemp,  iv.  20. 


346  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.     CHAP.  VIII. 

On  another  occasion  he  is  reported  to  have  said,  "  I  know 
nothing  of  predestination,  whether  it  is  green  or  whether  it 
is  hlue  ;  but  I  do  know  that  the  Advocate's  pipe  and  mine 
will  never  play  the  same  tune."  * 

It  was  not  long  before  he  fully  comprehended  the  part 
which  he  must  necessarily  play.  To  say  that  he  was  in- 
different to  religious  matters  was  as  ridiculous  as  to  make 
a  like  charge  against  Barneveld.  Both  were  religious 
men.  It  would  have  been  almost  impossible  to  find  an 
irreligious  character  in  that  country,  certainly  not  among 
its  highest-placed  and  leading  minds.  Maurice  had  strong 
intellectual  powers.  He  was  a  regular  attendant  on  divine 
worship,  and  was  accustomed  to  hear  daily  religious 
discussions.  To  avoid  them  indeed,  he  would  have  been 
obliged  not  only  to  fly  his  country,  but  to  leave  Europe. 
He  had  a  profound  reverence  for  the  memory  of  his  father, 
Calbo  y  Calbanista,  as  William  the  Silent  had  called 
himself.  But  the  great  prince  had  died  before  these  fierce 
disputes  had  torn  the  bosom  of  the  Reformed  Church,  and 
while  Reformers  still  were  brethren.  But  if  Maurice  were  a 
religious  man,  he  was  also  a  keen  politician  ;  a  less  capable 
politician,  however,  than  a  soldier,  for  he  was  confessedly  the 
first  captain  of  his  age.  He  was  not  rapid  in  his  concep- 
tions, but  he  was  sure  in  the  end  to  comprehend  his  oppor- 
tunity. 

,  The  Church,  the  people,  the  Union — the  sacerdotal,  the 
democratic,  and  the  national  element — united  under  a  name 
so  potent  to  conjure  with  as  the  name  of  Orange-Nassau,  was 
stronger  than  any  other  possible  combination.  Instinctively 
and  logically  therefore  the  Stadholder  found  himself  the 
chieftain  of  the  Contra-Remonstrant  party,  and  without 
the  necessity  of  an  apostasy  such  as  had  been  required  of 
his  great  contemporary  to  make  himself  master  of  France. 
1  Van  Kampen,  vol.  ii. 


HE  FINDS  HIMSELF  CHIEF  OF  CON  TRA-REMONSTR  ANTS.    347 

The  power  of  Barneveld  and  his  partisans  was  now  put 
to  a  severe  strain.  His  efforts  to  bring  back  the  Hague 
seceders  were  powerless.  The  influence  of  Uytenbogaert 
over  the  Stadholder  steadily  diminished.  He  prayed  to  be 
relieved  from  his  post  in  the  Great  Church  of  the  Hague, 
especially  objecting  to  serve  with  a  Contra-Remonstrant 
preacher  whom  Maurice  wished  to  officiate  there  in  place  of 
the  seceding  Rosaeus.  But  the  Stadholder  refused  to  let 
him  go,  fearing  his  influence  in  other  places.  "  There  is 
stuff  in  him/'  said  Maurice,  "to  outweigh  half  a  dozen 
Contra-Remonstrant  preachers."  l  Everywhere  in  Holland 
the  opponents  of  the  Five  Points  refused  to  go  to  the 
churches,  and  set  up  tabernacles  for  themselves  in  barns, 
outhouses,  canal-boats.  And  the  authorities  in  town  and 
village  nailed  up  the  barn-doors,  and  dispersed  the  canal- 
boat  congregations,  while  the  populace  pelted  them  with 
stones.  The  seceders  appealed  to  the  Stadholder,  pleading 
that  at  least  they  ought  to  be  allowed  to  hear  the  word  of 
God  as  they  understood  it  without  being  forced  into  churches 
where  they  were  obliged  to  hear  Arminian  blasphemy.  At 
least  their  barns  might  be  left  them.  "  Barns,"  said 
Maurice,  "  barns  and  outhouses  !  Are  we  to  preach  in  barns  ? 
The  churches  belong  to  us,  and  we  mean  to  have  them  too." 2 

Not  long  afterwards  the  Stadholder,  clapping  his  hand  on 
his  sword  hilt,  observed  that  these  differences  could  only  bo 
settled  by  force  of  arms.3  An  ominous  remark  and  a  dreary 
comment  on  the  forty  years'  war  against  the  Inquisition. 

And  the  same  scenes  that  were  enacting  in  Holland  were 
going  on  in  Ovcryssel  and  Friesland  and  Groningen  ;  but 
with  a  difference.  Here  it  was  the  Five  Points  men  who  were 
driven  into  secession,  whose  barns  were  nailed  up,  and  whose 
preachers  were  mobbed.  A  lugubrious  spectacle,  but  less 

1  Van  dcr  Kemp.  iv.  21.  »  Ibid.  22. 

8  Wngenaar,  x.  201.    'Uytcnb.  Loven,'  c.  is.  122. 


348  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  VIII. 

painful  certainly  than  the  hangings  and  drownings  and 
burnings  alive  in  the  previous  century  to  prevent  secession 
from  the  indivisible  church. 

It  is  certain  that  stadholders  and  all  other  magistrates 
ever  since  the  establishment  of  independence  were  sworn  to 
maintain  the  Keformed  religion  and  to  prevent  a  public 
divine  worship  under  any  other  form.  It  is  equally  certain 
that  by  the  13th  Article  of  the  Act  of  Union — the  organic 
law  of  the  confederation  made  at  Utrecht  in  1579 — each 
province  reserved  for  itself  full  control  of  religious  questions. 
It  would  indeed  seem  almost  unimaginable  in  a  country 
where  not  only  every  province,  but  every  city,  every  muni- 
cipal board,  was  so  jealous  of  its  local  privileges  and  tradi- 
tional rights  that  the  absolute  disposition  over  the  highest, 
gravest,  and  most  difficult  questions  that  can  inspire  and 
perplex  humanity  should  be  left  to  a  general  government, 
and  one  moreover  which  had  scarcely  come  into  existence. 
»  Yet  into  this  entirely  illogical  position  the  Commonwealth 
was  steadily  drifting.  The  cause  was  simple  enough.  The 
States  of  Holland,  as  already  observed,  were  Kemonstrant  by 
a  large  majority.  The  States-General  were  Contra-Remon- 
strant by  a  still  greater  majority.  The  Church,  rigidly  at- 
tached to  the  Confession  and  Catechism,  and  refusing  all 
change  except  through  decree  of  a  synod  to  be  called  by  the 
general  government  which  it  controlled,  represented  the  na- 
tional idea.  It  thus  identified  itself  with  the  Republic,  and 
was  in  sympathy  with  a  large  majority  of  the  population. 

Logic,  law,  historical  tradition  were  on  the  side  of  the 
Advocate  and  the  States'  right  party.  The  instinct  of 
national  self-preservation,  repudiating  the  narrow  and  de- 
structive doctrine  of  provincial  sovereignty,  were  on  the  side 
of  the  States-General  and  the  Church. 

Meantime  James  of  Great  Britain  had  written  letters  both 
to  the  States  of  Holland  and  the  States-General  expressing 


1613. 


THE  STATES  OF  HOLLAND  REMONSTRANT. 


349 


1613. 


his  satisfaction  with  the  Five  Points,  and  deciding  that  there 
was  nothing  objectionable  in  the  doctrine  of  predestination 
therein  set  forth.  He  had  recommended  unity  and  peace  in 
Church  and  Assembly,  and  urged  especially  that  these  con- 
troverted points  should  not  be  discussed  in  the  pulpit  to  the 
irritation  and  perplexity  of  the  common  people. 

The  King's  letters  had  produced  much  satisfaction  in  the 
moderate  party.  Barneveld  and  his  followers  were  then  still 
in  the  ascendant,  and  it  seemed  possible  that  the 
Commonwealth  might  enjoy  a  few  moments  of 
tranquillity.  That  James  had  given  a  new  exhibition  of 
his  astounding  inconsistency  was  a  matter  very  indifferent 
to  all  but  himself,  and  he  was  the  last  man  to  trouble 
himself  for  that  reproach. 

It  might  happen,  when  he  should  come  to  realize  how 
absolutely  he  had  obeyed  the  tuition  of  the  Advocate  and 
favoured  the  party  which  he  had  been  so  vehemently  op- 
posing, that  he  might  regret  and  prove  willing  to  retract. 
But  for  the  time  being  the  course  of  politics  had  seemed 
running  smoother.  The  acrimony  of  the  relations  between* 
the  English  government  and  dominant  party  at  the  Hague 
was  sensibly  diminished.  The  King  seemed  for  an  instant  to 
have  obtained  a  true  insight  into  the  nature  of  the  struggle 
in  the  States.  That  it  was  after  all  less  a  theological  than  a 
political  question  which  divided  parties  had  at  last  dawned 
upon  him.  \ 

"If  you  have  occasion  to  write  on  the  subject,"  said  Bar- 
neveld,1 "  it  is  above  all  necessary  to  make  if  clear  that  eccle- 
siastical persons  and  their  affairs  must  stand  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  sovereign  authority ,\for  our  preachers  understand 
that  the  disposal  of  ecclesiastical  persons  and  affairs  belongs 


1  Barneveld  to  Cnron,  11  Feb.  1613. 
(Hague  Archives  MS.) 

*  These  lines  arc  underlined  in  tho 
original  despatch :  "datdio  kercke- 


lycko  pcreoncn  ende  hare  zaeckon 
moeten  staan  onder  die  directie  van 
de  Bouveraine  Overicheyt,"  &c. 


350  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAKNEVELD.    CHAP.  VIII. 

to  them,  so  that  they  alone  are  to  appoint  preachers,  elders, 
'deacons,  and  other  clerical  persons,  and  to  regulate  the 
whole  ecclesiastical  administration  according  to  their 
pleasure  or  by  a  popular  government  which  they  call  the 
community."*- 

"  The  Counts  of  Holland  from  all  ancient  times  were  never 
willing  under  the  Papacy  to  surrender  their  right  of  pre- 
sentation to  the  churches  and  control  of  all  spiritual  and 
ecclesiastical  benefices.  The  Emperor  Charles  and  King 
Philip  even,  as  Counts  of  Holland,  kept  these  rights  to 
themselves,  save  that  they  in  enfeoffing  more  than  a  hundred 
gentlemen,  of  noble  and  ancient  families  with  seigniorial 
manors,  enfeoffed  them  also  with  the  right  of  presentation 
to  churches  and  benefices  on  their  respective  estates.  Our 
preachers  pretend  to  have  won  thip  right  against  the 
Countship,  the  gentlemen,  nobles,  an<t  others,  and  that  it 
belongs  to  them." 1 

f  It  is  easy  to  see  that  this  was  a  grave,  constitutional, 
legal,  and  historical  problem  not  to  be  solved  offhand  by 
vehement  citations  from  Scripture,  nor  by  pragmatical  dis- 
sertations from  the  lips  of  foreign  ambassadors. 

"  I  believe  this  point,"  continued  Barneveld,  "  to  be  the 
most  difficult  question  of  all,  importing  far  more  than  subtle 
searchings  and  conflicting  sentiments  as  to  passages  of  Holy 
Writ,  or  disputations  concerning  God's  eternal  predestina- 
tion and  other  points  thereupon  depending.  Of  these 
doctrines  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  well  observed  in  the 
Conference  of  1604  that  one  ought  to  teach  them  ascendendo 
and  not  descendendo." 

The  letters  of  the  King  had  been  very  favourably  received 

both  in  the  States-General  and  in  the  Assembly  of  Holland. 

"  You  will  present  the  replies,"  wrote  Barneveld  to   the 

ambassador  in  London,  "  at  the  best  opportunity  and  with 

1  Barneveld  to  Caron,  3  April  1613.     (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


1613.       THE  STATES-GENERAL  CONTRA-REMONSTRANT.        351 

becoming  compliments.  You  may  be  assured  and  assure 
his  Majesty  that  they  have  been  very  agreeable  to  both 
assemblies.  Our  commissioners  over  there  on  the  East 
Indian  matter  ought  to  know  nothing  of  these  letters." 1 

This  statement  is  worthy  of  notice,  as  Grotius  was  one  of 
those  commissioners,  and,  as  will  subsequently  appear,  was 
accused  of  being  the  author  of  the  letters. 

"I  understand  from  others,"  continued  the  Advocate, 
"  that  the  gentleman  well  known  to  you 2  is  not  well  pleased 
that  through  other  agency  than  his  these  letters  have  been 
written  and  presented.  I  think  too  that  the  other  business 
is  much  against  his  grain,  but  on  the  whole  since  your 
departure  he  has  accommodated  himself  to  the  situation." 

But  if  Aerssens  for  the  moment  seemed  quiet,  the  orthodox 
clergy  were  restive. 

"  I  know,"  said  Barneveld,3  "  that  some  of  our  ministers 
are  so  audacious  that  of  themselves,  or  through  others,  they 
mean  to  work  by  direct  or  indirect  means  against  these 
letters.  They  mean  to  show  likewise  that  there  are  other 
and  greater  differences  of  doctrine  than  those  already  dis- 
cussed. You  will  keep  a  sharp  eye  on  the  sails  and  provide 
against  the  effect  of  counter-currents.  To  maintain  the 
authority  of  their  Great  Mightinesses  over  ecclesiastical 
matters  is  more  than  necessary  for  the  conservation  of  the 
country's  welfare  and  of  the  true  Christian  religion.  As  his 
Majesty  would  not  allow  this  principle  to  be  controverted  in 
his  own  realms,  as  his  books  clearly  prove,  so  we  trust  that 
he  will  not  find  it  good  that  it  should  be  controverted  in 
our  state  as  sure  to  lead  to  a  very  disastrous  and  inequitable 
sequel." 

And  a  few  weeks  later  the  Advocate  and  the  whole  party 
of  toleration  found  themselves,  as  is  so  apt  to  be  the  case, 

1  Barneveld  to  Caron,  8  April  1013.    (Hague  Archives  MS.) 
*  Obviously  Francis  Acrssens.  *  MS.  just  cited 


352  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.    CHAP.  VIII. 

between  two  fires.  The  Catholics  became  as  turbulent  as 
the  extreme  Calvinists,  and  already  hopes  were  entertained 
by  Spanish  emissaries  and  spies  that  this  rapidly  growing 
schism  in  the  Reformed  Church  might  be  dexterously  made 
use  of  to  bring  the  Provinces,  when  they  should  become 
fairly  distracted,  back  to  the  dominion  of  Spain. 

"Our  precise  zealots  in  the  Keformed  religion,  on  the  one 
side,"  wrote  Barneveld,1  "and  the  Jesuits  on  the  other,  are 
vigorously  kindling  the  fire  of  discord.  Keep  a  good  look- 
out for  the  countermine  which  is  now  working  against 
the  good  advice  of  his  Majesty  for  mutual  toleration.  The 
publication  of  the  letters  was  done  without  order,  but  I 
believe  with  good  intent,  in  the  hope  that  the  vehemence 
and  exorbitance  of  some  precise  Puritans  in  our  State  should 
thereby  be  checked.  That  which  is  now  doing  against  us  in 
printed  libels  is  the  work  of  the  aforesaid  Puritans  and  a 
few  Jesuits.  The  pretence  in  those  libels,  that  there  are 
other  differences  in  the  matter  of  doctrine,  is  mere  fiction 
designed  to  make  trouble  and  confusion." 

In  the  course  of  the  autumn,  Sir  Ralph  Win  wood  departed 
from  the  Hague,  to  assume  soon  afterwards  in  England  the 
position  of  secretary  of  state  for  foreign  affairs.  He  did 
not  take  personal  farewell  of  Barneveld,  the  Advocate  being 
absent  in  North  Holland  at  the  moment,  and  detained  there 
by  indisposition.  The  leave-taking  was  therefore  by  letter.2 
He  had  done  much  to  injure  the  cause  which  the  Dutch 
statesman  held  vital  to  the  Republic,  and  in  so  doing  he 
had  faithfully  carried  out  the  instructions  of  his  master. 
Now  that  James  had  written  these  conciliatory  letters  to 
the  States,  recommending  toleration,  letters  destined  to  be 
famous,  Barneveld  was  anxious  that  the  retiring  ambas- 
sador should  foster  the  spirit  of  moderation,  which  for  a 

1  Barneveld  to  Caron,  3  May  1613.     (Hague  Archives  MS.) 
8  Same  to  same,  10  Sept.  1613.     (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


1613.         SIR  RALPH  WINWOOD  LEAVES  THE  HAGUE.          353 

moment  prevailed  at  the  British  court.  But  he  was  not 
very  hopeful  in  the  matter. 

"  Mr.  Winwood  is  doubtless  over  there  now,"  he  wrote  to 
Caron.  "  He  has  promised  in  public  and  private  to  do  all 
good  offices.  The  States-General  made  him  a  present  on 
his  departure  of  the  value  of  £4000.  I  fear  neverthe- 
less that  he,  especially  in  religious  matters,  will  not  do 
the  best  offices.  For  besides  that  he  is  himself  very  hard 
and  precise,  those  who  in  this  country  are  hard  and  precise 
have  made  a  dead  set  at  him,1  and  tried  to  make  him 
devoted  to  their  cause,  through  many  fictitious  and  un- 
truthful means." 3 

The  Advocate,  as  so  often  before,  sent  assurances  to  the 
King  that  "  the  States-General,  and  especially  the  States  of 
Holland,  were  resolved  to  maintain  the  genuine  Reformed 
religion,  and  oppose  all  novelties  and  impurities  conflicting 
with  it,"  and  the  Ambassador  was  instructed  to  see  that  the 
countermine,  worked  so  industriously  against  his  Majesty's 
service  and  the  honour  and  reputation  of  the  Provinces,  did 
not  prove  successful. 

"  To  let  the  good  mob  play  the  master,"  he  said,  "  and 
to  permit  hypocrites  and  traitors  in  the  Flemish  manner 
to  get  possession  of  the  government  of  the  provinces  and 
cities,  and  to  cause  upright  patriots  whose  faith  and  truth 
has  so  long  been  proved,  to  be  abandoned,  by  the  blessing 
of  God,  shall  never  be  accomplished.  Be  of  good  heart, 
and  cause  these  Flemish  tricks  to  be  understood  on  every 
occasion,  and  let  men  know  that  we  mean  to  maintain,  with 
unchanging  constancy,  the  authority  of  the  government,  the 
privileges  and  laws  of  the  country,  as  well  as  the  true 
Reformed  religion." 


1  "...  hem  zeer  aengeloopcn." — Barneveld  to  Caron,  10  Sept.  1613. 
(HacTie  Archives  MS.) 
»  Ibid. 

VOL.   I.  2  A 


354  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.    CHAP.  VHI. 

The  statesman  was  more  than  ever  anxious  for  moderate 
counsels  in  the  religious  questions,  for  it  was  now  more 
important  than  ever  that  there  should  be  concord  in  the 
Provinces,  for  the  cause  of  Protestantism,  and  with  it  the 
existence  of  the  Republic,  seemed  in  greater  danger  than  at 
any  moment  since  the  truce.  It  appeared  certain  that  the 
alliance  between  France  and  Spain  had  been  arranged,  and 
that  the  Pope,  Spain,  the  Grand -duke  of  Tuscany,  and  their 
various  adherents  had  organized  a  strong  combination,  and 
were  enrolling  large  armies  to  take  the  field  in  the  spring, 
against  the  Protestant  League  of  the  princes  and  electors 
in  Germany.  The  great  king  was  dead.  The  Queen-Regent 
was  in  the  hand  of  Spain,  or  dreamed  at  least  of  an  impos- 
sible neutrality,  while  the  priest  who  was  one  day  to  resume 
the  part  of  Henry,  and  to  hang  upon  the  sword  of  France 
the  scales  in  which  the  opposing  weights  of  Protestantism 
and  Catholicism  in  Europe  were  through  so  many  awful 
years  to  be  balanced,  was  still  an  obscure  bishop. 

The  premonitory  signs  of  the  great  religious  war  in  Ger- 
many were  not  to  be  mistaken.  In  truth,  the  great  conflict 
had  already  opened  in  the  duchies,  although  few  men  as 
yet  comprehended  the  full  extent  of  that  movement.  The 
superficial  imagined  that  questions  of  hereditary  succession, 
like  those  involved  in  the  dispute,  were  easily  to  be  settled 
by  statutes  of  descent,  expounded  by  doctors  of  law,  and 
sustained,  if  needful,  by  a  couple  of  comparatively  bloodless 
^campaigns.  Those  who  looked  more  deeply  into  causes  felt 
that  the  limitations  of  Imperial  authority,  the  ambition 
of  a  great  republic,  suddenly  starting  into  existence  out  of 
nothing,  and  the  great  issues  of  the  religious  reformation, 
were  matters  not  so  easily  arranged.  When  the  scene 
shifted,  as  it  was  so  soon  to  do,  to  the  heart  of  Bohemia, 
when  Protestantism  had  taken  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  by 
the  beard  in  its  ancient  palace,  and  thrown  Imperial  stad- 


1813.  THREE  ARMIES  TO  TAKE  THE  FIELD.  355 

holders  out  of  window,  it  would  be  evident  to  the  blindest 
that  something  serious  was  taking  place. 

Meantime  Barneveld,  ever  watchful  of  passing  events, 
knew  that  great  forces  of  Catholicism  were  marshalling  in  the 
south.  Three  armies  were  to  take  the  field  against  Pro- 
testantism at  the  orders  of  Spain  and  the  Pope.  One  at 
the  door  of  the  Kepublic,  and  directed  especially  against  the 
Netherlands,  was  to  resume  the  campaign  in  the  duchies, 
and  to  prevent  any  aid  going  to  Protestant  Germany  from 
Great  Britain  or  from  Holland.  Another  in  the  Upper 
Palatinate  was  to  make  the  chief  movement  against  the 
Evangelical  hosts.  A  third  in  Austria  was  to  keep  down 
the  Protestant  party  in  Bohemia,  Hungary,  Austria,  Moravia, 
and  Silesia.  To  sustain  this  movement,  it  was  understood 
that  all  the  troops  then  in  Italy  were  to  be  kept  all  the 
winter  on  a  war  footing.1 

Was  this  a  time  for  the  great  Protestant  party  in  the 
Netherlands  to  tear  itself  in  pieces  for  a  theological 
subtlety,  about  which  good  Christians  might  differ  without 
taking  each  other  by  the  throat  ? 

"  I  do  not  lightly  believe  or  fear,"  said  the  Advocate,  in 
communicating  a  survey  of  European  affairs  at  that  moment 
to  Caron,  "  but  present  advices  from  abroad  make  me  appre- 
hend dangers." 2 

1  Barnoveld  to  Caron,  29  Oct.  1613.     (Hague  Archives  MS.) 
*  Ibid. 


356  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  IX 


CHAPTER    IX. 

Aerssens  remains  Two  Years  longer  in  France — Derives  many  Personal 
Advantages  from  his  Post — He  visits  tlie  States-General — Aubery  du 
Maurier  appointed  French  Ambassador — He  demands  the  Recall  of 
Aerssens — Peace  of  Sainte-Menehould — Asperen  de  Langerac  appointed 
in  Aerssens'  Place. 

FRANCIS  AERSSENS  had  remained  longer  at  his  post  than 
had  been  intended  by  the  resolution  of  the  States  of 
Holland,  passed  in  May  1611. 

It  is  an  exemplification  of  the  very  loose  constitutional 
framework  of  the  United  Provinces  that  the  nomination  of 
the  ambassador  to  France  belonged  to  the  States  of  Holland, 
by  whom  his  salary  was  paid,  although,  of  course,  he  was 
the  servant  of  the  States-General,  to  whom  his  public  and 
official  correspondence  was  addressed.  His  most  important 
despatches  were  however  written  directly  to  Barneveld  so 
long  as  he  remained  in  power,  who  had  also  the  charge  of 
the  whole  correspondence,  public  or  private,  with  all  the 
envoys  of  the  States. 

Aerssens  had,  it  will  be  remembered,  been  authorized 
to  stay  one  year  longer  in  France  if  he  thought  he  could 
be  useful  there.  He  stayed  two  years,  and  on  the  whole 
was  not  useful.  He  had  too  many  eyes  and  too  many 
ears.  He  had  become  mischievous  by  the  very  activity 
of  his  intelligence.  He  was  too  zealous.  There  were 
occasions  in  France  at  that  moment  in  which  it  was  as  well 
to  be  blind  and  deaf.  It  was  impossible  for  the  Republic, 
unless  driven  to  it  by  dire  necessity,  to  quarrel  with  its  great 


AERS3ENS  REMAINS  TWO  YEARS  LONGER  IN  FRANCE.    357 


ally.  It  had  been  calculated  "by  Duplessis-Mornay  that 
France  had  paid  subsidies  to  the  Provinces  amounting  from 
first  to  last  to  200  millions  of  livres.1  This  was  an  enormous 
exaggeration.  It  was  Barneveld's  estimate  that  before  the 
truce  the  States  had  received  from  France  eleven  millions 
of  florins  in  cash,  and  during  the  truce  up  to  the  year  1613 
3,600,000  in  addition,  besides  a  million  still  due,  making  a 
total  of  about  fifteen  millions.  During  the  truce  France 
kept  two  regiments  of  foot  amounting  to  4200  soldiers  and 
two  companies  of  cavalry  in  Holland  at  the  service  of  the 
States,  for  which  she  was  bound  to  pay  yearly  600,000  livres, 
And  the  Queen-Regent  had  continued  all  the  treaties 
by  which  these  arrangements  were  secured,  and  professed 
sincere  and  continuous  friendship  for  the  States.  While 
the  French-Spanish  marriages  gave  cause  for  suspicion, 
uneasiness,  and  constant  watchfulness  in  the  States,  still  the 
neutrality  of  France  was  possible  in  the  coming  storm.  So 
long  as  that  existed,  particularly  when  the  relations  of 
England  with  Holland  through  the  unfortunate  character 
of  King  James  were  perpetually  strained  to  a  point  of  im- 
minent rupture,  it  was  necessary  to  hold  as  long  as  it  was 
possible  to  the  slippery  embrace  of  France. 

But  Aerssens  was  almost  aggressive  in  his  attitude.  He 
rebuked  the  vacillations,  the  shortcomings,  the  imbecility, 
cf  the  Queen's  government  in  offensive  terms.  He  consorted 
openly  with  the  princes  who  were  on  the  point  of  making 
war  upon  the  Queen-Regent.  He  made  a  boast  to  the 
Secretary  of  State  Villeroy  that  he  had  unravelled  all  his 
secret  plots  against  the  Netherlands.  He  declared  it  to  be 
understood  in  France,  since  the  King's  death,  by  the  dominant 
and  Jesuitical  party  that  the  crown  depended  temporally 
as  well  as  spiritually  on  the  good  pleasure  of  the  Pope. 


1  Dup.-Mornny,  'Vie  et  Corresp.' 
viii.  514  ;  x.  227.  Ouvre's  '  Aub«'ry 
du  Maurier '  (Paris,  1855),  p.  172. 


Barneveld  to  States  of  Holland,  31 
March  1613.    (Hague  Archives  MS.) 


358  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  IX. 

No  doubt  he  was  perfectly  right  in  many  of  his  opinions. 
No  ruler  or  statesman  in  France  worthy  of  the  name  would 
hesitate,  in  the  impending  religious  conflict  throughout 
Europe  and  especially  in  Germany,  to  maintain  for  the 
kingdom  that  all  controlling  position  which  was  its  splendid 
privilege.  But  to  preach  this  to  Mary  de'  Medici  was  waste 
of  breath.  She  was  governed  by  the  Concini's,  and  the  Con- 
cini's  were  governed  by  Spain.  The  woman  who  was  believed 
to  have  known  beforehand  of  the  plot  to  murder  her  great 
husband,  who  had  driven  the  one  powerful  statesman  on 
whom  the  King  relied,  Maximilian  de  Bethune,  into  retire- 
ment, and  whose  foreign  affairs  were  now  completely  in  the 
hands  of  the  ancient  Leaguer  Villeroy — who  had  served 
every  government  in  the  kingdom  for  forty  years — was  not 
likely  to  be  accessible  to  high  views  of  public  policy. 

Two  years  had  now  elapsed  since  the  first  private  com- 
plaints against  the  Ambassador,  and  the  French  government 
were  becoming  impatient  at  his  presence.  Aerssens  had 
been  supported  by  Prince  Maurice,  to  whom  he  had  long 
paid  his  court.  He  was  likewise  loyally  protected  by  Bar- 
neveld,  whom  he  publicly  flattered  and  secretly  maligned. 
But  it  was  now  necessary  that  he  should  be  gone  if  peaceful 
relations  with  France  were  to  be  preserved. 

After  all,  the  Ambassador  had  not  made  a  bad  business  of 
his  embassy  from  his  own  point  of  view.  A  stranger  in  the 
Republic,  for  his  father  the  Greffier  was  a  refugee  from 
Brabant,  he  had  achieved  through  his  own  industry  and 
remarkable  talents,  sustained  by  the  favour  of  Barneveld — 
to  whom  he  owed  all  his  diplomatic  appointments — an 
eminent  position  in  Europe.  Secretary  to  the  legation  to 
France  in  1594,  he  had  been  successively  advanced  to  the 
post  of  resident  agent,  and  when  the  Republic  had  been 
acknowledged  by  the  great  powers,  to  that  of  ambassador. 
The  highest  possible  functions  that  representatives  of 


HE  DERIVES  MANY  ADVANTAGES  FROM  HIS  POST.        359 

emperors  and  kings  could  enjoy  had  been  formally  recog- 
nized in  the  person  of  the  minister  of  a  new-born  republic. 
And  this  was  at  a  moment  when,  with  exception  of  tha 
brave  but  insignificant  cantons  of  Switzerland,  the  Republic 
had  long  been  an  obsolete  idea. 

In  a  pecuniary  point  of  view,  too,  he  had  not  fared  badly 
during  his  twenty  years  of  diplomatic  office.  He  had  made 
much  money  in  various  ways.  The  King  not  long  before 
his  death  sent  him  one  day  20,000  florins  as  a  present,  with 
a  promise  soon  to  do  much  more  for  him.1 

Having  been  placed  in  so  eminent  a  post,  he  considered 
it  as  due  to  himself  to  derive  all  possible  advantage  from  it. 
"  Those  who  serve  at  the  altar,"  he  said  a  little  while  after 
his  return,  "  must  learn  to  live  by  it.  I  served  their  High 
Mightinesses  at  the  court  of  a  great  king,  and  his  Majesty's 
liberal  and  gracious  favours  were  showered  upon  me.  My 
upright  conscience  and  steady  obsequiousness  greatly  aided 
me.  I  did  not  look  upon  opportunity  with  folded  arms, 
but  seized  it  and  made  my  profit  by  it.  Had  I  not  met 
with  such  fortunate  accidents,  my  ofiice  would  not  have  given 
me  dry  bread/' 2 

Nothing  could  exceed  the  frankness  and  indeed  the 
cynicism  with  which  the  Ambassador  avowed  his  practice 
of  converting  his  high  and  sacred  office  into  merchandise. 
And  these  statements  of  his  should  be  scanned  closely, 
because  at  this  very  moment  a  cry  was  distantly  rising, 
which  at  a  later  day  was  to  swell  into  a  roar,  that  the  great 
Advocate  had  been  bribed  and  pensioned.  Nothing  had 
occurred  to  justify  such  charges,  save  that  at  the  period  of 
the  truce  he  had  accepted  from  the  King  of  France  a  fee 
of  20,000  florins  for  extra  official  and  legal  services  rendered 


1  From  Aerssons'  own  statements :  "  Stukken  rakendeden  Twist  tuBSchen 
Aerwena  endo  van  der  Myle,  anno  1618."    (Hague  Archives  MS.) 
»  MS.  just  cited. 


360  THE  LIFE  OP  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  IX. 

him  a  dozen  years  before,  and  had  permitted  his  younger 
son  to  hold  the  office  of  gentleman-in-waiting  at  the  French 
court  with  the  usual  salary  attached  to  it.  The  post,  cer- 
tainly not  dishonourable  in  itself,  had  been  intended  by  the 
King  as  a  kindly  compliment  to  the  leading  statesman  of 
his  great  and  good  ally  the  Republic.  It  would  be  difficult 
to  say  why  such  a  favour  conferred  on  the  young  man  should 
be  held  more  discreditable  to  the  receiver  than  the  Order  of 
the  Garter  recently  bestowed  upon  the  great  soldier  of  the 
Eepublic  by  another  friendly  sovereign.  It  is  instructive 
however  to  note  the  language  in  which  Francis  Aerssens 
spoke  of  favours  and  money  bestowed  by  a  foreign  monarch 
upon  himself,  for  Aerssens  had  come  back  from  his  embassy 
full  of  gall  and  bitterness  against  Barneveld.  Thenceforth 
he  was  to  be  his  evil  demon. 

"  I  didn't  inherit  property,"  1  said  this  diplomatist.  "  My 
father  and  mother,  thank  G-od,  are  yet  living.  I  have 
enjoyed  the  King's  liberality.  It  was  from  an  ally,  not  an 
enemy,  of  our  country.  Were  every  man  obliged  to  give  a 
reckoning  of  everything  he  possesses  over  and  above  his 
hereditary  estates,  who  in  the  government  would  pass  muster  ? 
Those  who  declare  that  they  have  served  their  country  in 
her  greatest  trouble,  and  lived  in  splendid  houses  and  in 
service  of  princes  and  great  companies  and  the  like  on  a 
yearly  salary  of  4000  florins,  may  not  approve  these  maxims." 

It  should  be  remembered  that  Barneveld,  if  this  was  a 
fling  at  the  Advocate,  had  acquired  a  large  fortune  by  mar- 
riage, and,  although  certainly  not  averse  from  gathering 
gear,  had,  as  will  be  seen  on  a  subsequent  page,  easily 
explained  the  manner  in  which  his  property  had  increased. 
No  proof  was  ever  offered  or  attempted  of  the  anonymous 
calumnies  levelled  at  him  in  this  regard. 

"I  never  had  the  management  of  finances,"  continued 
1  "Stukken  rakende  den  Twist,"  &c. 


HE  DERIVES  MANY  ADVANTAGES  FROM  HIS  POST.     361 

Aerssens.  "  My  profits  I  have  gained  in  foreign  parts.  My 
condition  of  life  is  without  excess,  and  in  my  opinion  every 
means  are  good  so  long  as  they  are  honourable  and  legal. 
They  say  my  post  was  given  me  by  the  Advocate.  Ergo, 
all  my  fortune  comes  from  the  Advocate.  Strenuously  to 
have  striven  to  make  myself  agreeable  to  the  King  and  his 
counsellors,  while  fulfilling  my  office  with  fidelity  and 
honour,  these  are  the  arts  by  which  I  have  prospered,  so 
that  my  splendour  dazzles  the  eyes  of  the  envious.  The 
greediness  of  those  who  believe  that  the  sun  should  shine 
for  them  alone  was  excited,  and  so  I  was  obliged  to  resign 
the  embassy." : 

So  long  as  Henry  lived,  the  Dutch  ambassador  saw  him 
daily,  and  at  all  hours,  privately,  publicly,  when  he  would. 
Rarely  has  a  foreign  envoy  at  any  court,  at  any  period  of 
history,  enjoyed  such  privileges  of  being  useful  to  his  govern- 
ment. And  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  services  of  Aerssens 
had  been  most  valuable  to  his  country,  notwithstanding  his 
constant  care  to  increase  his  private  fortune  through  his 
public  opportunities.  He  was  always  ready  to  be  useful  to 
Henry  likewise.  When  that  monarch  some  time  before  the 
truce,  and  occasionally  during  the  preliminary  negotiations 
for  it,  had  formed  a  design  to  make  himself  sovereign  of 
the  Provinces,  it  was  Aerssens  who  charged  himself  with  the 
scheme,  and  would  have  furthered  it  with  all  his  might,  had 
the  project  not  met  with  opposition  both  from  the  Advocate 
and  the  Stadholder.  Subsequently  it  appeared  probable  that 
Maurice  would  not  object  to  the  sovereignty  himself,  and 
the  Ambassador  in  Paris,  with  the  King's  consent,  was  not 
likely  to  prove  himself  hostile  to  the  Prince's  ambition. 


1  These  passages  are  from  an  ad- 
dress to  tho  States-General,  18  Juno 
1618,  fivo  years  later  than  the  date  of 
his  return  from  France,  with  which 
we  are  at  this  moment  occupied.  As 
they  paint  tho  character  of  the  man. 


and  refer  precisely  to  his  feelings  at 
the  instant  of  his  recall,  it  is  necessary 
to  (five  them  here.  From  the  collec- 
tion of  MSS.  in  the  Archives  at  the 
Hague  already  cited.  "  Stukken  ra- 
kende,"  &c. 


362  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.        CHAP.  IX. 

"  There  is  but  this  means  alone,"  wrote  Jeannin1  to  Villeroy, 
"  that  can  content  him,  although  hitherto  he  has  done  like 
the  rowers,  who  never  look  toward  the  place  whither  they 
wish  to  go." 2  The  attempt  of  the  Prince  to  sound  Barne- 
veld  on  this  subject  through  the  Princess-Dowager  has 
already  been  mentioned,  and  has  much  intrinsic  probability. 
Thenceforward,  the  republican  form  of  government,  the 
municipal  oligarchies,  began  to  consolidate  their  power.  Yet 
although  the  people  as  such  were  not  sovereigns,  but 
subjects,  and  rarely  spoken  of  by  the  aristocratic  magis- 
trates save  with  a  gentle  and  patronizing  disdain,  they 
enjoyed  a  larger  liberty  than  was  known  anywhere  else  in 
the  world.  Buzenval  was  astonished  at  the  "infinite  and 
almost  unbridled  freedom"  which  he  witnessed  there  during 
his  embassy,  and  which  seemed  to  him  however  "without 
peril  to  the  state." 3 

The  extraordinary  means  possessed  by  Aerssens  to  be 
important  and  useful  vanished  with  the  King's  death.  His 
secret  despatches,  painting  in  sombre  and  sarcastic  colours 
the  actual  condition  of  affairs  at  the  French  court,  were  sent 
back  in  copy  to  the  French  court  itself.  It  was  not  known 
who  had  played  the  Ambassador  this  vilest  of  tricks,  but 
it  was  done  during  an  illness  of  Barneveld,  and  without  his 
knowledge.  Early  in  the  year  1613  Aerssens  resolved,  not  to 
take  his  final  departure,  but  to  go  home  on  leave  of  absence. 
His  private  intention  was  to  look  for  some  substantial  office 
of  honour  and  profit  at  home.  Failing  of  this,  he  meant  to 
return  -to  Paris.  But  with  an  eye  to  the  main  chance  as 
usual,  he  ingeniously  caused  it  to  be  understood  at  court, 
without  making  positive  statements  to  that  effect,  that  his 
departure  was  final.  On  his  leavetaking,  accordingly,  he 

1  Jeannin,  '  Negotiations,'  t.  ii.  13«,  159,  291 ;  t.  iii.  4.    Ouvre,  179. 
8  See  also  Jeannin,  iv.  212,  310,  321 ;  v.  33.     Ouvre,  184. 
•  Ibid.  199. 


1613.  AERSSENS  VISITS  THE  STATES-GENERAL.  363 

received  larger  presents  from  the  crown  than  had  been 
often  given  to  a  retiring  ambassador.  At  least  20,000 
florins  were  thus  added  to  the  frugal  store  of  profits  on  which 
he  prided  himself.  Had  he  merely  gone  away  on  leave  of 
absence,  he  would  have  received  no  presents  whatever.  But 
he  never  went  back.  The  Queen-Regent  and  her  ministers 
were  so  glad  to  get  rid  of  him,  and  so  little  disposed,  in  the 
straits  in  which  they  found  themselves,  to  quarrel  with  the 
powerful  republic,  as  to  be  willing  to  write  very  compli- 
mentary public  letters  to  the  States,  concerning  the  character 
and  conduct  of  the  man  whom  they  so  much  detested. 

Pluming  himself  upon  these,  Aerssens  made  his  appear- 
ance 1  in  the  Assembly  of  the  States-General,  to  give  account 
by  word  of  mouth  of  the  condition  of  affairs,  speaking  as  if 
he  had  only  come  by  permission  of  their  Mightinesses  for 
temporary  purposes.  Two  months  later  he  was  summoned 
before  the  Assembly,  and  ordered  to  return  to  his  post. 

Meantime  a  new  French  ambassador  had  arrived  at  the 
Hague,  in  the  spring  of  1613.  Aubery  du  Mauricr,  a  son  of 
an  obscure  country  squire,  a  Protestant,  of  moderate  May  20, 
opinions,  of  a  sincere  but  rather  obsequious  cha-  1613- 
racter,  painstaking,  diligent,  and  honest,  had  been  at  an 
earlier  day  in  the  service  of  the  turbulent  and  intriguing 
Due  do  Bouillon.  He  had  also  been  employed  by  Sully  as  an 
agent  in  financial  affairs  between  Holland  and  France,  and 
had  long  been  known  to  Villcroy.  He  was  living  on  his 
estate,  in  great  retirement  from  all  public  business,  when 
Secretary  Villcroy  suddenly  proposed  him  the  embassy  to 
the  Hague.  There  was  no  more  important  diplomatic  post 
at  that  time  in  Europe.  Other  countries  were  virtually  at 
peace,  but  in  Holland,  notwithstanding  the  truce,  there  was 
really  not  much  more  than  an  armistice,  and  great  armies 

1  30  July  1G13.    (Register  in  the  TIapue  Archives  MS.)    2  Oct.  1G13. 
(Ouvrc,  199.) 


364  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IX. 

lay  in  the  Netherlands,  as  after  a  battle,  sleeping  face  to 
face  with  arms  in  their  hands.  The  politics  of  Christendom 
were  at  issue  in  the  open,  elegant,  and  picturesque  village 
which  was  the  social  capital  of  the  United  Provinces.  The 
gentry  from  Spain,  Italy,  the  south  of  Europe,  Catholic 
Germany,  had  clustered  about  Spinola  at  Brussels,  to  learn 
the  art  of  war  in  his  constant  campaigning  against  Maurice. 
English  and  Scotch  officers,  Frenchmen,  Bohemians,  Aus- 
trians,  youths  from  the  Palatinate  and  all  Protestant  coun- 
tries in  Germany,  swarmed  to  the  banners  of  the  prince 
who  had  taught  the  world  how  Alexander  Farnese  could  be 
baffled,  and  the  great  Spinola  outmanoeuvred.  Especially 
there  was  a  great  number  of  Frenchmen  of  figure  and 
quality  who  thronged  to  the  Hague,  besides  the  officers  of 
the  two  French  regiments  which  formed  a  regular  portion 
of -the  States'  army.  That  army  was  the  best  appointed 
and  most  conspicuous  standing  force  in  Europe.  Besides 
the  French  contingent  there  were  always  nearly  30,000 
infantry  and  3000  cavalry  on  a  war  footing,  splendidly  dis- 
ciplined, experienced,  and  admirably  armed.  The  navy,  con- 
sisting of  thirty  war  ships,  perfectly  equipped  and  manned, 
was  a  match  for  the  combined  marine  forces  of  all  Europe, 
and  almost  as  numerous.1 

When  the  Ambassador  went  to  solemn  audience  of  the 
States-General,  he  was  attended  by  a  brilliant  group  of 
gentlemen  and  officers,  often  to  the  number  of  three  hundred, 
who  volunteered  to  march  after  him  on  foot  to  honour  their 
sovereign  in  the  person  of  his  ambassador  ;  the  Envoy's 
carriage  following  empty  behind.  Such  were  the  splendid 
diplomatic  processions  often  received  by  the  stately  Ad- 
vocate in  his  plain  civic  garb,  when  grave  international 
questions  were  to  be  publicly  discussed.2 

1  See  Dup.-Mornay,  xii.  524.    Ouvre,  201. 
8  Du  Maurier,  '  Memoires,'  pp.  191-193. 


1613.     DU  MAURIER  APPOINTED  FRENCH  AMBASSADOR.      365 

There  was  much  murmuring  in  France  when  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  personage  comparatively  so  humble  to  a  position 
so  important  was  known.  It  was  considered  as  a  blow  aimed 
directly  at  the  malcontent  princes  of  the  blood,  who  were 
at  that  moment  plotting  their  first  levy  of  arms  against 
the  Queen.  Du  Maurier  had  been  ill-treated  by  the  Due 
de  Bouillon,  who  naturally  therefore  now  denounced  the 
man  whom  he  had  injured  to  the  government  to  which  he 
was  accredited.1  Being  the  agent  of  Mary  de'  Medici, 
he  was,  of  course,  described  as  a  tool  of  the  court  and  a 
secret  pensioner  of  Spain.  He  was  to  plot  with  the  arch 
traitor  Barneveld  as  to  the  best  means  for  distracting  the 
Provinces  and  bringing  them  back  into  Spanish  subjection. 
Du  Maurier,  being  especially  but  secretly  charged  to  prevent 
the  return  of  Francis  Aerssens  to  Paris,  incurred  of  course 
the  enmity  of  that  personage  and  of  the  French  grandees 
who  ostentatiously  protected  him.  It  was  even  pretended  by 
Jeannin2  that  the  appointment  of  a  man  so  slightly  known  to 
the  world,  so  inexperienced  in  diplomacy,  and  of  a  parentage 
so  little  distinguished,  would  be  considered  an  affront  by 
the  States-General. 

But  on  the  whole,  Villeroy  had  made  an  excellent  choice. 
No  safer  man  could  perhaps  have  been  found  in  France  for 
a  post  of  such  eminence,  in  circumstances  so  delicate,  and 
at  a  crisis  so  grave.  The  man  who  had  been  able  to  make 
himself  agreeable  and  useful,  while  preserving  his  integrity, 
to  characters  so  dissimilar  as  the  refining,  self-torturing, 
intellectual  Duplessis-Mornay,  the  rude,  aggressive,  and 
straightforward  Sully,  the  deep-revolving,  restlessly  plotting 
Bouillon,  and  the  smooth,  silent,  and  tortuous  Villeroy — men 
between  whom  there  was  no  friendship,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
constant  rancour — had  material  in  him  to  render  valuable 
services  at  this  particular  epoch.  Everything  depended  on 
1  Ouviv,  203.  «  IMd. 


366  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.       CHAP.  IX. 

patience,  tact,  watchfulness  in  threading  the  distracting, 
'almost  inextricable,  maze  which  had  been  created  by 
personal  rivalries,  ambitions,  and  jealousies  in  the  state  he 
represented  and  the  one  to'  which  he  was  accredited.  "I 
ascribe  it  all  to  G-od,"  he  said,1  in  his  testament  to  his  children, 
"  the  impenetrable  workman  who  in  His  goodness  has  enabled 
me  to  make  myself  all  my  life  obsequious,  respectful,  and 
serviceable  to  all,  avoiding  as  much  as  possible,  in  content- 
ing some,  not  to  discontent  others."  He  recommended  his 
children  accordingly  to  endeavour  "to  succeed  in  life  by 
making  themselves  as  humble,  intelligent,  and  capable  as 
possible." 

This  is  certainly  not  a  very  high  type  of  character,  but  a 
safer  one  for  business  than  that  of  the  arch  intriguer  Francis 
Aerssens.  And  he  had  arrived  at  the  Hague  under  trying  cir- 
cumstances. Unknown  to  the  foreign  world  he  was  now  enter- 
ing, save  through  the  disparaging  rumours  concerning  him, 
sent  thither  in  advance  by  the  powerful  personages  arrayed 
against  his  government,  he  might  have  sunk  under  such,  a 
storm  at  the  outset,  but  for  the  incomparable  kindness  and 
friendly  aid  of  the  Princess-Dowager,  Louise  de  Coligny. 
"  I  had  need  of  her  protection  and  recommendation  as  much 
as  of  life,"  said  du  Maurier ;  "and  she  gave  them  in  such 
excess  as  to  annihilate  an  infinity  of  calumnies  which  envy 
had  excited  against  me  on  ever}7  side."2  He  had  also  a  most 
difficult  and  delicate  matter  to  arrange  at  the  very  moment 
of  his  arrival. 

For  Aerssens  had  done  his  best  not  only  to  produce  a 
dangerous  division  in  the  politics  of  the  Eepublic,  but  to 
force  a  rupture  between  the  French  government  and  the 
States.  He  had  carried  matters  before  the  assembly  with 
so  high  a  hand  as  to  make  it  seem  impossible  to  get  rid  of 
him  without  public  scandal.  He  made  a  parade  of  the  offi- 

1  Ouvre,  170.  *  Ibid.  204. 


16ia     DU  MAURIER  APPOINTED  FRENCH  AMBASSADOR.      3C7 

cial  letters  from,  the  Queen-Regent  and  lier  ministers,  in 
which  he  was  spoken  of  in  terms  of  conventional  compli- 
ment. He  did  not  know,  and  Barneveid  wished,  if  possible, 
to  spare  him  the  annoyance  of  knowing,  that  both  Queen 
and  ministers,  so  soon  as  informed  that  there  was  a  chance 
of  coming  back  to  them,  had  written  letters  breathing  great 
repugnance  to  him  and  intimating  that  he  would  not  be 
received.  Other  high  personages  of  state  had  written 
to  express  their  resentment  at  his  duplicity,  perpetual 
mischief-making,  and  machinations  against  the  peace  of  the 
kingdom,  and  stating  the  impossibility  of  his  resuming 
the  embassy  at  Paris.  And  at  last  the  Queen 1  wrote  to  the 
States-General  to  say  that,  having  heard  their  intention  to 
send  him  back  to  a  post  "  from  which  he  had  taken  leave 
formally  and  officially,"  she  wished  to  prevent  such  a  step. 
"  We  should  see  M.  Aerssens  less  willingly  than  comports 
with  our  friendship  for  you  and  good  neighbourhood.  Any 
other  you  could  send  would  be  most  welcome,  as  M.  du 
Maurier  will  explain  to  you  more  amply." 

And  to  du  Maurier  himself  she  wrote  distinctly,2  "  Rather 
than  suffer  the  return  of  the  said  Aerssens,  you  will  declare 
that  for  causes  which  regard  the  good  of  our  affairs  and  our 
particular  satisfaction  we  cannot  and  will  not  receive  him  in 
the  functions  which  he  has  exercised  here,  and  we  rely  too 
implicitly  upon  the  good  friendship  of  My  Lords  the  States 
to  do  anything  in  this  that  would  so  much  displease  us."  3 

And  on  the  same  day  Villeroy  privately  wrote  to  the 
Ambassador,  "  If,  in  spite  of  all  this,  Aerssens  should  en- 
deavour to  return,  he  will  not  be  received,  after  the  know- 
ledge we  have  of  his  factious  spirit,  most  dangerous  in  a 
public  personage  in  a  state  such  as  ours  and  in  the  minority 
of  the  King."4 


1  2  Nov.  1618.  "  Stukken  rnkendc 
den  Twist,"  Ac.  (Hague  Archives 
MS.) 


1  MS.  just  cited. 
»  Ibid.    2  Nov.  1618. 
*  Ibid. 


368  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAEJS'EVELD.        CHAP.  IX. 

Meantime  Aerssens  had  been  going  about  flaunting  letters 
in  everybody's  face  from  the  Due  de  Bouillon  insisting  on 
the  necessity  of  his  return.1  The  fact  in  itself  would  have 
been  sufficient  to  warrant  his  removal,  for  the  Duke  was  just 
taking  up  arms  against  his  sovereign.  Unless  the  States 
meant  to  interfere  officially  and  directly  in  the  civil  war 
about  to  break  out  in  France,  they  could  hardly  send  a 
minister  to  the  government  on  recommendation  of  the  leader 
of  the  rebellion. 

It  had,  however,  become  impossible  to  remove  him  with- 
out an  explosion.  Barneveld,  who,  said  du  Maurier,  "  knew 
the  man  to  his  finger  nails," 2  had  been  reluctant  to  "  break 
the  ice,"  and  wished  for  official  notice  in  the  matter  from 
the  Queen.  Maurice  protected  the  troublesome  diplomatist. 
"  'Tis  incredible,"  said  the  French  ambassador,3  "  how 
covertly  Prince  Maurice  is  carrying  himself,  contrary  to  his 
wont,  in  this  whole  affair.  I  don't  know  whether  it  is  from 
simple  jealousy  to  Barneveld,  or  if  there  is  some  mystery 
concealed  below  the  surface." 

Du  Maurier  had  accordingly  been  obliged  to  ask  his 
government  for  distinct  and  official  instructions.  "  He  holds 
to  his  place,"  said  he,4  "  by  so  slight  and  fragile  a  root  as 
not  to  require  two  hands  to  pluck  him  up,  the  little  linger 
being  enough.  There  is  no  doubt  that  he  has  been  in  con- 
cert with  those  who  are  making  use  of  him  to  re-establish 
their  credit  with  the  States,  and  to  embark  Prince  Maurice 
contrary  to  his  preceding  custom  in  a  cabal  with  them." 

Thus  a  question  of  removing  an  obnoxious  diplomatist 
could  hardly  be  graver,  for  it  was  believed  that  he  was 
doing  his  best  to  involve  the  military  chief  of  his  own 
state  in  a  game  of  treason  and  rebellion  against  the  govern- 
ment to  which  he  was  accredited.  It  was  not  the  first 

1  Ouvre,  209.  3  Ibid.  308. 

»  Ibid.  207.  4  Ibid. 


DU  MAURIER  DEMANDS  THE  RECALL  OP  AERSSENS.      3G9 

nor  likely  to  be  the  last  of  Bouillon's  deadly  intrigues. 
But  the  man  who  had  been  privy  to  Biron's  conspiracy 
against  the  crown  and  life  of  his  sovereign  was  hardly  a  safe 
ally  for  his  brother-in-law,  the  straightforward  stadholder. 

The  instructions  desired  by  du  Maurier  and  by  Barneveld 
had,  as  we  have  seen,  at  last  arrived.  The  French  ambas- 
sador thus  fortified  appeared  before  the  Assembly  of  the 
States-General,1  and  officially  demanded  the  recall  of 
Aerssens.  In  a  letter  addressed  privately  and  confidentially 
to  their  Mightinesses,  he  said,  "  If  in  spite  of  us  you  throw 
him  at  our  feet,  we  shall  fling  him  back  at  your  head."  2 

At  last  Maurice  yielded  to  the  representations  of  the 
French  envoy,  and  Aerssens  felt  obliged  to  resign  his  claims 
to  the  post.  The  States-General  passed  a  resolution  that  it 
would  be  proper  to  employ  him  in  some  other  capacity  in 
order  to  show  that  his  services  had  been  agreeable  to  them, 
he  having  now  declared  that  he  could  no  longer  be  useful  in 
France.3  Maurice,  seeing  that  it  was  impossible  to  save  him, 
admitted  to  du  Maurier  his  unsteadiness  and  duplicity,  and 
said  that,  if  possessed  of  the  confidence  of  a  great  king, 
he  would  be  capable  of  destroying  the  state  in  less  than  a 
year.4 

But  this  had  not  always  been  the  Prince's  opinion,  nor 
was  it  likely  to  remain  unchanged.  As  for  Villeroy,  he 
denied  flatly  that  the  cause  of  his  displeasure  had  been  that 
Aerssens  had  penetrated  into  his  most  secret  affairs.  He 
protested,  on  the  contrary,  that  his  annoyance  with  him 
had  partly  proceeded  from  the  slight  acquaintance  he  had 
acquired  of  his  policy,  and  that,  while  boasting  to  be  better 
informed  than  any  one,  he  was  in  the  habit  of  inventing  and 
imagining  things  in  order  to  get  credit  for  himself. 


1  13  Nov.  1613.    Ouvre,  210. 

»  Ibid.  211. 

1  13  Dec.  1013, 31Jan.  1614.  Resol. 


4  Ouvre,  2ia 

s  4  Jan.   1614.     "Stukken,"  &c. 
(Hague  Arch.  MS.) 


States-Gen.    (Hague  Arch.  MS.) 

VOL.  I.  2  B 


370  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.          CHAT.  IX. 

It  was  highly  essential  that  the  secret  of  this  affair  should 
be  made  clear,  for  its  influence  on  subsequent  events  was  to 
be  deep  and  wide.  For  the  moment  Aerssens.  remained 
without  employment,  and  there  was  no  open  rupture  with 
Barneveld.  The  only  difference  of  opinion  between  the 
Advocate  and  himself,  he  said,  was  whether  he  had  or  had 
not  definitely  resigned  his  post  on  leaving  Paris.1 

Meantime  it  was  necessary  to  fix  upon  a  successor  for  this 
most  important  post.  The  war  soon  after  the  new  year  had 
broken  out  in  France.  Conde,  Bouillon,  and  the  other  mal- 
content princes  with  their  followers  had  taken  possession  of 
the  fortress  of  Mezieres,  and  issued  a  letter  in  the  name  of 
Conde  to  the  Queen-Regent  demanding  an  assembly  of  the 
States-General  of  the  kingdom  and  rupture  of  the  Spanish 
marriages.2  Both  parties,  that  of  the  government  and  that 
of  the  rebellion,  sought  the  sympathy  and  active  succour  of 
the  States.  Maurice,  acting  now  in  perfect  accord  with  the 
Advocate,  sustained  the  Queen  and  execrated  the  rebellion 
of  his  relatives  with  perfect  frankness.  Conde,  he  said,  had 
got  his  head  stuffed  full  of  almanacs  whose  predictions  he 
wished  to  see  realized.3  He  vowed  he  would  have  shortened 
by  a  head  the  commander  of  the  garrison  wl±o  betrayed 
Mezieres,  if  he  had  been  under  his  control.  He  forbade  on 
pain  of  death  the  departure  of  any  officer  oi:  private  of  the 
French  regiments  from  serving  the  rebels,  and  placed  the 
whole  French  force  at  the  disposal  of  the  Queen,  with  as 
many  Netherland  regiments  as  could  be  spared.  One 
soldier  was  hanged  and  three  others  branded  with  the  mark 
of  a  gibbet  on  the  face  for  attempting  desertion.  The  legal 
government  was  loyally  sustained  by  the  authority  of  the 
States,  notwithstanding  all  the  intrigues  of  Aerssens  with 

1  "  Stukken,"  &c.    (Hague  Archives  MS.) 

4  Ouvre,  219. 

*  Ouvre,  215,  from  du  Maurier's  MS.  despatches. 


loll  PEACE  OP  SAINTE-MENEHOULD.  371 

the  agents  of  the  princes  to  procure  them  assistance.  The 
mutiny  for  the  time  was  brief,  and  was  settled  on 
the  15th  of  May  1614,  by  the  peace  of  Sainte-Mene- 
hould,  as  much  a  caricature  of  a  treaty  as  the  rising  had 
been  the  parody  of  a  war.1  Van  der  Myle,  son-in-law  of 
Barneveld,  who  had  been  charged  with  a  special  and  tem- 
porary mission  to  France,  brought  back  the  terms  of  the 
convention  to  the  States-General.  On  the  other  hand, 
Conde  and  his  confederates  sent  a  special  agent  to  the 
Netherlands  to  give  their  account  of  the  war  and  the  ne- 
gotiation, who  refused  to  confer  either  with  du  Maurier  or 
Barneveld,  but  who  held  much  conference  with  Aerssens.3 

It  was  obvious  enough  that  the  mutiny  of  the  princes 
would  become  chronic.  In  truth,  what  other  condition  was 
possible  with  two  characters  like  Mary  de'  Medici  and  the 
Prince  of  Conde  respectively  at  the  head  of  the  government 
and  the  revolt  ?  What  had  France  to  hope  for  but  to  remain 
the  bloody  playground  for  mischievous  idiots,  who  threw 
about  the  firebrands  and  arrows  of  reckless  civil  war  in 
pursuit  of  the  paltriest  of  personal  aims  ? 

Van  der  Myle  had  pretensions  to  the  vacant  place  of 
Aerssens.  He  had  some  experience  in  diplomacy.  He  had 
conducted  skilfully  enough  the  first  mission  of  the  States 
to  Venice,  and  had  subsequently  been  employed  in  matters 
of  moment.  But  he  was  son-in-law  to  Barneveld,  and 
although  the  Advocate  was  certainly  not  free  from  the 
charge  of  nepotism,  he  shrank  from  the  reproach  of  having 
apparently  removed  Acrssens  to  make  a  place  for  one  of  his 
own  family. 

Van  der  Myle  remained  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the  late 
ambassador's  malice,  and  to  engage  at  a  little  later  period 
in  hottest  controversy  with  him,  personal  and  political. 
"  Why  should  van  der  Myle  strut  about,  with  his  arms 

'  Ouvrc,  215.  *  Ibid.  215,  218,  tqq. 


372  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAKNEVELD.  CHAP.  IX. 

akimbo  like  a  peacock  ?  "  *  complained  Aerssens  one  day  in 
confused  metaphor.  A  question  not  easy  to  answer  satis- 
factorily. 

The  minister  selected  was  a  certain  Baron  Asperen  de 
Langerac,  wholly  unversed  in  diplomacy  or  other  public 
affairs,  with  abilities  not  above  the  average.  A  series  of 
questions  2  addressed  by  him  to  the  Advocate,  the  answers 
to  which,  scrawled  on  the  margin  of  the  paper,  were  to  serve 
for  his  general  instructions,  showed  an  ingenuousness  as 
amusing  as  the  replies  of  Barneveld  were  experienced  and 
substantial. 

In  general  he  was  directed  to  be  friendly  and  respectful 
to  every  one,  to  the  Queen-Kegent  and  her  counsellors  espe- 
cially, and,  within  the  limits  of  becoming  reverence  for  her, 
to  cultivate  the  good  graces  of  the  Prince  of  Conde  and  the 
other  great  nobles  still  malcontent  and  rebellious,  but  whose 
present  movement,  as  Barneveld  foresaw,  was  drawing 
rapidly  to  a  close.  Langerac  arrived  in  Paris  on  the  5th  of 
April  1614. 

Du  Maurier  thought  the  new  ambassador  likely  to  "  fall 
a  prey"  to  the  specious  language  and  gentle  attractions  of 
the  Due  de  Bouillon." 3  He  also  described  him  as  very 
dependent  upon  Prince  Maurice.  On  the  other  hand  Lan- 
gerac professed  unbounded  and  almost  childlike  reverence 
for  Barneveld,4  was  devoted  to  his  person,  and  breathed  as 
it  were  only  through  his  inspiration.  Time  would  show 
whether  those  sentiments  would  outlast  every  possible 
storm. 


"...  ende  daerinne  met  geboechde 
armen  als  een  Paauw  te  pronken," 
&c.— "  Stukken  rakende,"  &c.  (MS. 
before  cited.) 


2  MS.  Hague  Archives. 

s  Ouvre,  213. 

4  MS.  before  cited. 


1614.  WEAKNESS  OF  THE  EULEE  OF  FEANCE.  373 


CHAPTER    X. 

Weakness  of  the  Rulers  of  France  and  England  —  The  Wisdom  of  Barneveld 
inspires  Jealousy  —  Sir  Dudley  Carleton  succeeds  Win  wood  —  Young 
Neuburg  under  the  Guidance  of  Maximilian  —  Barneveld  strives  to  have 
the  Treaty  of  Xanten  enforced  —  Spain  and  the  Emperor  wish  to  make 
the  States  abandon  their  Position  with  regard  to  the  Duchies — The 
French  Government  refuses  to  aid  the  States  —  Spain  and  the  Emperor 
•resolve  to  hold  Wesel — The  great  Eeligious  War  begun— The  Protestant 
Union  and  Catholic  League  both  wish  to  secure  the  Border  Provinces — 
Troubles  in  Turkey  —  Spanish  Fleet  seizes  La  Roche  —  Spain  places  large 
Armies  on  a  War  Footing. 

FEW  things  are  stranger  in  history  than  the  apathy  with 
which  the  wide  designs  of  the  Catholic  party  were  at  that 
moment  regarded.  The  preparations  for  the  immense 
struggle  which  posterity  learned  to  call  the  Thirty  Years' 
War,  and  to  shudder  when  speaking  of  it,  were  going  for- 
ward on  every  side.  In  truth  the  war  had  really  begun,  yet 
those  most  deeply  menaced  by  it  at  the  outset  looked  on 
with  innocent  calmness  because  their  own  roofs  were  not 
quite  yet  in  a  blaze.  The  passage  of  arms  in  the  duchies, 
the  outlines  of  which  have  just  been  indicated,  and  which 
.was  the  natural  sequel  of  the  campaign  carried  out  four 
years  earlier  on  the  same  territory,  had  been  ended  by  a 
mockery.  In  France,  reduced  almost  to  imbecility  by  the 
absence  of  a  guiding  brain  during  a  long  minority,  fallen 
under  the  distaff  of  a  dowager  both  weak  and  wicked, 
distracted  by  the  intrigues  and  quarrels  of  a  swarm  of  self- 
seeking  grandees,  and  with  all  its  offices,  from  highest  to 
lowest,  of  court,  state,  jurisprudence,  and  magistracy,  sold 
as  openly  and  as  cynically  as  the  commonest  wares,  there 


374 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAKNEVELD.         CHAP.  X. 


were  few  to  comprehend  or  to  grapple  with  the  danger.1  It 
should  have  seemed  obvious  to  the  meanest  capacity  in  the 
kingdom  that  the  great  house  of  Austria,  reigning  supreme 
in  Spain  and  in  Germany,  could  not  be  allowed  to  crush  the 
Duke  of  Savoy  on  the  one  side,  and  Bohemia,  Moravia,  and 
the  Netherlands  on  the  other  without  danger  of  subjection 
for  France.  Yet  the  aim  of  the  Queen-Regent  was  to  culti- 
vate an  impossible  alliance  with  her  inevitable  foe. 

And  in  England,  ruled  as  it  then  was  with  no  master 
mind  to  enforce  against  its  sovereign  the  great  lessons  of 
policy,  internal  and  external,  on  which  its  welfare  and  almost 
its  imperial  existence  depended,  the  only  ambition  of  those 
who  could  make  their  opinions  felt  was  to  pursue  the  same 
impossibility,  intimate  alliance  with  the  universal  foe. 

Any  man  with  slightest  pretensions  to  statesmanship 
knew  that  the  liberty  for  Protestant  worship  in  Imperial 
Germany,  extorted  by  force,  had  been  given  reluctantly, 
and  would  be  valid  only  as  long  as  that  force  could  still 
be  exerted  or  should  remain  obviously  in  reserve.  The 
"  Majesty  Letter  "  and  the  "  Convention  "  of  the  two  religions 
would  prove  as  flimsy  as  the  parchment  on  which  they  were 
engrossed,  the  Protestant  churches  built  under  that  sanction 
would  be  shattered  like  glass,  if  once  the  Catholic  rulers 
could  feel  their  hands  as  clear  as  their  consciences  would  be 
for  violating  their  sworn  faith  to  heretics.  Men  knew,  even 
if  the  easy-going  and  uxorious  emperor,  into  which  character 
the  once  busy  and  turbulent  Archduke  Matthias  had  sub- 
sided, might  be  willing  to  keep  his  pledges,  that  Ferdinand 


"  Tutti  li  officii  e  servigii,"  eays 
Pietro  Contarini, '  Relazione  di  Fran- 
da,  1613-1616,'  "detla  casa  del  re 
Bino  agli  ultimi  valletti,  tutti  li  carichi 
militari  per  cgni  magistral!  di  gius- 
tizia  si  vendono  e  col  pagarsi  per 
questo  certa  annua  imposizione  che 
chiamono  la  stolletta  possono  anco 
disponerno  dopo  la  vita ;  cio  causa  die 


non  le  persone  di  merito  non  quelle 
che  travagliano,  ma  solo  chi  puo  com- 
prare  ha  posto  nelli  carichi  e  nelli 
primi  servigii  del  regno,  dove  ben 
spesso  li  meno  atti  ed  idonei  sono  li 
preferiti  e  da  questo  accidente  av- 
viene  che  il  re  e  mal  visto  rubato  e  la 
giustizia  mal  aministrata,"  &c.  Ba- 
rozzi  and  Berchet. 


1614.          WEAKNESS  OF  THE  RULER  OF  ENGLAND.  375 

of  Styria,  who  would  soon  succeed  him,  and  Maximilian  of 
Bavaria  were  men  who  knew  their  own  minds,  and  had 
mentally  never  resigned  one  inch  of  the  ground  which 
Protestantism  imagined  itself  to  have  conquered. 

These  things  seem  plain  as  daylight  to  all  who  look  back 
upon  them  through  the  long  vista  of  the  past ;  but  the 
sovereign  of  England  did  not  see  them  or  did  not  choose  to 
see  them.  He  saw  only  the  Infanta  and  her  two  millions  of 
dowry,  and  he  knew  that  by  calling  Parliament  together  to 
ask  subsidies  for  an  anti-Catholic  war  he  should  ruin  those 
golden  matrimonial  prospects  for  his  son,  while  encouraging 
those  "  shoemakers/'  his  subjects,  to  go  beyond  their  "  last/' 
by  consulting  the  representatives  of  his  people  on  matters 
pertaining  to  the  mysteries  of  government.  He  was  slowly 
digging  the  grave  of  the  monarchy  and  building  the  scaffold 
of  his  son  ;  but  he  did  his  work  with  a  laborious  and  pedantic 
trifling,  when  really  engaged  in  state  affairs,  most  amazing 
to  contemplate.  He  had  no  penny  to  give  to  the  cause  in 
which  his  nearest  relatives  were  so  deeply  involved  and  for 
which  his  only  possible  allies  were  pledged ;  but  he  was 
ready  to  give  advice  to  all  parties,  and  with  ludicrous  gravity 
imagined  himself  playing  the  umpire  between  great  con- 
tending hosts,  when  in  reality  he  was  only  playing  the  fool 
at  the  beck  of  masters  before  whom  he  quaked. 

"  You  are  not  to  vilipend  my  counsel,"  said  he  one  day 
to  a  foreign  envoy.  "  I  am  neither  a  camel  nor  an  ass  to 
take  up  all  this  work  on  my  shoulders.  Where  would  you 
find  another  king  as  willing  to  do  it  as  I  am  ?  "  l 

The  King  had  little  time  and  no  money  to  give  to  serve 
his  own  family  and  allies  and  the  cause  of  Protestantism, 
but  he  could  squander  vast  sums  upon  worthless  favourites, 
and  consume  reams  of  paper  on  controverted  points  of 

1  Q.  W.  Vrecde,  Extract  from  a  MS.  Report  of  F.  Aerssens.    (Prov- 
Utrecht  Archivca) 


376  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BAKNEVELD.        CHAP.  X. 

divinity.  The  appointment  of  Vorstius  to  the  chair  of  theo- 
logy in  Leyden  aroused  more  indignation  in  his  bosom,  and 
occupied  more  of  his  time,  than  the  conquests  of  Spinola 
in  the  duchies,  and  the  menaces  of  Spain  against  Savoy  and 
Bohemia.  He  perpetually  preached  moderation  to  the 
States  in  the  matter  of  the  debateable  territory,  although 
moderation  at  that  moment  meant  submission  to  the  House 
of  Austria.  He  chose  to  affect  confidence  in  the  good  faith 
of  those  who  were  playing  a  comedy  by  which  no  statesman 
could  be  deceived,  but  which  had  secured  the  approbation  of 
the  Solomon  of  the  age. 

But  there  was  one  man  who  was  not  deceived.  The 
warnings  and  the  lamentations  of  Barneveld  sound  to  us 
out  of  that  far  distant  time  like  the  voice  of  an  inspired 
prophet.  It  is  possible  that  a  portion  of  the  wrath  to  come 
might  have  been  averted  had  there  been  many  men  in  high 
places  to  heed  his  voice.  I  do  not  wish  to  exaggerate  the 
power  and  wisdom  of  the  man,  nor  to  set  him  forth  as  one  of 
the  greatest  heroes  of  history.  But  posterity  has  done  far 
less  than  justice  to  a  statesman  and  sage  who  wielded  a  vast 
influence  at  a  most  critical  period  in  the  fate  of  Christendom, 
and  uniformly  wielded  it  to  promote  the  cause  of  temperate 
human  liberty,  both  political  and  religious.  Viewed  by  the 
light  of  two  centuries  and  a  half  of  additional  experience, 
he  may  appear  to  have  made  mistakes,  but  none  that  were 
necessarily  disastrous  or  even  mischievous.  Compared  with 
the  prevailing  idea  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived,  his  schemes 
of  polity  seem  to  dilate  into  large  dimensions,  his  sentiments 
of  religious  freedom,  however  limited  to  our  modern  ideas, 
mark  an  epoch  in  human  progress,  and  in  regard  to  the 
general  commonwealth  of  Christendom,  of  which  he  was  so 
leading  a  citizen,  the  part  he  played  was  a  lofty  one.  No 
man  certainly  understood  the  tendency  of  his  age  more 
exactly,  took  a  broader  and  more  comprehensive  view  than 


1614    THE  WISDOM  OF  BAKNEVELD  CAUSES  JEALOUSY.     377 

he  did  of  the  policy  necessary  to  preserve  the  largest  portion 
of  the  results  of  the  past  three-quarters  of  a  century,  or 
had  pondered  the  relative  value  of  great  conflicting  forces 
more  skilfully.  Had  his  counsels  been  always  followed,  had 
illustrious  birth  placed  him  virtually  upon  a  throne,  as  was 
the  case  with  William  the  Silent,  and  thus  allowed  him 
occasionally  to  carry  out  the  designs  of  a  great  mind  with 
almost  despotic  authority,  it  might  have  been  better  for  the 
world.  But  in  that  age  it  was  royal  blood  alone  that  could 
command  unflinching  obedience  without  exciting  personal 
rivalry.  Men  quailed  before  his  majestic  intellect,  but  hated 
him  for  the  power  which  was  its  necessary  result.  They 
already  felt  a  stupid  delight  in  cavilling  at  his  pedigree. 
To  dispute  his  claim  to  a  place  among  the  ancient 
nobility  to  which  he  was  an  honour  was  to  revenge  them- 
selves for  the  rank  he  unquestionably  possessed  side  by  side 
in  all  but  birth  with  the  kings  and  rulers  of  the  world. 
Whether  envy  and  jealousy  be  vices  more  incident  to  the 
republican  form  of  government  than  to  other  political 
systems  may  be  an  open  question.  But  it  is  no  question 
whatever  that  Barneveld's  every  footstep  from  this  period 
forward  was  dogged  by  envy  as  patient  as  it  was  devouring. 
Jealousy  stuck  to  him  like  his  shadow.  We  have  examined 
the  relations  which  existed  between  Winwood  and  himself; 
we  have  seen  that  ambassador,  now  secretary  of  state  for 
James,  never  weary  in  denouncing  the  Advocate's  haughti- 
ness and  grim  resolution  to  govern  the  country  according  to 
its  laws  rather  than  at  the  dictate  of  a  foreign  sovereign, 
and  in  flinging  forth  malicious  insinuations  in  regard  to  his 
relations  to  Spain.  The  man  whose  every  hour  was  devoted 
— in  spite  of  a  thousand  obstacles  strewn  by  stupidity, 
treachery,  and  apathy,  as  well  as  by  envy,  hatred,  and 
bigotry — to  the  organizing  of  a  grand  and  universal  league 
of  Protestantism  against  Spain,  and  to  rolling  up  with 


378  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  X. 

strenuous  and  sometimes  despairing  arms  a  dead  mountain 
weight,  ever  ready  to  fall  back  upon  and  crush  him,  was 
accused  in  dark  and  mysterious  whispers,  soon  to  grow  louder 
and  bolder,  of  a  treacherous  inclination  for  Spain. 

There  is  nothing  less  surprising  nor  more  sickening  for 
those  who  observe  public  life,  and  wish  to  retain  faith  in 
the  human  species,  than  the  almost  infinite  power  of  the 
meanest  of  passions. 

The  Advocate  was  obliged  at  the  very  outset  of  Langerac's 
mission  to  France  to  give  him  a  warning  on  this  subject. 

"Should  her  Majesty  make  kindly  mention  of  me,"  he 
said,  "  you  will  say  nothing  of  it  in  your  despatches  as  you 
did  in  your  last,  although  I  am  sure  with  the  best  intentions. 
It  profits  me  not,  and  many  take  umbrage  at  it ;  wherefore 
it  is  wise  to  forbear." 

But  this  was  a  trifle.  By  and  by  there  would  be  many 
to  take  umbrage  at  every  whisper  in  his  favour,  whether 
from  crowned  heads  or  from  the  simplest  in  the  social  scale. 
Meantime  he  instructed  the  Ambassador,  without  paying 
heed  to  personal  compliments  to  his  chief,  to  do  his  best  to 
keep  the  French  government  out  of  the  hands  of  Spain,  and 
with  that  object  in  view  to  smooth  over  the  differences  be- 
tween the  two  great  parties  in  the  kingdom,  and  to  gain  the 
confidence,  if  possible,  of  Conde  and  Nevers  and  Bouillon, 
while  never  failing  in  straightforward  respect  and  loyal 
friendship  to  the  Queen -Kegent  and  her  ministers,  as  the 
legitimate  heads  of  the  government. 

From  England  a  new  ambassador  was  soon  to  take  the 

place  of  Win  wood.     Sir  Dudley  Carleton  was  a  diplomatist 

Jan.      of  respectable  abilities,  and  well  trained  to  business 

1615-     and  routine.     Perhaps  on  the  whole  there  was  none 

other,  in  that  epoch  of  official  mediocrity,  more  competent 

than  he  to  fill  what  was  then  certainly  the  most  important 

of  foreign  posts.     His  course  of  life  had  in  no  wise  fami- 


1615.       SIR  DUDLEY  CARLETON  SUCCEEDS  WINWOOD.        37D 

liarized  him  with  the  intricacies  of  the  Dutch  constitution, 
nor  could  the  diplomatic  profession,  combined  with  a  long  re- 
sidence at  Venice,  be  deemed  especially  favourable  for  deep 
studies  of  the  mysteries  of  predestination.  Yet  he  would 
be  found  ready  at  the  bidding  of  his  master  to  grapple  with 
Grotius  and  Barneveld  on  the  field  of  history  and  law,  and 
thread  with  Uytenbogaert  or  Taurinus  all  the  subtleties  of 
Arminianism  and  Gomarism  as  if  he  had  been  half  his  life 
both  a  regular  practitioner  at  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
Hague  and  professor  of  theology  at  the  University  of  Leyden. 
Whether  the  triumphs  achieved  in  such  encounters  were 
substantial  and  due  entirely  to  his  own  genius  might  be 
doubtful.  At  all  events  he  had  a  sovereign  behind  him 
who  was  incapable  of  making  a  mistake  on  any  subject. 

"  You  shall  not  forget,"  said  James  in  his  instructions  to 
Sir  Dudley,  "  that  you  are  the  minister  of  that  master  whom 

God  hath  made  the  sole  protector  of  his  religion and 

you  may  let  fall  how  hateful  the  maintaining  of  erroneous 
opinions  is  to  the  majesty  of  God  and  how  displeasing  to 
us."  l 

The  warlike  operations  of  1614  had  been  ended  by  the 
abortive  peace  of  Xanten.  The  two  rival  pretenders  to 
the  duchies  were  to  halve  the  territory,  drawing  lots  for  the 
first  choice,  all  foreign  troops  were  to  be  withdrawn,  and  a 
pledge  was  to  be  given  that  no  fortress  should  be  placed  in 
the  hands  of  any  power.  But  Spain  at  the  last  moment  had 
refused  to  sanction  the  treaty,  and  everything  was  remitted 
to  what  might  be  exactly  described  as  a  state  of  sixes  and 
sevens.  Subsequently  it  was  hoped  that  the  States'  troops 
might  be  induced  to  withdraw  simultaneously  with  the 
Catholic  forces  on  an  undertaking  by  Spinola  that  there 
should  be  no  re-occupation  of  the  disputed  territory  either 
by  the  Republic  or  by  Spain.  But  Barneveld  accurately 
1  '  Carleton's  Letters '  (London,  1780),  p.  6. 


380  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.  CHAP.  X. 

pointed  out  that,  although  the  Marquis  was  a  splendid  com- 
mander and,  so  long  as  he  was  at  the  head  of  the  armies,  a 
most  powerful  potentate,  he  might  be  superseded  at  any 
moment.  Count  Bucquoy,  for  example,  might  suddenly 
appear  in  his  place  and  refuse  to  "be  bound  by  any  military 
arrangement  of  his  predecessor.  Then  the  Archduke  pro- 
posed to  give  a  guarantee  that  in  case  of  a  mutual  with- 
drawal there  should  be  no  return  of  the  troops,  no  recapture 
of  garrisons.  But  Barneveld,  speaking  for  the  States,  liked 
not  the  security.  The  Archduke  was  but  the  puppet  of 
Spain,  and  Spain  had  no  part  in  the  guarantee.  She  held 
the  strings,  and  might  cause  him  at  any  moment  to  play 
what  pranks  she  chose.  It  would  be  the  easiest  thing  in  the 
world  for  despotic  Spain,  so  the  Advocate  thought,  to  re- 
appear suddenly  in  force  again  at  a  moment's  notice  after 
the  States'  troops  had  been  withdrawn  and  partially  dis- 
banded, and  it  would  be  difficult  for  the  many-headed  and 
many-tongued  republic  to  act  with  similar  promptness.  To 
withdraw  without  a  guarantee  from  Spain  to  the  Treaty 
of  Xanten,  which  had  once  been  signed,  sealed,  and  all  but 
ratified,  would  be  to  give  up  fifty  points  in  the  game. 
Nothing  but  disaster  could  ensue.  The  Advocate  as  leader 
in  all  these  negotiations  and  correspondence  was  ever 
actuated  by  the  favourite  quotation  of  William  the  Silent 
from  Demosthenes,  that  the  safest  citadel  against  an  invader 
and  a  tyrant  is  distrust.  And  he  always  distrusted  in  these 
dealings,  for  he  was  sure  the  Spanish  cabinet  was  trying 
to  make  fools  of  the  States,  and  there  were  many  ready  to 
assist  it  in  the  task.  Now  that  one  of  the  pretenders,  tem- 
porary master  of  half  the  duchies,  the  Prince  of  Neuburg, 
had  espoused  both  Catholicism  and  the  sister  of  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Cologne  and  the  Duke  of  Bavaria,  it  would  be  more 
safe  than  ever  for  Spain  to  make  a  temporary  withdrawal. 
Maximilian  of  Bavaria  was  beyond  all  question  the  ablest 


1615.        NEUBURG  UNDER  GUIDANCE  OF  MAXIMILIAN.        381 

and  most  determined  leader  of  the  Catholic  party  in 
Germany,  and  the  most  straightforward  and  sincere.  No 
man  before  or  since  his  epoch  had,  like  him,  been  destined 
to  refuse,  and  more  than  once  refuse,  the  Imperial  crown.1 

Through  his  apostasy  the  Prince  of  Neuburg  was  in 
danger  of  losing  his  hereditary  estates,  his  brothers  en- 
deavouring to  dispossess  him  on  the  ground  of  the  late  duke's 
will,  disinheriting  any  one  of  his  heirs  who  should  become  a 
convert  to  Catholicism.  He  had  accordingly  implored  aid 
from  the  King  of  Spain.  Archduke  Albert  had  urged  Philip 
to  render  such  assistance  as  a  matter  of  justice,  and  the 
Emperor  had  naturally  declared  that  the  whole  right  as 
eldest  son  belonged,  notwithstanding  the  will,  to  the  Prince.2 

With  the  young  Neuburg  accordingly  under  the  able 
guidance  of  Maximilian,  it  was  not  likely  that  the  grasp  of 
the  Spanish  party  upon  these  all-important  territories  would 
be  really  loosened.  The  Emperor  still  claimed  the  right  to 
decide  among  the  candidates  and  to  hold  the  provinces  under 
sequestration  till  the  decision  should  be  made — that  was 
to  say,  until  the  Greek  Kalends.  The  original  attempt  to  do 
this  through  Archduke  Leopold  had  been  thwarted,  as  we 
have  seen,  by  the  prompt  movements  of  Maurice  sustained 
by  the  policy  of  Barneveld.  The  Advocate  was  resolved 
that  the  Emperor's  name  should  not  be  mentioned  either 
in  the  preamble  or  body  of  the  treaty.  And  his  course 
throughout  the  simulations,  which  were  never  negotiations, 
was  perpetually  baffled  as  much  by  the  easiness  and  languor 
of  liis  allies  as  the  ingenuity  of  the  enemy. 

He  was  reproached  with  the  loss  of  Wesel,  that  Geneva  of 
the  Rhino,  which  would  never  be  abandoned  by  Spain  if  it 
was  not  done  forthwith.  Let  Spain  guarantee  the  Treaty  of 
Xanten,  he  said,  and  then  she  cannot  come  back.  All  else 

1  Viflf,  Gindelv,  '  Gcsch.  desdreissirriuhr.  KriegR,'  vol.  i.  passim. 
»  Archduke  Albert  to  Philip  III.     (Archives  of  Belgium  MS.) 


382 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD. 


CHAP.  X. 


is  illusion.  Moreover,  the  Emperor  had  given  positive  orders 
that  Wesel  should  not  be  given  up.1  He  was  assured  by 
Villeroy  that  France  would  never  put  on  her  harness  for 
Aachen,  that  cradle  of  Protestantism.  That  was  for  the 
States-General  to  do,  whom  it  so  much  more  nearly  con- 
cerned. The  whole  aim  of  Bameveld  was  not  to  destroy 
the  Treaty  of  Xanten,  but  to  enforce  it  in  the  only  way  in 
which  it  could  be  enforced,  by  the  guarantee  of  Spain.  So 
secured,  it  would  be  a  barrier  in  the  universal  war  of  religion 
which  he  foresaw  was  soon  to  break  out.  But  it  was  the 
resolve  of  Spain,  instead  of  pledging  herself  to  the  treaty,  to 
establish  the  legal  control  of  the  territory  in  the  hand  of  the 
Emperor.  Neuburg  complained  that  Philip  in  writing  to 
him  did  not  give  him  the  title  of  Duke  of  Jiilich  and  Cleve, 
although  he  had  been  placed  in  possession  of  those  estates  by 
the  arms  of  Spain.  Philip,  referring  to  Archduke  Albert  for 
his  opinion  on  this  subject,  was  advised  that,  as  the  Emperor 
had  not  given  Neuburg  the  investiture  of  the  duchies,  the 
King  was  quite  right  in  refusing  him  the  title.  Even 
should  the  Treaty  of  Xanten  be  executed,  neither  he  nor 
the  Elector  of  Brandenburg  would  be  anything  but  ad- 
ministrators until  the  question  of  right  was  decided  by  the 
Emperor.2 

Spain  had  sent  Neuburg  the  Order  of  the  Golden  Fleece 3 
as  a  reward  for  his  conversion,  but  did  not  intend  him  to  be 
anything  but  a  man  of  straw  in  the  territories  which  he 
claimed  by  sovereign  right.  They  were  to  form  a  permanent 
bulwark  to  the  Empire,  to  Spain,  and  to  Catholicism. 

Barneveld  of  course  could  never  see  the  secret  letters 
passing  between  Brussels  and  Madrid,  but  his  insight  into 


"...  que  no  se  restituisse  Wesel 
y  assi  ae  distrizo  la  Junta  quedando 
cada  una  en  su  posesion."  (MS. 
Archives  of  Belgium.  A  paper  en- 
titled "  Memoria  para  informar  al  Mro 
de  Campo  D.  Inigo  de  Borsa,"  &c.) 


2  Philip  III.  to  Archdnke  Albert, 
17  April   1615.     (Bel?.   Arch.   MS.) 
Archduke  Albert  to  Philip  III.,  July 
1615.    (Belg.  Arch.  MS.) 

3  Same  to  same,  1  Feb.  1615.  (Belg. 
Arch.  MS.) 


1615.      ENDEAVOUR  TO  ENFORCE  TREATY  OF  XANTEN.      383 

the  purposes  of  the  enemy  was  almost  as  acute  as  if  the 
correspondence  of  Philip  and  Albert  had  been  in  the  pigeon- 
holes of  his  writing-desk  in  the  Kneuterdyk. 

The  whole  object  of  Spain  and  the  Emperor,  acting 
through  the  Archduke,  was  to  force  the  States  to  abandon 
then:  positions  in  the  duchies  simultaneously  with  the  with- 
drawal of  the  Spanish  troops,  and  to  be  satisfied  with  a  bare 
convention  between  themselves  and  Archduke  Albert  that 
there  should  be  no  renewed  occupation  by  either  party. 
Barneveld,  rinding  it  impossible  to  get  Spam  upon  the 
treaty,  was  resolved  that  at  least  the  two  mediating  powers, 
their  great  allies,  the  sovereigns  of  Great  Britain  and  France, 
should  guarantee  the  convention,  and  that  the  promises  of 
the  Archduke  should  be  made  to  them.  This  was  steadily 
refused  by  Spain ;  for  the  Archduke  never  moved  an  inch 
in  the  matter  except  according  to  the  orders  of  Spain,  and 
besides  battling  and  buffeting  with  the  Archduke,  Barne- 
veld was  constantly  deafened  with  the  clamour  of  the 
English  king,  who  always  declared  Spain  to  be  in  the  right 
whatever  she  did,  and  forced  to  endure  with  what  patience  he 
might  the  goading  of  that  King's  envoy.  France,  on  the 
other  hand,  supported  the  States  as  firmly  as  could  have 
been  reasonably  expected. 

"  We  proposed,"  said  the  Archduke,  instructing  an  envoy 
whom  he  was  sending  to  Madrid  with  detailed  accounts  of 
these  negotiations,1  "  that  the  promise  should  be  made  to 
each  other  as  usual  in  treaties.  But  the  Hollanders  said  the 
promise  should  be  made  to  the  Kings  of  France  and  England, 
at  which  the  Emperor  would  have  been  deeply  offended,2  as 
if  in  the  affair  he  was  of  no  account  at  all.  At  any  moment 
by  this  arrangement  in  concert  with  France  and  England 
the  Hollanders  might  walk  in  and  do  what  they  liked." 

1  ' '  Memoria  para  informar  al  Mro  de  Carapo  D.  Inlffo  de  Borsa  do  la  qn.  ha 
pasado  on  cl  neg^  de  Jullicre,"  &c.    (Belg.  Arch.  MS.) 
*  "offcndidisaitno." 


384  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OP  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  X- 

Certainly  there  could  have  been  no  succincter  eulogy  of 
the  policy  steadily  recommended,  as  we  shall  have  occasion 
to  see,  by  Barneveld.  Had  he  on  this  critical  occasion 
been  backed  by  England  and  France  combined,  Spain  would 
have  been  forced  to  beat  a  retreat,  and  Protestantism  in  the 
great  general  war  just  beginning  would  have  had  an  enor- 
mous advantage  in  position.  But  the  English  Solomon 
could  not  see  the  wisdom  of  this  policy.  "  The  King  of 
England  says  we  are  right,"  continued  the  Archduke,  "  and 
has  ordered  his  ambassador  to  insist  on  our  view.  The 
French  ambassador  here  says  that  his  colleague  at  the 
Hague  has  similar  instructions,  but  admits  that  he  has 
not  acted  up  to  them.  There  is  not  much  chance  of  the 
Hollanders  changing.  It  would  be  well  that  the  King  should 
send  a  written  ultimatum  that  the  Hollanders  should  sign 
the  convention  which  we  propose.  If  they  don't  agree,  the 
world  at  least  will  see  that  it  is  not  we  who  are  in  fault."  1 

The  world  would  see,  and  would  never  have  forgiven  a 
statesman  in  the  position  of  Barneveld,  had  he  accepted 
a  bald  agreement  from  a  subordinate  like  the  Archduke,  a 
perfectly  insignificant  personage  in  the  great  drama  then 
enacting,  and  given  up  guarantees  both  from  the  Archduke's 
master  and  from  the  two  great  allies  of  the  Republic.  He 
stood  out  manfully  against  Spain  and  England  at  every 
hazard,  and  under  a  pelting  storm  of  obloquy,  and  this  was 
the  man  whose  designs  the  English  secretary  of  state  had 
dared  to  describe  "  as  of  no  other  nature  than  to  cause  the 
Provinces  to  relapse  into  the  hands  of  Spain/' ' 

It  appeared  too  a  little  later  that  Barneveld's  influence 
with  the  French  government,  owing  to  his  judicious  support 
of  it  so  long  as  it  was  a  government,  had  been  decidedly 
successful.  Drugged  as  France  was  by  the  Spanish  marriage 

J  "  Memoria  para  infonnar  al  Mro  de  Campo  Don  Inigo  de  Borsa."  (MS. 
before  cited,  Arch.  Belg.)  9  Vide  antea. 


1G15.  FHANCE  REFUSES  TO  AID  THE  STATES.  385 

treaty,  she  was  yet  not  so  sluggish  nor  spell-bound  as  the 
King  of  Great  Britain. 

'•'France  will  not  urge  upon  the  Hollanders  to  execute 
the  proposal  as  we  made  it,"  wrote  the  Archduke  to  the 
King,  "  so  negotiations  are  at  a  standstill.  The  Hollanders 
say  it  is  better  that  each  party  should  remain  with  what 
each  possesses.  So  that  if  it  does  not  come  to  blows,  and  if 
these  insolences  go  on  as  they  have  done,  the  Hollanders 
will  be  gaming  and  occupying  moro  territory  every  day." 1 

Thus  once  more  the  ancient  enemies  and  masters  of  the 
Kepublic  were  making  the  eulogy  of  the  Dutch  statesman. 
It  was  impossible  at  present  for  the  States  to  regain  Wesel, 
nor  that  other  early  stronghold  of  the  Reformation,  the  old 
Imperial  city  of  Aachen  (Aix-la-Chapellc).  The  price  to  be 
paid  was  too  exorbitant. 

The  French  government  had  persistently  refused  to  assist 
the  States  and  possessory  princes  in  the  recovery  of  this 
stronghold.  The  Queen-Regent  was  afraid  of  offending 
Spain,  .although  her  government  had  induced  the  citizens  of 
the  place  to  make  the  treaty  now  violated  by  that  country. 
The  Dutch  ambassador  had  been  instructed  categorically 
to  enquire  whether  their  Majesties  meant  to  assist  Aachen 
and  the  princes  if  attacked  by  the  Archdukes.  "  No,"  said 
Villeroy  ;  "  we  are  not  interested  in  Aachen,  'tis  too  far  off. 
Let  them  look  for  assistance  to  those  who  advised  their 
mutiny." 

To  the  Ambassador's  remonstrance  that  France  was  both 
interested  in  and  pledged  to  them,  the  Secretary  of  State 
replied,  "  We  made  the  treaty  through  compassion  and  love, 
but  we  shall  not  put  on  harness  for  Aachen.  Don't  think  it. 
You,  the  States  and  the  United  Provinces,  may  assist  them 
if  you  like." 

The  Envoy  then  reminded  the  Minister  that  the  States- 

1  Albert  to  Philip  III.  29  Doc.  1015.    (Arch.  Belg.  MS.) 
VOL.   I.  2  0 


386 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  2. 


General  had  always  agreed  to  go  forward  evenly  in  this 
business  with  the  Kings  of  Great  Britain  and  France  and 
tho  united  princes,  the  matter  being  of  equal  importance 
to  all.  They  had  given  no  further  pledge  than  this  to  the 
Union. 

It  was  plain,  however,  that  France  was  determined  not  to 
lift  a  finger  at  that  moment.  The  Duke  of  Bouillon  and  those 
acting  with  him  had  tried  hard  to  induce  their  Majesties 
"to  write  seriously  to  the  Archduke  in  order  at  least  to 
intimidate  him  by  stiff  talk,"  1  but  it  was  hopeless.  They 
thought  it  was  not  a  time  then  to  quarrel  with  their 
neighbour  and  give  offence  to  Spain. 

So  the  stiff  talk  was  omitted,  and  the  Archduke  was  not 
intimidated.  The  man  who  had  so  often  intimidated  him 
was  in  his  grave,  and  his  widow  was  occupied  iu  marrying 
her  son  to  the  Infanta.  "  These  are  the  first-fruits,"  said 
Aerssens,  "  of  the  new  negotiations  with  Spain." 2 

Both  the  Spanish  king  and  the  Emperor  were  resolved  to 
hold  Wesel  to  the  very  last.  Until  the  States  should  retire 
from  all  their  positions  on  the  bare  word  of  the  Archduke, 
that  the  Spanish  forces  once  withdrawn  would  never  return, 
the  Protestants  of  those  two  cities  must  suffer.  There  was 
no  help  for  it.  To  save  them  would  be  to  abandon  all.  For 
no  true  statesman  could  be  so  ingenuous  as  thus  to  throw  all 
the  cards  on  the  table  for  the  Spanish  and  Imperial  cabinet 
to  shuffle  them  at  pleasure  for  a  new  deal.  The  Duke  of 
Neuburg,  now  Catholic  and  especially  protected  by  Spain,  had 
become,  instead  of  a  pretender  with  more  or  less  law  on  his 
side,  a  mere  standard-bearer  and  agent  of  the  Great  Catholic 
League  in  the  debateable  land.  He  was  to  be  supported  at 
all  hazard  by  the  Spanish  forces,  according  to  the  express 


1  Aerssens  to  States-General,  18 
Feb.  1612.  (Hague  Archives  MS.) 
"  Serieuselyk  aeu  den  Ertshertog  te 


schryven  om  ten  minsten  door  het 
styf  spreken  Iiem  t'  intimidereu,"  &c. 
*  Ibid 


CPAIN  AND  EMPEROR  RESOLVED  TO  HOLD  WESEL.    387 

command  of  Philip's  government,  especially  now  that  his 
two  brothers  with  the  countenance  of  the  States  were  dis- 
puting his  right  to  his  hereditary  dominions  in  Germany.1 

The  Archduke  was  sullen  enough  at  what  he  called  the 
weakmindedness  of  France.  Notwithstanding  that  by  ex- 
press orders  from  Spain  he  had  sent  5000  troops  2  under 
command  of  Juan  de  Rivas  to  the  Queen's  assistance  just 
before  the  peace  of  Sainte-Menehould,  he  could  not  induce 
her  government  to  take  the  firm  part  which  the  English 
king  did  in  browbeating  the  Hollanders. 

"  'Tis  certain,"  he  complained,  "  that  if,  instead  of  this 
sluggishness  on  the  part  of  France,  they  had  done  us  there 
the  same  good  services  we  have  had  from  England,  the  Hol- 
landers would  have  accepted  the  promise  just  as  it  was 
proposed  by  us." 3  He  implored  the  King,  therefore,  to  use 
his  strongest  influence  with  the  French  government  that 
it  should  strenuously  intervene  with  the  Hollanders,  and 
compel  them  to  sign  the  proposal  which  they  rejected. 
"  There  is  no  means  of  composition  if  France  does  not  oblige 
them  to  sign,"  said  Albert  rather  pitcousl}7-. 

But  it  was  not  without  reason  that  Barneveld  had  in 
many  of  his  letters  instructed  the  States'  ambassador,  Lan- 
gcrac,  "to  caress  tho  old  gentleman"  (meaning  and  never 


1  "  .  .  .  y  eiendo  el  Nicwburg 
en  esto  nog"  do  la  calidad  q.  V.  A. 
pondera  justamu  obliga  mucho  a  no 
dexallo  caer,  pues  los  herrn0*  do  N. 
c-oran  favorecidos  de  los  do  O'anda 
y  Zel"  para  sus  intentos,  y  assi  devo 
V.  A.  poner  muy  particular  cuydado 
en  q.  en  los  conciertos  q.  EG  tratan 
con  ocasion  de  lo  do  Juiiers,  quede 
nsegur4"  todo  antes  do  resolver  lo  do 
"Wesel;  paes  de  otra  manera,  ei  B3 
soltasse  de  la  mano  lo  q.  so  tiene  ein 
quedar  resgnardo,  BO  entreria  en  nuc- 
vos  cuyda<los  y  trubajos  con  mucha 
dudade  salir,  con  lo  q.  agora  so  puc.le 
de  teniendo  los  conciertos  do  VVeeel, 
en  quo  es  bien  do  creer  prevendra 
V.  A.  lo  quo  convenga,  pues  podrian 


Olandeses  con  la  gpnto  q.  han  eacado 
en  campana  ya  tomando  plazas,  y  assi 
siendo  necessario,  ordenara  V.  A.  al 
inarq.  Spinola  q.  traga  con  egso  ex'* 
los  miamos  movimientos  q.  hiziera  el 
enemigo,"  &c.  Philip  III.  to  Arch- 
dnko  Albert,  20  Sept.  1615.  (Arch. 
Belg.  MS.) 

*  Philip  III.  to  Archduke  Albert, 
17  April  1015.  (Arch.  Belg.  MS.) 

3  "  floxedad  con  q.  BO  ha  procedido 
do  parto  do  Francia,  teniendo  for 
cicrto  q.  si  huvieran  hecho  los  oficioa 
q.  de  la  parto  d.  Inglat*,  admit ieran 
los  Olandeses  la  promesa  propucsta 
I/or  nos." — "Instrucion  jior  D.  Inigo 
dc  Borsa."  (Arch.  Belg.  MS.) 


S88  THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.         CHAP.  X 

naming  Villeroy),  for  he  would  prove  to  be  in  spite  of  all 
obstacles  a  good  friend  to  the  States,  as  he  always  had  been. 
And  Villeroy  did  hold  firm.  Whether  the  Archduke  was 
right  or  not  in  his  conviction,  that,  if  France  would  only 
unite  with  England  in  exerting  a  strong  pressure  on  the 
Hollanders,  they  would  evacuate  the  duchies,  and. so  give 
up  the  game,  the  correspondence  of  Barneveld  shows  very 
accurately.  But  the  Archduke,  of  course,  had  not  seen  that 
correspondence. 

The  Advocate  knew  what  was  plotting,  what  was  impend- 
ing, what  was  actually  accomplished,  for  he  was  accustomed 
to  sweep  the  whole  horizon  with  an  anxious  and  comprehen- 
sive glance.  He  knew  without  requiring  to  read  the  secret 
letters  of  the  enemy  that  vast  preparations  for  an  extensive 
war  against  the  Eeformation  were  already  completed.  The 
movements  in  the  duchies  were  the  first  drops  of  a  coming 
deluge.  The  great  religious  war  which  was  to  last  a  gene- 
ration of  mankind  had  already  begun ;  the  immediate  and 
apparent  pretext  being  a  little  disputed  succession  to  some 
petty  sovereignties,  the  true  cause  being  the  necessity  for 
each  great  party — the  Protestant  Union  and  the  Catholic 
League — to  secure  these  border  provinces,  the  possession  of 
which  would  be  of  such  inestimable  advantage  to  either. 
If  nothing  decisive  occurred  in  the  year  1614,  the  following 
year  would  still  be  more  convenient  for  the  League.  There 
had  been  troubles  in  Turkey.  The  Grand  Vizier  had  been 
murdered.  The  Sultan  was  engaged  in  a  war  with  Persia. 
There  was  no  eastern  bulwark  in  Europe  to  the  ever 
menacing  power  of  the  Turk  and  of  Mahometanism  in  Europe 
save  Hungary  alone.  Supported  and  ruled  as  that  king- 
dom was  by  the  House  of  Austria,  the  temper  of  the  popu- 
lations of  Germany  had  become  such  as  to  make  it  doubtful 
in  the  present  conflict  of  religious  opinions  between  them 
and  their  rulers  whether  the  Turk  or  the  Spaniard  would 


1615.  THE  GREAT  RELIGIOUS  WAR  BEGUN.  389 

be  most  odious  as  an  invader.  But  for  the  moment,  Spain 
and  the  Emperor  had  their  hands  free.  They  were  not  in 
danger  of  an  attack  from  helow  the  Danube.  Moreover,  the 
Spanish  fleet  had  been  achieving  considerable  successes  on 
the  Barbary  coast,  having  seized  La  Roche,  and  one  or  two 
important  citadels,  useful  both  against  the  corsairs  and 
against  sudden  attacks  by  sea  from  the  Turk.  There  were 
at  least  100,000  men  on  a  war  footing  ready  to  take  the 
field  at  command  of  the  two  branches  of  the  House  of 
Austria,  Spanish  and  German.  In  the  little  war  about  Mont- 
serrat,  Savoy  was  on  the  point  of  being  crushed,  and  Savoy 
was  by  position  and  policy  the  only  possible  ally,  in  the 
south,  of  the  Netherlands  and  of  Protestant  Germany. 

While  professing  the  most  pacific  sentiments  towards  the 
States,  and  a  profound  anxiety  to  withdraw  his  troops  from 
their  borders,  the  King  of  Spain,  besides  daily  increasing 
those  forces,  had  just  raised  4,000,000  ducats,  a  lo,rge  portion 
of  which  was  lodged  with  his  bankers  in  Brussels.  Deeds 
like  those  were  of  more  significance  than  sufarec'  vords. 


BND    OF    VOL.    J. 


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